Turkish Studies

Published by Taylor & Francis (Routledge)
Online ISSN: 1468-3849
Publications
Article
The study assesses the socioeconomic impact of the recent crisis in Turkey which started in the financial sector but soon made its presence felt in a wide range of other spheres. It argues that the impact of the crisis should be examined against the background of the neoliberal policies that have been in force since 1980 and the momentum of powerful structural factors most of which carried over from an even earlier period. After a brief discussion of the main conceptual and statistical difficulties confronted in assessing and isolating the impact of the crisis, the study investigates its effect in spheres such as production, employment, unemployment, wages, poverty, and income distribution and draws attention to its negative impact. To have a more complete view of its overall impact, the study also considers the response of the government, international organizations, and households to the crisis.
 
Article
When Turkey began its accession negotiations with the European Union on 3 October 2005, this constituted an important turning point for Turkey’s relations with the EU and for Turkish socio-political transformation. This paper poses the following questions; is there a Europeanisation of Turkish foreign policy as a result of Turkey’s accession negotiations with the EU? If so, then what are the main areas and limits in which Europeanisation of Turkish foreign policy has occurred? This paper answers these questions by providing a background on Europeanisation, firstly by differentiating between the member states and the candidate countries, and secondly by analysing the Europeanisation of Turkish foreign policy through an investigation of the changes in Turkish foreign policy since 1999 with regards to the CFSP, NATO-EU cooperation and Middle Eastern neighbors.
 
Article
This paper analyzes the patient characteristics that affect the choice between public and private health care providers in Istanbul, Turkey. In addition to socioeconomic variables, such as insurance status or income, which have often been considered in the previous literature, we also focus on another factor, the availability of social networks, which might determine ease of access to hospital services in developing countries. The analysis is based on data from a household survey conducted in Istanbul. The econometric results indicate that potential social ties play an important role in choosing public health care centers over private ones for minor health problems. As public facilities have long been characterized by long waiting lines even for appointments for medical exams, this finding indicates that households who possess higher levels of social networks might be using those in easing access to public facilities.
 
Article
Recent archaeological findings indicate that the Hellenistic and Roman economy was a specialized market economy that obtained levels of factor productivity that appear to be on a par with levels current on the eve of the Industrial Revolution. This raises the question when that economy began to form. The present paper shows that the most likely dating for the ‘birth of the European economy was the middle third of the first millennium BC. It attributes the knitting of trans-European connections to advances in marine technology in the Middle Bronze Age, the discovery and exploitation of the Iberian silver deposits as specie for the Middle Eastern economies, the advent of iron, and the development of the wine trade between the Mediterranean and Eastern Europe. The final factor was the spread of alphabetic writing. Each of these developments has an independent history, suggesting that early European integration was in many respects the product of a random concatenation of quite distinct causes, rather than the joint outcome of a general cause like population growth or changing property rights institutions.
 
Article
This article analyzes shifting patterns of confrontation and consensus between adherents of three Turkish political camps: Kemalists, Islamists, and liberals. It is argued that their proclivity to cooperate or clash is a function of how domestic and international forces impinge upon their respective understandings of secularism and pluralism. From 2002 to 2005, an Islamist-liberal consensus, supported by pro-EU Kemalists, drove EU accession-oriented reform. This consensus collapsed by late 2005 due, at the domestic level, to debates over the Islamic headscarf and Article 301 of the Turkish penal code, and at the international level, to worsening EU-Turkey relations and the altered geo-strategic balance in the Middle East. These developments fueled a Kemalist-Islamist confrontation over secularism while providing for a common Kemalist-Islamist position on national identity politics. Since Kemalists control the state and Islamists the government, the Islamist-Kemalist clash over secularism and consensus over identity politics has excluded liberal views from the policymaking process, effectively halting reform.
 
Article
The Turkish Republic's policy on music during the 1930s is explored and the events leading to the closure of a unique yet short-lived music magazine Nota which published 37 issues in the 1930s. The founding years of Turkey were characterized by reforms in the cultural sphere including music as part of a modernizing and Westernizing strategy. These reforms were, however, challenged by a handful of skilled musicians as well as by the audiences traditional Ottoman music.
 
