Southeastern Geographer

Published by Johns Hopkins University Press
Online ISSN: 1549-6929
Publications
Dr. Mitchelson is Assistant Professor of Geography at the University of Georgia in Athens, GA 30602. Dr. Fisher is Associate Professor of Geography at the University of Georgia in Athens, GA 30602. (1) U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1981 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1981), p. 16. (2) U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Population Estimates and Projections, Annual Estimates of the Population of States: July 1, 1970 to 1979, Series P-25, No. 876 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1980). (3) Lowdon Wingo, Jr., Transportation and Urban Land (Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future, 1961); William Alonso, Location and Land Use: Toward a General Theory of Land Rent (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964); Edwin S. Mills, Studies in the Structure of the Urban Economy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press for Resources for the Future, 1972). (4) Brian J. L. Berry and Quentin Gillard, The Changing Shape of Metropolitan America (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Publishing Co., 1977); Edwin S. Mills, "Population Redistribution and the Use of Land and Energy Resources," in B. J. L. Berry and L. P. Silverman (eds.), Population Redistribution and Public Policy (Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, 1980), pp. 50-69; P. Gordon, "Deconcentration Without a 'Clean Break,'" Environment and Planning A, Vol. 11 (1979), pp. 281-289. (5) D. R. Vining, Jr. and A. Strauss, "A Demonstration that the Current Deconcentration of Population in the United States is a Clean Break With the Past," Environment and Planning A, Vol. 9 (1977), pp. 751-758; Glenn V. Fuguitt, Paul R. Voss, and J. C. Doherty, Growth and Change In Rural America (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 1979). (6) Edward J. Taaffe, Howard L. Gauthier, and Thomas A. Maraffa, "Extended Commuting and the Intermetropolitan Periphery," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 70 (1980), pp. 313-329; James S. Fisher and Ronald L. Mitchelson, "Extended and Internal Commuting in the Transformation of the Intermetropolitan Periphery," Economic Geography Vol. 57 (1981), pp. 189-207. (7) Jerald Hage, "A Theory of Nonmetropolitan Growth," in G. F. Summers and A. Selvik (eds.), Nonmetropolitan Industrial Growth and Community Change (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1979), pp. 93-104. (8) T. D. Tregarthen, "If Cities Are So Great, Why Are People Leaving?," Environment and Planning A, Vol. 9 (1977), pp. 1421-1422. (9) The United States Population Data Sheet (Washington, D.C.: Population Reference Bureau, Inc., 1981). (10) Metropolitan areas are redefined by the Census Bureau from time to time as a result of changing population distributions and interactions, e.g., commuting. The definition of metropolitan areas in Georgia that was adopted for the purposes of this study was that used in the 1960 and 1970 censuses. As a result, for the 1980 portion of the data set 17 counties were redefined as nonmetropolitan to maintain consistency with the 1960-1970 definition. (11) Wilbur Zelinsky, "Is Nonmetropolitan America Being Repopulated? The Evidence from Pennsylvania's Minor Civil Divisions," Demography, Vol. 15 (1978), pp. 13-39. (12) David L. Brown and Calvin L. Beale, "Diversity in Post-1970 Population Trends," in A. H. Hawley and S. M. Mazie (eds.), Nonmetropolitan America in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), pp. 27-71. (13) Fisher and Mitchelson, footnote 6. (14) James S. Fisher and Ronald L. Mitchelson, "Forces of Change in the American Settlement Pattern," Geographical Review, Vol. 71 (1981), pp. 298-310. (15) Brown and Beale, footnote 12. (16) U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Manufactures: 1958, 1967, 1977, Vol. 3, Part 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961, 1971, and 1981, respectively). (17) U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Retail Trade: 1977, Vol. 2, Part 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1980); and Census of Business: 1967 and 1958, Vol. 2, Retail Trade Area Statistics, Part 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1970 and 1961, respectively). (18) U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Service Industries, 1977, Vol. 2, Part 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1980...
 
"Southern Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSA) are rated among the nation's leaders in [U.S.] population growth in recent decades. Growth and rankings of MSAs are examined using Pannell's (1974) method. A linear rank-size pattern of cities is revealed, with centers of greatest population growing larger while smaller centers follow with proportionally smaller population changes. A regression model provided some support for the contention that city sizes affect city growth rates. Additional factors in southern metropolitan growth and decline were considered. Introduction of a labor cost factor into the regression model provided moderate support in accounting for variation in MSA growth rates. Several MSAs grew at rates predicted by the regression model while others performed differently than expected. Explanations for variations are presented for selected MSAs."
 
