In August 1862 the Dakota or Eastern Sioux, frustrated at being defrauded by the United States government and at losing their land and livelihood, resorted to armed conflict against the white settlers of southern Minnesota. Gary Clayton Anderson is the first historian to use an ethnohistorical approach to explain why, after more than two centuries of friendly interaction, the bonds of peace between the Dakota and whites suddenly broke apart. In Kinsmen of Another Kind, Anderson shows how the Dakota concept of kinship affected the tribe's complex relationships with the whites. The Dakota were obligated to help their relatives by any means possible. Traders who were adopted or who married into the tribe gained from this relationship--but had reciprocal responsibilities. After the 1820s, the trade in furs declined, more whites moved into the territory, and the Dakota became more economically dependent on the whites. When American traders and officials failed to fulfill their obligations, many Dakotas finally saw the whites as enemies to be driven from Minnesota. This reprint edition of Anderson's work, first published in 1984, provides a new understanding of a complicated period in Minnesota history. "This is a thoughtful, well-argued book, soundly based on the relavent primary sources. It is a major contribution to the history of the eastern Sioux."--Reginald Horsman, Journal of American History "Gary Anderson combines a well-researched narrative of Dakota history until 1862 with a persuasive interpretation of interethnic relations as seen from the Indians' cultural perspective."--Colin G. Calloway, Journal of American Studies In a new introduction, Gary Clayton Anderson, professor of history at the University of Oklahoma, comments on scholarly developments in the field of ethnohistory in the last decade. He is the author of Little Crow, Spokesman for the Sioux and co-editor of Through Dakota Eyes: Narrative Accounts of the Minnesota Indian War of 1862.
This book describes the crucial role missionaries played in the acculturation and "Americanization" of the Cherokee Indians from 1789 to 1839. The book compares the methods, successes, and failures of the Moravians, Presbyterians, Congegrationalists, Baptists, and Methodists in their attempts to Christianize the Cherokees. Each missionary society had its own explanations of Christian theology, and forms and styles of Christian ritual and worship. Missionaries also differed in regional attitudes and political outlooks on such matters as slavery. Missionary schools taught the Cherokees vocational skills, how to read and write English, and how to count and measure. The book discusses the cultural transformation of the Cherokee people in terms of economics, familial roles and kinship, social and ethical orientation, politics, religion, and the shift from an oral to a written tradition. In addition to the Cherokees' own selective adaptations to White culture, the book explores how White culture itself changed during its struggle with the Indians. After 1828, most missionaries found it difficult to defend the policies of their government, which called for the removal of American Indian societies. They discovered that Cherokee civil society was more stable, orderly, just, and concerned for the general welfare than most of the surrounding White settlements and frontier state governments. The book focuses on major events affecting Cherokee acculturation and religious revitalization, including war, tribal division, cultural disruption, and defeat; Cherokee rebirth as farmers, herders, and traders; Cherokee renaissance and nationalistic fervor; and the Cherokee fight for national survival in the East. Includes a bibliography and an index. (LP)
"What an astonishing life and what a remarkable biography. Lewis Barney's sojourn on the hard edge of the American frontier is a forgotten epic. Not only does this book tell of an amazing personal odyssey from his birth in upstate New York in 1808 to his death in Mancos, Colorado, in 1894, but Barney's tale represents a living evocation of some of the most significant themes in American history. Frederick Jackson Turner theorized that the frontier shaped our national character, but Lewis Barney's life stands as a testament to the real impact of the westering experience on a man and his family. Ron Barney's detailed biography of Lewis Barney provides a participant's view of Mormonism's first six decades of controversy, hardship, and triumph, viewed from the bottom of the social heap. Despite his wide-ranging experience and endless sacrifices, Lewis Barney was a worker in the Mormon vineyard, not one of the princes of the Kingdom of God whose lives have been so exhaustively celebrated. Barney's lack of status in this complex hierarchy adds tremendously to the value of this study, since so much nineteenth-century LDS biography has ignored the lives of ordinary people to celebrate a surprisingly small elite whose experiences were far different from those of the general Mormon population." —Will Bagley, editor of the series Kingdom in the West: The Mormons and the American Frontier and editor of The Pioneer Camp of the Saints: The 1846-1847 Mormon Trail Journals of Thomas Bullock.