Article
During the Balkans' crisis of the early 1990s, there were domestic attempts to influence Turkish policy by such ideas as neo-Ottomanism, Islamism and pan-Turkish nationalism. Nevertheless, Turkey's strategy was mainly shaped by national interests and special emphasis on remaining with the Western consensus on issues concerning Yugoslavia and the war in Bosnia. While Turkey came to voice criticisms on the shortcomings of Western policy, it did not break with the predominant approach of its allies.
 
Article
This article attempts to answer the question of what made the Turkish threats in the 1998 October crisis with Syria different from all others made over the last two decades and the main reasons for Hafiz al-Asad's capitulation to them. Using prospect theory, this article argues that it was not the changing balance of power or the deterring effect of the Turkish-Israeli cooperation that brought about Turkish resolve and Syrian capitulation at the end of the crisis, but Asad's domestic policy constraints and health problems.
 
Article
The July 2007 general elections took place in an atmosphere of polarization around debates concerning the changing nature of the Turkish political regime. The election victory for the incumbent Justice and Development Party (AKP) seemed to depend on two competing sources of influence upon voters in their choice for political parties. One was primarily long-term ideological orientations built on left-right self-placement, religiosity, and conservatism. The other was relatively short-term evaluations of government performance, especially on the economic front. This essay evaluates these two branches of influence upon voters' choice, using survey data collected before and after the July election.
 
Article
Since the European Commission's 1993 favorable Opinion on Cyprus, the European Union (EU) has consistently upheld the view that the prospect of accession to the EU would be a catalyst for settling conflict on the island. Yet between the mid-1990s and late 2001, the Cyprus situation steadily deteriorated while all parties' positions hardened. This article argues that this was the direct result of a misconceived EU policy and suggests how the EU could still play a positive role in encouraging negotiations on this dispute.
 
Article
This contribution analyzes recent European Union (EU) policies toward Turkey's candidacy for membership, with special attention to US-European differences on this issue, the interplay between prospective membership in the EU and Turkey's security needs, and the relationship between Turkey and the projected European Security Defence Policy. It seeks to understand the challenges Turkey faces in balancing steps necessary for accession against the risks such steps pose for internal cohesion and regional security. It provides an interpretive overview of developments that changed EU policies toward Turkey's candidacy for membership, with a special focus on European and US differences on this issue as well as implications for Turkish government policy. It reviews developments from the December 1997 Luxembourg summit (when the EU, in effect, "rejected" Turkey's request for accession) to the December 1999 Helsinki summit (at which the EU reversed that decision and made Turkey a candidate state). Turkey's vulnerability to external threats; and US and EU (especially German, French and Greek) perceptions of Turkey's role relative to their post cold war security interests is then examined. It looks at two key issues regarding Turkish membership: the form an Accession Partnership Document (APD) with Turkey would take and whether the EU would endorse it; and the European Security Defence Policy (ESDP), the role Turkey would play in it, and whether NATO would endorse it. Finally, it attempts to understand the challenges Turkey faces in balancing the steps necessary to begin negotiations for accession against the risks such steps pose for internal cohesion and regional security.
 
Article
The Turkish political system has experienced myriad changes since its transition to democracy in 1983, including a shift in labor's role. Although only studied infrequently, labor constitutes an important arena of Turkish politics. This essay investigates the historical development of Turkish labor, with particular focus on its transformation since the mid-1980s. The essay argues that the threefold shift in the political strategies, the socioeconomic structure, and the ideo-intellectual attitude of labor has turned it into an important actor in Turkish democratization.
 
Article
This essay examines the history and nature of Greek-Turkish disputes in the Aegean and their prospect for resolution. The first section identifies major obstacles to the settlement of the Aegean disputes that emerged specifically as a result of historic distrust between the two states and then addresses intrinsic obstacles to settling these disputes. The second section explores positive developments in relations between the two countries since 1999 and the final section explores the real characteristics of such developments in order to assess what these developments portend for removing obstacles to settlement. In this way, it is possible to comprehend whether the improvements suggest a real prospect for settling the Aegean disputes through dialogue.
 
Article
Among developing countries, Turkey has been a front runner in the transition to the competitive democratic system. Nevertheless, its political system has also experienced a cyclical pattern of authoritarian regressions and democratic breakdowns. Judging on the basis of key institutions for a democratic regime, such as political parties, it is hard to call Turkish democracy consolidated and stable.
 