Race, age, and migration status (return/nonreturn) characteristics of migrants who moved to Mississippi from different regions of the US and from different types of places during three months in 1978 and 1979 are examined using drivers' license transfer data (N = 8022). Inferences are made concerning the factors (economic/noneconomic) influencing the migration decisions of Mississippi's inmigrants from different migration origins. Blacks moving to Mississippi from within the south tended to be significantly younger than blacks who moved from the non-south, suggesting that black migration from within the south may be largely a response to economic motivations while a larger proportion of blacks moving from the non-south may be responding to noneconomic motivations. Among whites, older nonreturn migrants appear especially likely to move from large metropolitan areas and to engage in exurban migration.-Author
 
PIP This article examines 3 interrelated components of black migration in the Atlanta metropolitan area: ghetto expansion, white flight, and suburbanization. Aggregate migration data derived from telephone company records for 49 origin and destination zones show ghetto expansion and white flight. Black suburbanization has been less evident, and has been highly restricted to specific areas in south Atlanta. As expected, most households moved short distances. Between 1973 and 1977, over 30,000 migrating black households expanded the predominantly black residential area in Atlanta, conforming to Deskin's 3-phase model of ghetto morphology. The 1st phase is that of the incipient ghetto, the 2nd, the developing ghetto, and the 3rd, the maturing ghetto. The Maturing Ghetto (1970-2000) evolves through 1) a dominant city cluster, 2) a metropolitan cluster, and 3) expansion of the metropolitan cluster. Following this pattern of coalescence, in south Atlanta the black ghetto fans out from the downtown area into the suburbs, and will continue expanding farther south. White Atlanta is decentralizing to the north, northeast and northwest, while black Atlanta is decentralizing to the south, southwest and southeast. Ghetto expansion is part of the decentralization process. Because of its large black population, a truly metrpolitan ghetto exists in south Atlanta, and will continue to expand as white flight opens up housing opportunities for blacks migrating short distances.
 
"Using data from the 1990 Public Use Microdata Samples (PUMS) and other U.S. census documents, this paper demonstrates how three rather dramatic shifts in the migration behavior of blacks, which took shape during the 1970s, continued to contribute to the geographical redistribution of the black population down the urban hierarchy during the 1980s. Analyses of black migration flows into six metropolitan areas suggest that liberal welfare benefits play, at best, a minor role in contemporary black population redistribution trends, kinship ties (i.e., location-specific capital), the search for affordable housing, and employment in the hospitality services industry appear to be the dominant forces influencing black migration into the case-study communities."
 
Dr. Wheeler is Professor of Geography at the University of Georgia in Athens, GA 30602. Mr. Davis is Staff Manager for Southern Bell Telephone Company in Atlanta, GA 30303. (1) See, for example, Peter O. Muller, The Outer City: Geographical Consequences of the Urbanization of the Suburbs (Washington, D.C.: Association of American Geographers, Resource Paper No. 75-2, 1976); and Peter O. Muller, Contemporary Suburban America (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1981). (2) Peter A. Morrison and Judith P. Wheeler, "Rural Renaissance in America? The Revival of Population Growth in Remote Areas," Population Bulletin, Vol. 31 (1976), pp. 3-26; Wilbur Zelinsky, "Is Nonmetropolitan America Being Repopulated? Evidence from Pennsylvania's Minor Civil Divisions," Demography, Vol. 15 (1978), pp. 13-39. (3) Peter A. Morrison, Current Demographic Change in Regions of the United States (Santa Monica, Calif.: The Rand Corporation, 1977); Sidney Goldstein, "Facets of Redistribution: Research Challenges and Opportunities," Demography, Vol. 13 (1976), pp. 423-434; and Brian J. L. Berry and Yehoshua S. Cohen, "Decentralization of Commerce and Industry: The Restructuring of Metropolitan America," in Louis H. Masotti and Jeffrey K. Hadden (eds.), Urbanization of the Suburbs (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1973), pp. 431-454. (4) William Alonso, "The Current Halt in the Metropolitan Phenomenon," in Charles L. Leven (ed.), The Mature Metropolis (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1978), pp. 23-41. (5) Arguments supporting the "clean break" have been put forth by Brian J. L. Berry, "The Counterurbanization Process: Urban America Since 1970," in Brian J. L. Berry (ed.), Urbanization and Counterurbanization (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1976), pp. 17-30; Brian J. L. Berry and Donald C. Dahmann, "Population Redistribution in the United States in the 1970s," Population Development Review, Vol. 3 (1977), pp. 443-471; Kevin F. McCarthy and Peter A. Morrison, "The Changing Demographic and Economic Structure of Nonmetropolitan Areas in the United States," International Regional Science Review, Vol. 2 (1977), pp. 123-142; and D. R. Vining and A. Strauss, "A Demonstration That the Current Deconcentration of Population in the United States is a Clean Break with the Past," Environment and Planning A, Vol. 9 (1977), pp. 751-758. Arguments supporting a continuation of past trends may be found in P. Gordon, "Deconcentration Without a 'Clean Break,'" Environment and Planning A, Vol. 11 (1979), pp. 281-289; and Regional Plan Association, Growth and Settlement in the U.S., Past Trends and Future Issues (New York: Regional Plan Association, RPA Bulletin 124, 1975); T. Falk, "Urban Turnaround in Sweden: The Acceleration of Population Dispersal, 1970-1975," Geo-Journal, Vol. 2 (1978), pp. 27-33; and J. Wardwell, "Equilibrium and Change in Nonmetropolitan Growth," Rural Sociology, Vol. 42 (1977), pp. 156-179. (6) Berry, footnote 5, p. 17. (7) Berry, footnote 5, p. 17. (8) Calvin L. Beale, The Revival of Population Growth in Nonmetropolitan America (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, ERS-605, 1975), p. 7. (9) Gordon, footnote 5, p. 282. (10) Richard L. Morrill, "The Spread of Change in Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Growth in the United States, 1940-1976," Urban Geography, Vol. 1 (1980), pp. 118-129; quotation from p. 118. See also Richard L. Morrill, "Stages in Patterns of Population Concentration and Dispersal," Professional Geographer, Vol. 31 (1979), pp. 55-65. (11) Larry S. Bourne, "Alternative Perspectives on Urban Decline and Population Deconcentration," Urban Geography, Vol. 1 (1980), pp. 39-52. (12) See Roman A. Cybriwsky, "Revitalization Trends in Downtown-Area Neighborhoods," in Stanley D. Brunn and James O. Wheeler (eds.), The American Metropolitan System: Present and Future (London: Edward Arnold, 1980), pp. 21-36; Roman A. Cybriwsky, "Social Aspects of Neighborhood Change," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 68 (1978), pp. 17-34; Robin E. Datel and Dennis J. Dingemans, "Historical Preservation and Urban Change," Urban Geography, Vol. 1 (1980), pp. 229-253; Dennis Dingemans, "Redlining and Mortgage Lending in Sacramento," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 69 (1979), pp. 225-240; Larry Ford, "Historic Preservation and the Sense of Place," Growth and Change, Vol. 5 (1974), pp. 33-38; Larry Ford, "Continuity and Change in Historic Cities: Bath, Chester, and...
 