Winner of the Choice Magazine Outstanding Academic Book Award In the spring of 1868, people from several Ojibwe villages located along the upper Mississippi River were relocated to a new reservation at White Earth, more than 100 miles to the west. In many public declarations that accompanied their forced migration, these people appeared to embrace the move, as well as their conversion to Christianity and the new agrarian lifestyle imposed on them. Beneath this surface piety and apparent acceptance of change, however, lay deep and bitter political divisions that were to define fundamental struggles that shaped Ojibwe society for several generations. In order to reveal the nature and extent of this struggle for legitimacy and authority, To Be The Main Leaders of Our People reconstructs the political and social history of these Minnesota Ojibwe communities between the years 1825 and 1898. Ojibwe political concerns, the thoughts and actions of Ojibwe political leaders, and the operation of the Ojibwe political system define the work's focus. Kugel examines this particular period of time because of its significance to contemporary Ojibwe history. The year 1825, for instance, marked the beginning of a formal alliance with the United States; 1898 represented not an end, but a striking point of continuity, defying the easy categorizations of Native peoples made by non-Indians, especially in the closing years of the nineteenth century. In this volume, the Ojibwe "speak for themselves," as their words were recorded by government officials, Christian missionaries, fur traders, soldiers, lumbermen, homesteaders, and journalists. While they were nearly always recorded in English translation, Ojibwe thoughts, perceptions, concerns, and even humor, clearly emerge. To Be The Main Leaders of Our People expands the parameters of how oral traditions can be used in historical writing and sheds new light on a complex, but critical, series of events in ongoing relations between Native and non-Native people. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------
This book offers an account of 150 years of the American Indian press and includes an overview of the contemporary Indian media. Its goal is to provide a wider perspective than was hitherto available from which to judge the nation's press as a whole. The picture of the establishment press that emerges is not an altogether pleasant one. Historical study indicates that, when Indian news was presented at all, it often contained wholesale misinformation about American Indians. Chapter 1 deals with white editors and their role in the denigration of Indian cultures and despoliation of Indian homelands. Chapters 2 to 4 focus on the development of Indian journalism beginning in 1828 and continuing--through periods of relative strength and bare survival--to the present day. Chapters 5 to 9 look at the American Indian press of the 1970's, when it emerged as stronger and more active than at any other period. By the late 1970's, communications activity was beginning to spill over from print into electronic media. Radio and telecommunications form the material in Chapter 10. Chapter 11 surveys the consolidation of effort in Indian country during the 1970's, in the form of media associations that were starting to give Indians a stronger, more unified voice. Appendix A offers "Indian Press Freedom Guarantees from the United States Commission on Civil Rights," from the American Indian Civil Rights Handbook issued by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. Appendix B is an 1826 address to Whites by Elias Boudinot, a Cherokee Indian, and Appendix C offers a directory of contemporary American Indian print and broadcast media. (TES)
Swedish immigrants tell their own stories in this collection of letters, diaries, and memoirs-a perfect book for those interested in history, immigration, or the daily lives of early American-Swedish settlers. "Barton has fulfilled his great task with an admirable knowledge, breadth of perspective, talent, and prudence. He deserves the title 'the Swedish American of the year,' awarded to him in his ancestor's country in 1988." ââ¬âThe American Historical Review "Open the volume anywhere and we touch life quickened as only the immigrant experience could quicken it." ââ¬âWestern Historical Review "To be sure, this is not the typical book on American immigration history-it is that and more. It is seminal and 'alive' history. It is the people as history and historians. It is special." ââ¬âManuscripta "A fine study that needs to be replicated with other ethnic groups." ââ¬âJournal of American Ethnic History
In the wake of Joseph Smith Jr.'s murder in 1844, his following splintered. Most of the membership ultimately followed Brigham Young to Utah, but smaller groups coalesced around other Mormon leaders. A number of these later combined to form the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, now the Community of Christ. Among those were most of the remaining followers of a maverick Mormon apostle, Lyman Wight. Sometimes called the "Wild Ram of Texas," Wight took his splinter group to frontier Texas, a destination to which Smith, before his murder, had considered moving his followers, who were increasingly unwelcome in the Midwest. He had instructed Wight to take a small band of church members from Wisconsin to establish a Texas colony that would prepare the ground for a mass migration of the membership. Having received these orders directly from Smith, Wight did not believe the former's death changed their significance. If anything, he felt all the more responsible for fulfilling what he believed was a prophet's intention.Antagonism with Brigham Young and the other LDS apostles grew, and Wight refused to join with them or move to their new gathering place in Utah. He and his small congregation pursued their own destiny, becoming an interesting component of the Texas frontier, where they had a significant economic role as early millers and cowboys and a political one as a buffer with the Comanches. Their social and religious practices shared many of the idiosyncracies of the larger Mormon sect, including polygamous marriages, temple rites, and economic cooperatives. Wight was a charismatic but authoritarian and increasingly odd figure, in part because of chemical addictions. His death in 1858 while leading his shrinking number of followers on yet one more migration brought an effective end to his independent church.