Article
The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has become an effective and highly dynamic force in Turkish politics. The short time span between its sudden birth and its rise to power, as well as its remarkable achievements in economic and social reforms as part of the process towards European integration, has drawn a lot of attention to the party. It is important to investigate the circumstances in which the party was born, the interests it represents, and the political space it is likely to fill. In order to do that, the AKP will be first analyzed by an approach based on the argument that political parties, identities, and discourses do not develop independently from political, societal, and historical realities through which new threats, opportunities, interests, and knowledge are formed. Second, it will be argued that political parties have their own momentum and dynamism in terms of their historical continuity and the socialization of their leaders and adherents. Turkey, despite the continuity of its historical memory, is undergoing a radical social transformation. By interpreting the AKP in the context of these transformations, a representative picture of its dynamic and contextual (deterministic) existence can be drawn out. The article concludes that the AKP is neither a political design of its leaders and conditions, nor is it a political becoming understood and shaped by public perceptions and expectations; it is both.
 
Article
This contribution focuses on how the issue of EU membership has affected the domestic political debates in Turkey in the context of the Copenhagen political criteria. It concentrates on the period since the Helsinki summit, where Turkey was granted official candidacy status. This analysis seeks to unveil the bottlenecks within the government concerning the political Copenhagen conditions and discusses the positions of the coalition partners. After presenting a background and history to recent EU-Turkish relations, it evaluates the progress reports of the EU and subsequently the political discourse in Turkey since 1999. Finally, the contribution concludes by linking the Turkish domestic discourse to discussions in the EU and other candidate countries.
 
Article
The spread of western democracy to non-western societies has raised important questions. The liberal aspects of western democracy and its correlation with civil society and NGOs have yielded unexpected results in non-western settings. This study investigates the theoretical conditions and qualifications of a pro-democracy civil society, particularly outside the West. This theoretical framework is then tested through the examination of a spectrum of civil society in Turkey. Although Turkey has elements of civil society in abundance, their qualitative impact on political life is relatively trivial. Turkey's official ideology should be made more flexible, the control of politics by the military should be minimized, and the education system should be reformed substantially in order to increase the contributions of civil society to democratization.
 
Article
The modernization of Turkey is usually covered as a process primarily generated after the foundation of the Turkish republic. This is a clearly simplistic image that neglects to bring in the continuities between the nineteenth-century Tanzimat reforms and the Republic itself. These continuities may even be traced to the earlier rise of a Turkish bureaucratic class (circa 1780). Another aspect of this simplification is that it neglects the type of institution building policy that goes back to the reign of Sultan Abdulhamid II (r. 1876–1909) and the type of synthesis between Islam and modernity that was promoted by an intellectual elite between 1908 and 1923.
 
Article
This essay examines late Ottoman and Turkish perceptions of Europe from a number of perspectives. A key concept in this regard is identity and a key coordinating relationship is that between Europe and the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey. This historical relationship has been played out within global processes. The essay opens with an introduction to Turkish identity and Europe. In particular, the dangers of locating Turkish identity as a constant are noted and the construction of "Europe," or what Europe means, is challenged. The second part of the essay focuses on the historical relationship between Turkey and Europe. The analysis then proceeds to classify Islam, particularly political Islam in Turkey. The essay concludes by looking at European identity and some key Turkish perceptions of Europe.
 
Article
This article systematically examines the EU's demands on Turkey in order to qualify for EU membership. It examines the underlying motives on the part of EU states as well as Turkish perceptions and responses regarding each point. Finally, it considers how both sides could work to modify the conditions and to implement them more effectively.
 
Article
Based on a critical examination of Turkey's privatization experience during the 1990s from a comparative perspective, the study tries to confront the larger question of why some countries have been quite successful in undertaking large-scale privatization, while others have not. Three central, interrelated influences are highlighted: the executive authority's strength and coherence, the depth of economic and political crises experienced prior to implementing the privatization program, and the external environment. Special attention is directed toward a key new institution, the Turkish Privatization Administration, the underlying logic of which is very close to similar highly centralized institutions in Latin American countries dominated by presidential styles of decision-making. The Turkish experience testifies, however, that such institutions cannot perform successfully in political environments characterized by fragmented party systems and weak executive authority, at least in the absence of a major state fiscal crisis and resulting pressures from the international community for large-scale privatization and reform.
 