In the Caribbean, "America" exercises a pull effect which is nearly religious in dimension: it is a total picture of redemption, calling forth an unquestioned faith in its purported virtues and capacity for deliverance; an absolute image inviting total sacrifice and dedication. (1)
 
"This paper explores the theoretical linkages between the recent fertility convergence in the historically high-fertility South and the historically low-fertility North and the well documented Snowbelt-to-Sunbelt migration [in the United States]. It argues that the large scale migration likely played an important role in reducing the North-South fertility differential by homogenizing regional environments and influencing labor markets. The paper suggests that regional fertility theories need to become more sensitive to the effects of internal migration."
 
Malaria was highly prevalent throughout 19th century America. It disappeared, however, from much of the country by the end of the century, before the cause and means of transmission of the disease became known. After describing the ecology of the disease system, its introduction into colonial America and its importance for the settlement, land use, and seasonal migration patterns of the South are discussed. Literature is reviewed concerning its association with frontier conditions of land clearance, waterborne transportation, mobile populations, and poor housing, clothing, and nutrition, and the interruption of the cycle in its more marginal range with the reversal of these features. Studies of water impoundments, mosquito ecology, disease costs, preventive efficiencies of prophylaxis, drainage, adulticide, larvicide, screening, and efforts to control the disease are summarized. Finally, the national mobilization after World War II to eradicate malaria through house spraying with residual insecticide DDT is described. Some implications of the permanent environmental alterations and locally-specific behavioral measures used to break the disease transmission linkage in pre-insecticide America are suggested for efforts to control resurgent malaria world-wide.- Author
 
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 1965. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-164).
 
Between 1910 and 1970, African Americans moved out of the southeastern U.S. in one of the largest movements in human history. Some estimates hold that more than 9 million black Southerners left the South for new lives in the North and West. The migration reached its peak in the 1950s, and began to slow in the 1960s. In the early 1970s, these black migrants and their descendants began coming home to the South, a trend that continues today. This study looks at one region to which many African Americans have returned, the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta. Regions like the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta have been largely ignored in black return migration studies. Much of the work that has been done to document the return migration of blacks to the South has focused on the South's urban areas. What has been neglected is the fact that there is also a significant return of African Americans to the rural South, a region of chronic economic stagnation. While the U.S. Census Bureau collects information on its long forms that can lead the researcher to a better understanding of African American migration processes and place attachments, the data are imperfect and can only provide the backbone of understanding. In an attempt to dig beneath the available data, we employ ethnographic methodology in this study. We focus on the geographic life history of Mrs. Dorothy Mae Scott.
 
Searching for critical information is a fundamental component for most map-reading processes. The mapmaker, therefore, must understand the underlying processes involved in human visual search and consider these processes when designing maps. Color is often used as a tool to clarify maps. To fully understand the use of color and visual search processes, mapmakers need to go beyond subjective techniques for applying color to maps. This entails a deeper understanding based on knowledge of the physical, physiological, and perceptual nature of color and human visual processes. The purpose of this study is to examine the interaction between color and the visual processes people use to search maps. An experiment was designed to determine the effectiveness of color using perceptually unique hues defined by Abramov and Gordon (1994). An analysis of variance on reaction times indicated that color strongly affected visual search, especially if the color was yellow. The Euclidean distance between target color had a significant effect on search time, although it appeared to be nonlinear. Whether the target boundary was based on luminance, hue, or both luminance and hue also had a significant effect on reaction times. In addition, geographers appear to have an advantage over nongeographers when searching for information on maps.
 