This dissertation is a history of segregation and exclusion experienced by non-whites in California public schools. The status of minorities in the schools and the struggle against discrimination are explored, in part, through the study of seven court cases which comprise the core of the dissertation. Each case deals with a particular non-white group's access to public education at a specific period in California history. The aim of the study was to use court conflicts to illuminate the underlying social and educational realities experienced by non-whites in California public schools. The educational status of blacks, Mexicans, Chinese, Japanese and Indians is covered in some detail while that of the Filipino is mentioned briefly. The seven court cases discussed are: 1) Ward v. Flood (1874), 2) Tape v. Hurley (1885), 3) Aoki v. Deane (1906), 4) Piper v. Big Pine (1924), 5) Mendez v. Westminister (1946), 6) Jackson v. Pasadena (1963) and 7) Spangler v. Pasadena (1970). (Author/AM)
As this critical, independent history, which ends with the ordination of one of the first women bishops in the nation, shows, Utah Episcopalians have had, despite small numbers, a remarkably eventful and significant history, which included complex relations with Mormons and Native Americans, early experience of women and homosexuals in the ministry, and a fascinating set of bishops. Among the latter were Daniel Tuttle, a leading figure in Episcopal history; Christian socialist and Social Gospel proponent Frank Spencer Spalding; and Paul Jones, forced to resign because of his pacifism during WWI. Frederick Quinn, an Episcopal priest and historian, is adjunct professor of history at Utah State University and adjunct professor of political science at the University of Utah. His previous books include Democracy at Dawn, Notes From Poland and Points East, a TLS International Book of the Year, and African Saints, Martyrs, and Holy People, a Black Catholic Congress Book of the Month. A former chaplain at Washington National Cathedral, he holds a doctorate in history from the University of California at Los Angeles.
Between 1870 and 1942, successive generations of Asians and Asian Americans#151;predominantly Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino#151;formed the predominant body of workers in the Pacific Coast canned-salmon industry. This study traces the shifts in the ethnic and gender composition of the cannery labor market from its origins through it decline and examines the workers' creation of work cultures and social communities. Resisting the label of cheap laborer, these Asian American workers established formal and informal codes of workplace behavior, negotiated with contractors and recruiters, and formed alliances to organize the workforce. Whether he is discussing Japanese women workers' sharing of child-care responsibilities or the role of Filipino workers in establishing the Cannery and Field Workers Union, Chris Friday portrays Asian and Asian American workers as people who, while enduring oppressive restrictions, continually attempted to shape their own lives. In the series Asian American History and Culture, edited by Sucheng Chan, David Palumbo-Liu, Michael Omi, K. Scott Wong, and Linda Trinh Vo.
This book draws on oral histories, interviews, and tribal records to document 111 years during which Cheyenne and Arapaho children were educated in White ways. Throughout the book, the feelings and experiences of the author and her great-grandmother, White Buffalo Girl, provide personal commentary on historical events. Chapter 1 provides background information on Cheyenne and Arapaho beliefs, symbolism, rituals, spirituality, traditional history, modern history from 1673 to 1867, and traditional educational practices. Chapter 2 describes the role of Protestant, Jesuit, and Franciscan missionaries in the early schooling of American Indians, as well as federal government strategies for solving the "Indian problem." In 1876, for economic reasons, the Cheyenne resigned themselves to placing their children in schools. Chapter 3 traces government policies after 1871, when formal education and forced acculturation were instituted. A sketch of daily life at an industrial education school is given as well as an account of the formation and practices of the Indian School at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and other off-reservation boarding schools. Chapter 4 describes missionary schools from 1877 to 1901. Chapter 5 describes problems and daily life at the Arapaho Manual Labor and Boarding School, the Cheyenne Manual Labor and Boarding School, Red Moon School, Seger Indian Industrial School, Cantonment Boarding School, and the combined Cheyenne-Arapaho School (Concho School). Chapter 6 describes the process, beginning in 1896, of legislating Indians into the public school system by paying tuition, providing land and facilities, employing teachers, or furnishing transportation. The author tells of her early experiences attending a public school and her struggle to retain her tribal identity. Chapter 7 narrates the school experiences of several Cheyennes and Arapahoes. Chapter 8 reports on the tribal education council's organization, policies, and programs, 1960-1982. Chapter 9 summarizes previous chapters and current conditions. Contains an index and a bibliography of unpublished and published primary sources and 78 book and journal secondary sources. (SAS)
With the arrival of the transcontinental railroad in the 1880s came the emergence of a modern and profoundly multicultural New Mexico. Native Americans, working-class Mexicans, elite Hispanos, and black and white newcomers all commingled and interacted in the territory in ways that had not been previously possible. But what did it mean to be white in this multiethnic milieu? And how did ideas of sexuality and racial supremacy shape ideas of citizenry and determine who would govern the region? Coyote Nation considers these questions as it explores how New Mexicans evaluated and categorized racial identities through bodily practices. Where ethnic groups were numerous andâin the wake of miscegenationâoften difficult to discern, the ways one dressed, bathed, spoke, gestured, or even stood were largely instrumental in conveying one's race. Even such practices as cutting one's hair, shopping, drinking alcohol, or embalming a deceased loved one could inextricably link a person to a very specific racial identity. A fascinating history of an extraordinarily plural and polyglot region, Coyote Nation will be of value to historians of race and ethnicity in American culture.