Article
In the post-cold war era, Europeans developed a comprehensive approach to emerging regional security problems in the European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Western European Union (WEU): the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). Turkey's veto in NATO against guaranteeing that organization's assets for EU-led operations was the main stumbling block for ESDP. An agreement that addressed Turkey's concerns removed that barrier, but then Greece objected to the deal. This article discusses Turkish foreign and security policy in the context of the EU and NATO and the evolution of the ESDP.
 
Article
Since the end of the Gulf War in 1991, Turkey has been faced with new challenges, originating from developments in northern Iraq. As an unintended result of the sanctions' regime imposed on Baghdad, and following the establishment of the no-entry zone above the 36th parallel, a de facto Kurdish autonomous region came into being. Fearing that the continuation of sanctions might lead to the emergence of a Kurdish state, Turkey hoped that a strong central authority in Baghdad, irrespective of its leadership, could avoid this outcome. This study suggests that if Turkey made use of the Turkoman factor in northern Iraq as a balancing factor against the secessionist claims of Kurds, it would be in a more advantageous position to achieve its goals.
 
Article
Notwithstanding his enormous influence on the grassroots of the Turkish nationalist movement in its Islamic turn in the 1970s, Seyyid Ahmet Arvasi, a staunch nationalist and a pious Muslim at the same time, has remained an understudied intellectual. His oeuvre is left largely unexplored. He is either too simply associated with Türk-İslam Sentezi [Turkish-Islamic Synthesis] or treated as if the sole outcome of his intellectual labor was his three-volume Türk-İslam Ülküsü [Turkish-Islamic Ideal]. This article seeks to remedy this situation by studying critically his views on the particular issue of Turkish nationalism and Islam nexus based on his writings in their entirety.
 
Article
With its automobile exports measured in millions of units annually, Turkey has become one of the top automobile producing nations in Europe. The current state of the Turkish motor vehicle industry stands in contrast to its modest origins, which can be traced back to the early years of the Cold War. In the 1950s, a private company ventured into the business of assembling Willy's Jeeps in Turkey. The early developmental trajectory of the Turkish automobile manufacturing resembled the experiences of many other countries that resorted to import substitution to reduce foreign currency dependency for automobile imports. However, it differed significantly from others in two ways. First, it was not undertaken in response to a coordinated government policy, but rather as a one-off private initiative. Second, it was justified in the context of the Cold War military and strategic requirements. In other words, it stands out among its contemporaries in terms of the prominence of military and defense considerations that shaped US and Turkish military views on a private venture during the Cold War. Although the Jeep assembly experience in Turkey ended in failure, its products had remained in service in the Turkish Army for nearly 50 years, surviving the Cold War and beyond. The experience also left its deep imprint on Turkey's pursuit of an indigenously designed and manufactured automobile.
 
Article
This article evaluates foreign policy change under the Justice and Development Party (JDP). After examining the concept of change in foreign policy analysis and in the literature on Turkish foreign policy, the article offers an approach to visa regimes as significant indicators of change in foreign policy. It first provides a qualitative analysis of Turkish visa policies in comparison to those of the European Union (EU) and shows that, after a brief period of convergence, Turkish visa policies have increasingly diverged from the EU. Subsequently, by way of analyzing the incoming mobility of foreign nationals, first the JDP era is compared to its predecessors. Then, two distinct eras within JDP's period of rule are identified and compared. It concludes that, while there are differences between the JDP and the previous eras, the most significant change occurs between the first and second JDP governments.
 
Article
This paper analyzes the politics of the Turkish state about “Turks abroad” as a process of defining the status of and constructing the perceptions about its transnational members. Falling back on transnationalism and diaspora studies, it aims to bring together the policies of the Turkish state regarding emigrants and co-ethnics who have been stranded during the collapse of the empire from which the modern state emerged. From the point of view of the sending state/external homeland, it compares the different trajectories and policies which have been put in place during different periods, and traces the parallel actions which have been taken over the last two decades regarding both constellations. The paper also investigates the way in which the extra-territorial membership is constructed and defined—by putting emphasis on its fluidity over time as a result of endogenous and exogenous factors.
 