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Southern Illinois University, Dept. of Geography. Vita. Bibliography: leaves 81-86.
 
Thesis (Ed. D.)--George Peabody College for Teachers, 1959. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 340-353).
 
Dr. Leigh is Associate Professor of Geography at the University of Georgia, Athens, GA 30602–2502. 1. Lesley Drucker and John Davis coordinated archeological excavations and provided archeological data, including radiocarbon dates, that facilitated this work. Funding for the archeological project was facilitated by the City of Columbia and the U. S. Army Corps of Engineers (Charleston District) as a contract to AF Consultants.
 
Dr. Ingalls is Professor of Geography and Mr. Moore is an M.A. candidate in the Department of Geography and Earth Sciences at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte, Charlotte, NC 28223. 1. There is actually a third, often unstated possibility. Minority districting would be unnecessary or quite difficult to support when it became impossible to identify a legitimate community of interest within the minority population. If, for example, the development of a black middle or upper class resulted in vastly different attitudes on social and political agendas. While in this seems feasible, in practice recent survey data indicates little difference among black voters along social, economic, and political measures (Abrahamson, et al., 1991). 2. We selected 90% since that is the level at which "homogeneous case analysis" is performed in legal challenges where voter polarization is an issue (see Grofman et al., 1992). 3. In this analysis we have used 1960 census tracts for each of the years measured. 4. Given the need for comparison of data across four separate census years, it was necessary for us to base all of our data collection and analysis on the 1960 tracts. These are, of course, much larger units than the current tracts which have split and split again in successive census years. 5. All of Harvey Gantt's election campaigns, whether for city council or mayor, were managed by Mel Watt, who, in 1992, became the incumbent from North Carolina Congressional District 12.
 
The Copper Basin, Tennessee, is unique in the southeastern United States for the extent and persistence of its treeless landscape. Reclamation has been slow and costly, but the basin has finally lost the appearance of a desert and is now green again. Reviewing the environmental history of the Copper Basin since 1847, we find a treeless landscape to have resulted and persisted due to a set of interrelated human activities that included grazing, burning, building, and charcoal-production as well as mining and sulfuric-acid recovery. Reclamation efforts, chronicled in this paper, became increasingly successful after the 1970s as a result of new techniques and sheer effort. Reclamation focused primarily on reducing erosion and downstream sedimentation until recently, when other water quality issues have received increased attention. Changing land ownership in the basin threatens to reverse some of the changes achieved by reclamation projects.
 
Despite the title, From Chicaza to Chickasaw is not merely a book about one of the South’s better known indigenous cultures. Rather, Robbie Ethridge’s ambitious effort revolves around the larger concepts of cultural transformation and emergence in the wake of profound disruption. Beginning with the Spanish entrada led by Hernando de Soto in 1540–1541 and stretching over nearly two hundred years, Ethridge crafts a broad interpretive history of the tumultuous encounter between the Old and New Worlds, placing the Chickasaw amongst the often bewildering array of cultures that emerged from the protohistoric era through the establishment of the colonial South. From Chicaza to Chickasaw begins with an introduction in which Ethridge develops her conceptual framework for interpreting the events, processes, and narratives that transformed the indigenous South in the early colonial period. This framework, the “Mississippian shatter zone”, should be immediately familiar to geographers, but is also appealing to anyone that has wrestled with the complexities of landscape change over extended periods of time. For Ethridge, the shatter zone is “descriptive shorthand” for understanding the broad-based transformations that resulted from the collision of indigenous worlds and the European capitalist and imperial system in North America. She also makes clear that this is a daunting task that requires diligent and creative synthesis of the archaeological record, historical documents, and oral evidence to fully understand the continuities and adaptations that characterized the transformation of the Mississippian world over a period of some two hundred years. Over the course of eight chronological chapters, Ethridge takes the reader on a complex, frequently sobering journey from the Soto expedition through the emergence of modern Native cultures in the early eighteenth century. The first two chapters, in which she mines details from the documentary record left behind by the expedition, offer a wealth of perspective on the Mississippian world at the time of European contact. Anyone seeking a comprehensive overview of the political, social, cultural, and religious frameworks of the indigenous world prior to European contact will be well-served by the concise, effective summation in these two chapters. In Chapter 3 Ethridge begins to expand her consideration of the impacts that followed in the wake of the Spaniards. Notably, the initial fragmentation of Native polities that began with Soto initiated a shift in the political and cultural landscape of the greater South as groups shifted into new arrangements or migrated to new lands. The Coosa are used as one example of the former, and the Chickasaw the latter, as they began their move to the Black Prairie region. Migration is a theme to which Ethridge frequently returns in the book, as the chaos of the early colonial South becomes more profound. Since little is known of the Chickasaw between the Soto expedition and the arrival of the French voyageurs over a century later in the 1680s, Ethridge deploys her familiarity with the historical record to interpolate the Chickasaw into a detailed consideration of political and social change as it affected a wide range of cultural entities throughout the South. Here, the shatter zone concept takes on greater resonance, as Ethridge shifts her focus to the broader regional picture and details the expanding reach of those processes into the interior South. It is now well known that disease, disruption, and cultural erosion were fundamental causes of indigenous population decline and the fragmentation of indigenous peoples throughout the New World. Ethridge acknowledges this fact by skillfully reviewing the role of regional and localized disease episodes throughout the South, including those tied to the pervasive Spanish presence in Florida, but argues that the true mechanism of change was the rise of the slave and deerskin economies, and the subsequent competition and conflicts with which they were associated. Thus Chapters 4 and 5 shift focus to the Atlantic seaboard, where expanding English presence in the late 1600s laid the foundation for the shatter zone. In particular, the introduction of European trade goods, particularly weapons, fostered the rise of militaristic slaving groups amongst Native peoples, which in turn increased the intensity and cycle of slaving. Through detailed consideration of groups such as the Five Nations Iroquois and the Westos, Ethridge demonstrates how internal cultural dynamics were...
 