This book traces the history of the Institute of American Indian Arts in Santa Fe, New Mexico. Sections cover four time periods in the evolution of the Institute: the United States Indian Industrial School at Sante Fe, 1890-1932; the Santa Fe Indian School, 1930-62; and the Institute of American Indian Arts, 1962-70 and 1970-78. The United States Indian Industrial School at Santa Fe was opened to University of New Mexico students and to all Indian students in the Southwest in 1890. The school, which was part of the federal boarding school system, sought to provide vocational training that would allow young Indians to manage allotment lands they had received through the Dawes Act. Another purpose of boarding schools was to separate Indians from their families in hopes of breaking tribal ties and hastening acculturation. The Meriam Report of 1928, which evaluated Indian education, found among other deficiencies that the standardized curriculum based on White cultural values was ineffective in educating American Indian students. This report, along with widespread interest in Native American art, opened the door for the introduction of traditional Indian arts in the boarding school curriculum. In 1930 the school changed its name to the Santa Fe Indian School to reflect the school's change in focus. During the next 30 years, the school opened a new arts and crafts building, a painting studio, and initiated other improvements and additions. At the end of this period the arts program was floundering and a new direction was needed, thus in the fall of 1962 the official opening of the Institute of American Indian Arts took place. For the next 19 years, the Institute housed the nation's only all-Indian, all-arts training center. This center, which offered upper secondary and junior college programs, was the first to be controlled and supervised by the federal Indian Arts and Crafts Board, was funded directly by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and was open to all Native Americans. Contains a bibliography and index. (LP)
This thought-provoking study of the Progressive movement traces its rise and decline in Minnesota, its link with the Granger, Farmers Alliance, Populist, and Nonpartisan League traditions, and the tragic divisions created by World War I--especially the loyalty issue.
In the 1920s, thousands of white migrants settled in the Los Angeles suburb of South Gate. Six miles from downtown and adjacent to Watts, South Gate and its neighboring communities served as L.A.'s Detroit, an industrial belt for mass production of cars, tires, steel, and other durable goods. Blue-collar workers built the suburb literally from the ground up, using sweat equity rather than cash to construct their own homes. As Becky M. Nicolaides shows in My Blue Heaven, this ethic of self-reliance and homeownership formed the core of South Gate's identity. With post-World War II economic prosperity, the community's emphasis shifted from building homes to protecting them as residents tried to maintain their standard of living against outside threatsâincluding the growing civil rights movementâthrough grassroots conservative politics based on an ideal of white homeowner rights. As the citizens of South Gate struggled to defend their segregated American Dream of suburban community, they fanned the flames of racial inequality that erupted in the 1965 Watts riots.
The Invisible Empire of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan was in numbers and political influence the most powerful social movement of the 1920s and probably the most significant crusade of the American right-wing. Unlike its predecessor of the Reconstruction period or its descendant of today, this Klan movement was not primarily southern, white supremacist, or terrorist. Preaching a multifaceted program based upon "100 Percent Americanisnm" and militant Protestantism, the secret society ellisted recruits in every section of the nation. Among the strongest Klan organizations were the invisible realms of the West-Colorado, Texas, California, and Oregon. Perhaps as many as six million Americans heeded its call to resist Catholics, Jews, law violators, blacks, and immigrants. The Klan's means of resistance were usually political-the election of trusted men who would assail criminals and regulate minority groups. Boycotts, cross burnings, and night riding tactics were also employed to remind minorities of their place.
The book is the story of the Navajos during the decade of forced stock reduction on the Navajo Reservation. This decade was marked by confusion, frustration, and bitterness on the part of the Navajo Nation. It is of the 1940's, during which the Navajos faced their greatest crisis since their removal to military confinement from 1864 to 1868, that the author writes a personal footnote to Navajo history. He tells a behind-the-scene story of conditions under the heavy hand of bureaucracy, until public notice of the plight of the Navajos finally led Congress to pass the $88 million Navajo-Hopi Rehabilitation Act. During this period as well, Indian life was being subjected to change. In education, welfare, social services, and economic conditions, there was a sense of urgency which the Navajo situation served to emphasize. It was the author's privilege to be involved in some critical areas of Indian affairs during this time. This book is therefore not only the story of the Navajos at the time of their own crisis, but also a reflection of many other aspects of Indian affairs. The 15 chapters go into the economic development, social change, educational development, and cultural background of the people. Also included are 2 appendixes, one of which has 13 tables covering land management and education. The second gives House Concurrent Resolution 108. (FF)