Article
This essay analyzes the views of the governments of Greece and Cyprus towards the question of Turkish membership in the European Union. Specifically, it shows that fundamental differences have emerged in the way in which the two perceive the benefits of Turkish engagement with the EU. For Greece, Turkish accession is seen as a transformative process. For the Greek Cypriots, the process of Turkish accession is viewed as a form of leverage. Moreover, and contrary to the prevailing view in certain quarters, there is no evidence of Greek collusion in Greek Cypriot thinking. Indeed, the ability of the Greek government to influence the Greek Cypriot leadership is rather limited.
 
Article
Afghanistan has been the global epicenter of heroin production for the past decade. Heroin networks and drug lords present a principal impediment to security, state building, and democratic governance. Beyond the national boundaries, Afghan-originated heroin creates enormous challenges for international security by financing terrorism, instigating corruption, killing nearly 100,000 users worldwide every year, undermining public order, and debilitating economic development. The devastating impacts of the Afghan heroin trade have spilled over into Southwest Asia, Central Asia, Russia, China, the Balkans, and Europe. Because Turkey stands on the shortest transit pathway between Southwest Asia and Europe, it is intensively exposed to illicit flows of Afghan heroin along the Balkan Route. Transnational crime syndicates have been exploiting Turkish territories for decades for the purpose of trafficking heroin to European markets. This paper discusses Afghan heroin as an international security conundrum. It further seeks to explore the dimensions of the threat in Turkey, new patterns in heroin trafficking, and profiles and operation modes of transnational syndicates. The analyses are based upon the scrutiny of important case files, national seizure database, and annual KOM provincial questionnaires. In conclusion, the paper puts forward policy recommendations for security elites both in Turkey and in other states affected by the illicit trade of Afghan heroin.
 
Article
The Turkish economy has gradually liberalized and has become integrated into the regional and global economies since the 1980s. This article analyzes how the Turkish public evaluates the integration of the Turkish economy into the global economy, in particular, increasing trade ties, globalization, greater availability of foreign products and travel opportunities, the impact of multinational companies and international financial institutions. The evidence from Pew Global Attitudes Surveys shows that the Turkish public is overwhelmingly positive about certain changes such as increasing trade and availability of foreign products, whereas they are overwhelmingly negative about others such as the impact of multinationals and of immigration. Regression analyses demonstrate that these attitudes are shaped by individuals' perceptions of whether they have benefited from the liberalization of the economy.
 
Descriptive Statistics of the Total Sample, Emirdag ˘ and Dinar 
(Continued). 
Eumagine Conceptual Framework. 
Logistic Regression (Odds Ratios) 
Article
This article investigates the relevance of the presence of a “culture of migration” and related migration feedback mechanisms for explaining migration aspirations. This study focuses on the districts of Dinar and Emirdağ in Turkey—which have a distinct migration history toward Europe. The question is raised whether and how migration aspirations of potential migrants change according to the presence of a “culture of migration”—living in a migration-impacted region or not. This study relies on data collected in these two regions on the basis of a representative survey and in-depth interviews collected in the context of the EUMAGINE project (2010–13). Migration aspirations in a region characterized by a “culture of migration”—Emirdağ—prove to be significantly lower than that in a similar socioeconomic region, but with no “culture of migration”—Dinar. Perceptions of the economic opportunities in Europe and of the working and living conditions of immigrants in Europe are more negative in the migration-impacted region of Emirdağ than in Dinar. It is interesting to note that the population in Emirdağ has still a similar (positive) vision on the democratic and human rights capital in Europe, as the population in Dinar.
 
Article
Liberal modernists have claimed that democracy requires participation by interested parties in the politics of need interpretation. Poor people, an interested party, may lack the rational and critical language essential for the process of interpretation. This paper discusses a different perspective on the language of participation by the poor. Focusing on the everyday practices of the poor and using information collected from ethnographic research in Sultanbeyli, a low-income district in Istanbul, Turkey, it is shown how discursive power constrains the language and the manner of talking that the poor use to articulate their needs. The people in the district, “former villagers bound to the Anatolian tradition” using religious morality as a justification of their demands, successfully negotiate with administrators of social assistance programs, thus participating directly in the politics of need interpretation.
 