This paper examines the origins of medicinal plants used on the West Indian island of Montserrat, focusing on circumstances surrounding the introduction of exotic species. Most of the exotic species that became part of the folk pharmacopoeia were introduced within 100 years of English settlement. Despite the early, severe, and continuing disturbance of the island ecosystem, and despite its permanent settlement by Old World peoples, 72% of the species used medicinally are of New World origin. While the population has been dominantly of African derivation since 1700, few plants used medicinally are of African origin.
 
In 1669, eight English noblemen, the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, sponsored an expedition to plant a permanent settlement on the south Atlantic coast of North America, the first step in their plan to transform the undeveloped territory between English Virginia and Spanish Florida into a prosperous agricultural colony. Based on their readings of the travel narratives of two English explorers who had recently plied the Carolina coast, the Proprietors instructed the expedition to settle at Port Royal Sound, an area they valued for its excellent harbor and accessibility to the Atlantic trading world. Upon arrival at Port Royal, however, the threat of hostile Indians and Spaniards led the colonists to perceive the low-lying and exposed land thereabouts as untenable. The colonists' decision to immediately "quitt Port Royall" and found Charles Town on Albemarle Point, a sheltered inland spot on the Ashley River, had significant political consequences both locally and nationally.
 
(1) For a companion article see Herman R. Friis, "A Brief Review of the Development and Status of Geographical and Cartographical Activities of the United States Government: 1776-1818," Imago Mundi, Vol. 19, 1965, pp. 67-80. For brief references see Lloyd A. Brown, The Story of Maps, 1949, 397 pp.; Walter Thiele, Official Map Publications, 1938, 356 pp.; Raye R. Platt, "Milestones in American Cartography," Proceedings of the Eighth American Scientific Congress, Vol. 9, 1943, pp. 55-63; Erwin Raisz, "Outline and History of American Cartography," ISIS, Vol. 26, 1937, pp. 373-391; and George M. Wheeler, "III. Government Land and Marine Surveys, Origin, Organization, Functions, History, and Progress," Report Upon the Third International Geographical Congress . . . Venice, Italy, 1881, 1885, see especially pp. 75-569. See also Herman R. Friis, "Highlights of the First Hundred Years of Surveying and Mapping of the United States by the Federal Government, 1775-1880," Journal of the American Congress on Surveying and Mapping, Vol. 18(2), 1958, pp. 186-206. An excellent published descriptive list of maps and account of surveying and mapping during the colonial and early Federal period is William P. Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps, 1958, 275 pp. For a special subject approach see Herman R. Friis, "Highlights of the History of the Use of Conventionalized Symbols and Signs on Large-Scale Nautical Charts of the United States," a paper presented at the First International Congress on the History of Oceanography, December 12-17, 1966, in Monaco, to be published in the Proceedings of the Congress in 1967, 51 pp., typescript. There is an excellent collection of published cartographic materials on this subject area in the Geography and Map Division in the Library of Congress in Washington. For a detailed list of some of these see especially Clara E. LaGear et al (eds.), A List of Geographical Atlases in the Library of Congress, with Bibliographical Notes, 1909 to 1962, 5 volumes. See also P. Lee Phillips (comp.), . . . List of Maps of America in the Library of Congress, . . ., 1901, 1137 pp. (2) This paper, when read at Chapel Hill in 1965, was accompanied by 28 slide reproductions of manuscript and printed maps in the National Archives. Nearly all of these maps are in the Cartographic Branch of the National Archives. In this Branch are some 1,750,000 cartographic and related records, some 800,000 of which are manuscript, hence unique. They represent the record of the geographical and cartographical activities of nearly 500 different offices and subdivisions of the United States government during the period 1776 to date. This is a remarkable treasure trove of fundamental interest and value and it is indispensable to the historical geographer. Preliminary inventories and special lists covering selected portions of this large volume of records have been published and are available upon request. There is currently being completed a comprehensive guide to the entire holdings. In addition to the cartographic holdings, the Branch also has some 2,000,000 images of aerial photographs, mostly of the United States, for the period about 1930 to 1950. (3) For good general references see Ralph H. Brown, Mirror for Americans, Likeness of the Eastern Seaboard, 1810, 1943, 312 pp; Ralph H. Brown, Historical Geography of the United States, 1948, 596 pp.; Everett E. Edwards, "References on the Mountaineers of the Southern Appalachians," U. S. Department of Agriculture, Library, Bibliographical Contributions, No. 28, pp. 1-148, 1935; Everett E. Edwards, "References on the Significance of the Frontier in American History," U. S. Department of Agriculture, Library, Bibliographical Contributions, No. 25 (2), pp. 1-90, 1939; Lewis C. Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860, 1933, 2 vols.; Howard W. Odum, Southern Regions of the United States, 1936, 664 pp.; Almon E. Parkins, The South, Its Economic-Geographic Development, 1938, 528 pp.; Frederic L. Paxson, History of the American Frontier, 1763-1893, 1924, 598 pp.; Ellen C. Semple, "The Anglo-Saxons of the Kentucky Mountains: A Study in Anthropogeography," American Geographical Society, Bulletin, Vol. 42, 1910, pp. 561-594; Ellen C. Semple and Clarence F. Jones, American History and Its Geographic Conditions, 1933, 541 pp.; Frederick J. Turner, "The Colonization of the West...
 
Dr. Otto is Research Associate and Ms. Anderson is Senior Administrative Archeologist, Center for American Archeology, in Kampsville, IL 62053. (1) Milton Newton, "Cultural Preadaptation and the Upland South," in H. J. Walker and W. G. Haag (eds.), Man and Cultural Heritage, Geoscience and Man, Vol. 5 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, School of Geosciences, 1974), pp. 143-154, quotations on p. 152. (2) Frank L. Owsley, Plain Folk of the Old South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1949), pp. vii-viii, 7-9. (3) H. L. Shantz and Raphael Zon, "Natural Vegetation," in O. E. Baker (prep.), Atlas of American Agriculture (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1936), pp. 4-5. (4) For descriptions of plain folk woodlands agriculture (1790s-1830s), see, for example, Charles D. Drake (ed.), Pioneer Life in Kentucky: A Series of Reminiscential Letters from Daniel Drake, M.D., of Cincinnati to His Children (Cincinnati: R. Clarke and Co., 1870), pp. 35-48; William Cooper Howells, Recollections of Life in Ohio From 1813-1840 (Cincinnati: The Robert Clarke Co., 1895), pp. 64-66, 115-117. (5) Lewis Cecil Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860 (Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1958), Vol. 1, pp. 438-453; Vol. 2, pp. 602-609, 613-614, 680-681, 683-687; Oliver E. Baker, "Agricultural Regions of North America: Part I. The Basis of Classification," Economic Geography, Vol. 2 (1926), p. 473; Duke de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Travels Through the United States of North America . . . in the Years 1795, 1796, and 1797 (trans.) H. Neuman (London: R. Phillips, 1799), Vol. 1, pp. 625-626; John Fraser Hart, "The Spread of the Frontier and the Growth of Population," in H. J. Walker and W. G. Haag (eds.), Man and Cultural Heritage, Geoscience and Man, Vol. 5 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, School of Geosciences, 1974), pp. 73-81. (6) For example, see J. F. D. Smyth, Tour in the United States of America (London: G. Robinson, 1784), Vol. 1, pp. 93-94, 147; Vol. 2, pp. 73, 94; R. S. Cotterill, History of Pioneer Kentucky (Cincinnati: Johnson and Hardin, 1917), pp. 2-3. (7) Amandus Johnson, The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1911), Vol. 2, pp. 527-529; Martin L. Primack, "Land Clearing Under Nineteenth-Century Techniques: Some Preliminary Calculations," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 22 (1962), p. 485. (8) Howells, footnote 4, pp. 115-116; William W. Newcomb, Jr., The Culture and Acculturation of the Delaware Indians (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, Museum of Anthropology, Anthropological Papers No. 10, 1956), pp. 13-14; Rodney C. Loehr, "Moving Back From the Atlantic Seaboard," Agricultural History, Vol. 6 (1942), p. 93. (9) Harriette Simpson Arnow, "The Pioneer Farmer and His Crops in the Cumberland Region," Tennessee Historical Quarterly, Vol. 19 (1960), pp. 291-293; William E. Collins, Folk Ways and Customs of Old Kentucky (Lexington: Uldean W. Johnston, 1971), p. 22. (10) Gray, footnote 5, Vol. 2, pp. 776, 912; Paul C. Henlein, Cattle Kingdom in the Ohio Valley, 1783-1860 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1959), p. 11; Drake, footnote 4, pp. 44, 46, 48. (11) Charles Fenno Hoffman, A Winter in the West (New York: Harper and Bros., 1835), Vol. 2, p. 206; Charles Augustus Murray, Travels in North America During the Years 1834, 1835, and 1836 (New York: Harper and Bros., 1839), Vol. 1, p. 93; Editor, "To the Public," Tennessee Farmer, Vol. 1 (1834), p. 3. (12) Philip J. Gersmehl, "Soil Taxonomy and Mapping," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 67 (1977), p. 426; Colin Clark and Margaret Haswell, The Economics of Subsistence Agriculture (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1970), pp. 40-41. (13) John Fraser Hart has suggested that the Upland South system of land fallowing may have derived from British "outfield" cultivation—the cropping of temporary fields on marginal fields which were then turned out to fallow pasture. John Fraser Hart, "Land Rotation in Appalachia," Geographical Review, Vol. 67 (1977), pp. 150-151, 159-162. (14) For example, see F. D. Srygley, Seventy Years in Dixie (Nashville: Gospel Advocate Publishing Co., 1891), pp...
 