Self-reported Knowledge of French (passive knowledge: understanding) of Turks and Moroccans in BMS Survey 1995 (5)
Disadvantaged neighborhoods in the Brussels Capital Region. For the methodology concerning the identification of disfavored neighborhoods, see Dirk Jacobs and Marc Swyngedouw, "Een nieuwe blik op achtergestelde buurten in het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest" [A New Look at Disfavoured Neighbourhoods in the Brussels Capital Region], Tijdschrift voor Sociologie, Vol.21, No.3 (2000), pp.197-228. 
Interlocking directorates between Turkish associations in the Brussels-Capital Region (1998-2003). Formal associational links between Turkish associations in the Brussels Capital region (1998-2003). Data source: Moniteur Belge/Belgisch Staatsblad. Data collection by Eric Cillessen, Fran Vandenberghe and Dirk Jacobs. Network analysis by Dirk Jacobs. 
Interlocking directorates between Maghrebian associations in the BrusselsCapital region (1998-2003). Data source: Moniteur Belge/Belgisch Staatsblad. Data collection by Tomas Debroyer, Mieke Beckers, Julie Brant and Eric Cillessen. Network analysis by Dirk Jacobs. 
Article
This study addresses the question of the political participation of Turkish immigrants. In general an active participation in the political system of the host country through membership of political parties, through voting, through holding elected office or through civil society activism is considered as almost a sine qua non of complete integration into the host society. The Turkish experience is somewhat puzzling: Turkish immigrants in the European Union tend to have a strong associational life, dense social networks and an important sense of community, which should lead to increased political trust and political involvement. Yet this does not appear to be the case in the Belgian region of Brussels‐Capital. The study discusses (dis)similarities in this context between Turks living in major Western European cities like Amsterdam, Berlin and Brussels, and tries to shed further light on the structure of Turkish associational life in Brussels and the issue of political involvement of the Turkish community in the Belgian and European capital.
 
Testing the Relationship between the Factor "Credibility" and Various Characteristics (Dependent Variable: Credibility Factor)
Testing the Relationship between the Factor "Economic Growth" and Various Characteristics (Dependent Variable: Economic Growth Factor)
Article
Author's Original Previous studies on Turkey’s possible accession to the European Union have mostly focused on the level of support for membership as expressed by Turkish citizens. The purpose of this paper is to shed some light on the specific expectations and perceptions of the Turks about the EU membership process, focusing on economic development, democratic progress, economic and political stability, and cultural influence. In both the focus group studies and the final survey, the authors targeted people who have some knowledge about the EU accession process and EU membership, namely, academics and business people. Aybar, C., Mergen, A., Perotti, V., & Reid, D. (2007). Analysis of Attitudes of Turkish Citizens towards the Effect of European Union Membership on the Economic, Political, and Cultural Environment. Turkish Studies, 8(3), 329-348. doi:10.1080/14683840701489084
 
Article
An internal audit function (IAF) should positively impact financial reporting and governance, and add value to its organization. We provide evidence on IAF factors (i.e., characteristics, activities, work areas) associated with these types of impact and whether these factors, and their influence on various impacts, differ between a developed and an emerging economy (i.e., US, Turkey). Factors positively associated with financial reporting in the US are assurance activities, control work, and competence; in Turkey, significant factors are governance work and competence. For governance, we find that the factors positively associated with it in the US include assurance activities, governance work, and competence; in Turkey the significant factors are governance work and competence. In the US, assurance activities are negatively associated with adding value, while consulting activities, risk work, and control work are positively associated with this measure. In Turkey, only risk work and control work are positively associated with adding value. Finally, several measures of IAF objectivity are not associated with any of our impact measures.
 
Article
This research focuses on the European Union's (EU) public relations and public diplomacy efforts for immigrant integration. It uncovers the relationship between the EU and leaders of Turkish associations in Brussels, Belgium. In-depth interviews with Turkish association leaders reveal the way they see themselves and the Turkish diaspora, how they reflect on their national identities, and their understanding of EU public diplomacy and public relations strategies. The communication strategies Turkish associations use to gather information about immigrant integration and their opinions on EU communication strategies are also studied. In addition, the research investigates whether two-way communication exists between the Turkish associations and the EU, and unveils the strategic communication and public relations strategies the Turkish diaspora uses to influence public policy and to engage in lobbying.
 
Article
Why is it that state-centered recognition of the public sphere has prevailed in Turkey during the last decade? The frame analysis of the “public sphere” discourse during the 2002-2009 period revealed that the contingency of the discourse on the Islamic headscarf issue discouraged an essential understanding of the authentic public sphere. Secularists framed the public sphere as a politically neutral arena that must be protected by the state. By contrast, pro-Islamists initially counter-framed the public sphere positively, in line with the Habermasian definition. Yet, in the face of stiff opposition from the secularists, the pro-Islamists came to adopt a negative counter-frame implying that the public sphere impinged on the freedom of wearing a headscarf. As a result, both the secularists’ and pro-Islamists’ frames entrenched the general recognition of the state-centered public sphere in Turkish society.
 
Article
This article aims to explore the problems of democratic governance of the defense and security sectors in Turkey. In recent years, to democratize its civil–military relations, Turkey has successfully dealt with the first-generation problems of making institutional reforms to eliminate the military's intervention in politics. Democratic civil–military relations, however, cannot be achieved only by getting the military out of politics, but also require the elimination of second-generation problems concerning the democratic governance of the defense and security sectors. In this respect, Turkey faces significant challenges related to its ineffective defense policy-making structures, insufficient parliamentary oversight of the defense and security sectors and civil society's very low level of participation in defense and security debates. Turkey needs to make reforms in these problematic areas in order to democratize its civil–military relations.
 
Article
This article aims to discuss and analyze the emergence and evolution of Turkey's role as a model in the international system in three different periods, 1991–93, 2003–05 and 2010–12. To this end, it methodologically uses the main concepts of role theory: role expectations, role conceptions and role performance. Focusing on K.J. Holsti's example national role conception category in particular, it seeks to reveal the major similarities and differences between the role expectations that have enacted the role conception known as the Turkish model, and compare the impact of these expectations on role performance in each of these three cases. The major argument of the article is that the sustainability of the model's national role conception depends foremost on Turkey's political and economic capabilities that directly influence its role performance.
 
Article
Despite the weakened push by the European Union (EU) conditionality across time, Turkey's Europeanization process continues in a number of areas selectively. Focusing on such a puzzling trend, this article critically examines the role of EU conditionality on Turkey's Europeanization and unpacks domestic drivers of change. The article explores the impact of grassroots actors −Turkish civil society organizations, business interest groups, media and political parties− on domestic change in the last decade and argues that continuing reforms in many areas in an era of limited EU-push are influenced by domestic actors.
 
Article
Turkey, similar to its counterparts in emerging markets, has been aiming to reduce irregular migration effectively and comprehensively with various sets of policies since the 1990s. However, the number of undocumented migrants continues to increase and unregistered foreign employment is as high as ever. This study aims to explain the reasons underlying this conundrum by focusing on the nature of the policies adopted and the characteristics of the target population relying on data collected on a sample of unregistered foreign workers in the textile sector in Istanbul. It argues that the reasons for the limited effectiveness of the policies is attributable to structural factors such as inherent problems with the existing policies for regulating irregular migration and preferences as well as the behavior of the unregistered foreign workers and their employers.
 
Article
The compromise reached as of March 6, 1995, and the 1999 Helsinki European Council within the European Union (EU) framework concerning Turkey and Cyprus confirms the linkage between the Turkish and Cypriot candidatures for membership to the EU. Turkey cannot block the accession of Cyprus to the EU by not contributing to the resolution of the Cyprus conflict. This strategy would jeopardize the accession of Turkey, as well as the accession of Turkish Cypriots. Therefore, the status quo is to the benefit of the Greek Cypriots, who will be able to join the EU even if the Cyprus problem is not settled.
 