Mr. Engerrand is a Ph.D. candidate in history at the University of Georgia. (1) Ulrich B. Phillips, "The Origin and Growth of the Southern Black Belts," The American Historical Review, Vol. 11, 1906, pp. 799-816. (2) Most of the examples in Phillips' 1906 article were based on his research in Georgia counties. (3) Frank L. Owsley, "The Pattern of Migration and Settlement on the Southern Frontier," The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 11, 1945, pp. 147-176. (4) See for example, Clement Eaton, The Growth of Southern Civilization, 1790-1860 (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1961), p. 155. (5) Most county records are available on microfilm at the Georgia Archives and Records Building in Atlanta. (6) Identifying lot numbers aid the tracing of lottery lots over time, but while local records are invaluable sources for ascertaining changes, there are often frustrating gaps, even in the most complete records. In Georgia, there never was a law requiring the recording of deeds; thus, many land transfers could take place before an owner might record a sale. Spelling of names presents a problem; deed recorders sometimes spelled a man's name three different ways in one deed. Tax records supplement the deeds, but frequently one person held title to land and others paid taxes on it. In frequent cases, lot numbers were omitted in the records. Also, since a man listed all his landholdings and paid all his taxes in his home county, absentee owners held lots which did not appear in the local records of one area. Georgia, "An Act to Raise a Tax for the Support of Government for the Year 1805," Acts of the General Assembly of the State of Georgia; Passed at the Sessions of May and November, 1804, Ambrose Day, Printer to the State, Louisville, Georgia, 1805, p. 88. In constructing maps of landholdings, it is frequently necessary to make judgments about the location of particular holdings on the basis of less complete information than would be ideal; in some cases it is impossible to trace them at all. (7) James C. Bonner, A History of Georgia Agriculture, 1732-1860 (Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 1964), p. 38. (8) Bonner, op. cit., footnote 7, pp. 38-39; James Etheridge Callaway, The Early Settlement of Georgia (Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 1948), p. 80; Enoch Marvin Banks, The Economics of Land Tenure in Georgia, Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, Vol. 23 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1905), p. 16. Georgia citizens registered for the lotteries in their home counties. Commissioners, appointed by the governor, placed slips of paper with names in one drum and slips to total the number of persons drawing in another drum. The commissioners then drew out names and numbers until they drew all lots. If a winner failed to pay his grant fee, the lot reverted to the state for later sale. Persons eligible for the first lottery had to be residents of the state for one year and be United States citizens. Bachelors over 21 years of age were entitled to one draw. Heads of families received two draws, as did widows with a minor child. Minor orphans or families of minor orphans could draw once. Georgia Surveyor General Department (Atlanta: Georgia Surveyor General Department, n.d.), pp. 5, 15. (9) Georgia Surveyor General Department, op. cit., footnote 8, p. 5. A legislative act of 1807 merged the fifth district of Baldwin County with several other districts, establishing Morgan County. Augustin Smith Clayton, A Compilation of the Law of the State of Georgia to 1810 (Augusta, Georgia: Adams and Duyckinck, 1812), pp. 357-359. (10) Georgia Surveyor General Department, op. cit., footnote 8, p. 5. Data on original grants are in the Georgia Surveyor General Department, "Index, Grants, Baldwin-Wayne," 1805; and the "Index, Fractional Grants," 1806. Information on settlement comes from the Morgan County tax digests, deeds, and will books. These are in the office of the Clerk of the Superior Court and the office of the Ordinary at the Morgan County Courthouse, Madison, Georgia. (11) This lot was regranted in 1811. (12) Data are available for the first five years...
 
Following European settlement in the late 1700s and early 1800s, the watershed of the Ocmulgee River of Georgia underwent extensive changes in land use. Although the effects of 19th and 20th century changes in land use on stream discharge and the transport of sediments have been well researched, the effect of these variations on stream-channel patterns in the Southern Piedmont and Coastal Plain has not been fully examined. In order to assess historic channel-pattern changes of the Ocmulgee River system, maps of the river channel were prepared from the available data for three time periods—1807, 1903-1910, and 1971. This paper presents the approaches used to reconstruct the Ocmulgee River at these three time periods and to illustrate the application of historical maps in determining fluvial geomorphic change. The 1807 district plats represent some of the earliest documentations of drainage systems in the southeastern United States. Examples of map production quality and tributary mapping, as well as relict riverine features visible on 1941-1969 aerial photography, substantiate the spatial accuracy of the 1807 maps. The evidence indicates that the plat maps are a reliable source of channel-course information and can be used to determine large-scale variations in the position of the Ocmulgee River.
 
Karl B. Raitz, Department of Geography, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY 40506.
 