Article
Recent democratic performance of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) indicates the dissolution of its original liberal ambiguity in ways that hinder the possibilities of a full-fledged democracy in Turkey. This study finds the explanation in the perpetuation of a specifically Turkish paradigm of democracy/democratization, which has emerged in the early years of the Turkish experiment with democracy and has been reproduced by the Turkish political class ever since. In doing so, the article draws attention to the predominance of a defective conceptualization of democracy, which, while emphasizing the elected government's supremacy over the tutelary state elite, fails to come to terms with the inevitability of political disagreement and the normative imperative of seeking consensus for a positive-sum politics.
 
Article
Democratic peace theory (DPT) and hegemonic stability theory provide different explanations for cooperation among (democratic) states. The Imia/Kardak crisis took place between Greece and Turkey, two democratic, nonnuclear, and interdependent states in the post-Cold War era, thus, offers rare insights into these theorized processes. During this crisis, democratic actors and issues contributed to escalation, whereas war was prevented in the last minute by the coercive diplomacy of the USA. Based on our archival research in Greece and Turkey, our findings pose a challenge to the validity of the DPT for democratic dyads with territorial conflicts.
 
The Effect of Emotions on Political Evaluations 
Political Interest and Seeking Information 
The Effect of Emotions on Premiership Approval 
Article
This paper provides an experimental analysis of the role emotions play in Turkish voters’ political attitudes and behavior with respect to the Syria crisis. By examining the political effects of emotions, this article contributes to the discussion on Turkish voters’ political attitudes and political behavior. Through a simple experimental design, this study shows how incidentally raised emotions on the Syria issue can influence individual attitudes on foreign policy, interest in seeking more information about the issue, and evaluations of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s performance. This article aims to stimulate further research in the literature on the potential effects of emotions in Turkish political behavior.
 
Article
This article seeks to account for the prolonged inability of the Republican People's Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, CHP) to be considered as a credible alternative to the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). Accounting for this is relevant from two perspectives: the emergence of a dominant party system during the AKP decade, and the increased rhetoric and public discourse stressing the “lack of [credible] opposition parties” in the party spectrum. The article attributes the CHP's electoral malaise to a mixture structural and leadership problems specific to the party organization. This argument, however, is placed against the backdrop of the dominant distributive position that the incumbent occupies in Turkey's political arena. The AKP's domination of both national and local government, typified by a service-oriented governing style, serves to undermine not just the CHP's chances of success, but virtually all opposition parties.
 
Article
The general attractiveness of a developing country for foreign investment lies in a number of factors, but the unregistered economy requires particular attention. When preparing to enter a specific market, multinational corporations (MNCs) should take into account the potential effects of the unregistered economy into their business plans and, when needed, they should seek to collaborate with governments to curb those effects. Thus, corporations and policymakers must understand well the dynamics of the unregistered economy’s complex interaction with the larger economy around it. This paper considers the unregistered economy as a key behind-the-scenes parameter affecting foreign direct investment decisions and proposes new frameworks to facilitate understanding of it. One such framework suggests that the unregistered economy is the result of the interaction of institutional, economic, and social factors as well as public and nonpublic actors. Another framework suggests that the consequences of going unregistered are twofold. Unregistered firms destroy themselves by limiting access to resources (the scorpion effect). They also destroy the profitability of registered firms by the unfair competition they create, eventually forcing registered firms either out of business or into the unregistered economy (the infection effect).
 
Article
Turkey is a negotiating candidate for the EU membership. Though the accession negotiations between Turkey and the EU continue in the official sense, in reality, the relations are in a deadlock. It is often argued that Turkey–EU relations have entered a new era since January 2013, and new optimistic comments have emerged. This paper argues that there exists a pull–push balance in the accession process for the EU that normally attracts candidates and makes them more vulnerable to the EU conditions. The success of the political transformation of eastern European states relied to a large extent on the balanced pull–push accession processes. It is argued here that this balance for Turkey has been deteriorated and this fact has made the EU ineffective in transforming Turkish politics and polity. Therefore, this paper argues for the re-establishment of the balance to improve and normalize Turkey–EU relations.
 
Top-cited authors
Ziya Onis
  • Koc University
Ali Çarkoğlu
  • Koc University
Ersin Kalaycioglu
  • Sabanci University
Büşra Bakioğlu
  • Karamanoglu Mehmetbey Üniversitesi
Mustafa Çevik
  • Karamanoglu Mehmetbey Üniversitesi