(1) Quoted in Earl G. Swem, "Maps relating to Virginia in the Virginia State Library and Other Departments of the Commonwealth With the 17th and 18th Century Atlas Maps in the Library of Congress," Bulletin, Virginia State Library, Vol. 7, 1914, p. 85. (2) Ibid. (3) The Price-Strother map of North Carolina has been reproduced at a slightly reduced scale by the N. C. State Department of Archives and History. See William P. Cumming, North Carolina in Maps, Raleigh, 1966, plate 9. (4) Murphey, Archibald D., Memoir on the Internal Improvements Contemplated by the Legislature of North Carolina, Raleigh, 1818, p. 118. (5) Message of His Excellency Montfort Stokes to the General Assembly of North Carolina, Raleigh, 1831, p. 7. (6) Journal of the Senate of North Carolina, Jan. 7, 1833, p. 121. (7) 1833 Message of Gov. David L. Swain, p. 11. (8) Report . . . to the Legislature for the year 1821, South Carolina Board of Public Works, p. 99. (9) Georgia (Colony). The Colonial Records, Vol. 19, part 2, Statutes, Colonial and Revolutionary 1774 to 1805, Atlanta, 1911, p. 203.
 
The cattle-herders of the Old South (1784-1860) were agriculturalists who owned little land and few slaves on the unfenced public lands, or 'open-range', producing beef for domestic and foreign markets. One of the centers of open-range cattle herding was antebellum south Florida (1842-60), where the unfenced pinewood range supported numerous cattle. Each year, herders collected their range cattle, branded the calves, and selected the marketable beef steers. This south Florida cattle industry survived the Civil War (1861-65) and persisted until the 1940s, when the Florida state legislature closed the range, ending over a century of open-range cattle herding.-Author
 
Dr. Shannon is Professor of Geography at the University of Kentucky in Lexington, KY 40506. (1) A. Donabedian, Aspects of Medical Care Administration (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973); and G. W. Shannon, R. L. Bashshur, and C. A. Metzner, "The Concept of Distance as a Factor in Accessibility and Utilization of Health Care," Medical Care Review, Vol. 26 (1969), pp. 143-161. (2) D. Mechanic, "Some Implications of Illness Behavior for Medical Sampling," The New England Journal of Medicine, Vol. 269 (1963), pp. 244-247. (3) G. V. Rimlinger and H. B. Steele, "An Economic Interpretation of the Spatial Distribution of Physicians in the U.S.," Southern Economic Journal, Vol. 30 (1963), pp. 1-12; R. M. Dinkel, "Factors Underlying the Location of Physicians Within Indiana," American Sociological Review, Vol. 11 (1946), pp. 16-25; M. A. Haynes, "Distribution of Black Physicians in the United States, 1967," Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol. 210 (1969), pp. 93-95; S. Joroff and V. Navarro, "Medical Manpower: A Multivariate Analysis of the Distribution of Physicians in Urban United States," Medical Care, Vol. 9 (1971), pp. 428-438; and L. S. Robertson, "On the Intraurban Ecology of Primary Care Physicians," Social Science and Medicine, Vol. 4 (1970), pp. 227-238. (4) G. W. Shannon and G. E. A. Dever, Health Care Delivery: Spatial Perspectives (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974), pp. 70-88. (5) T. P. Shaffner (ed.), Kentucky Annual State Register for the Year 1847 (Louisville: Morton and Griswold, 1847). (6) S. W. Butler, The Medical Register and Directory of the United States (Philadelphia: Office of the Medical and Surgical Reporter, 2nd ed., 1877). (7) Kentucky State Board of Health, Register of Physicians, 1893 (Louisville: Morton and Griswold, 1893); The Medical Historical Research Project of the Works Project Administration, Medicine and Its Development in Kentucky (Louisville: Standard Printing Co., 1940), pp. 212-223; and Kentucky State Board of Medical Licensure, Kentucky Medical Directory (Frankfort, 1976), pp. 59-74. (8) W. H. Perrin (ed.), History of Bourbon, Scott, Harrison and Nicholas Counties, Kentucky (Chicago: O. L. Baskin & Co., 1882). (9) J. H. Battle, W. H. Perrin, and G. C. Kniffin, Histories and Biographies of Ballard, Calloway, Fulton, Graves, Hickman, McCracken, and Marshall Counties, Kentucky (Louisville: F. A. Battey Publishing Co., 1885). (10) W. E. Connelley and E. M. Coulter, History of Kentucky (Chicago: The American Historical Society, 1922), Vol. 2, p. 721. (11) J. S. Johnston (ed.), Memorial History of Louisville from its First Settlement to the Year 1896 (Chicago: American Biographical Publishing Co., 1896), Vol. 1, p. 90 and Vol. 2, p. 36. (12) Railway Map of Kentucky Exhibiting the Locations of Counties, Cities, Villages, Post Offices, Railway Stations, and the Railways and Common Roads. Scale 1:1,200,000 (Cincinnati: E. Mendenhall, 1874). (13) C. J. Norwood, "Western Kentucky Coalfield," The Earlington Bee (Supplement), No. 49 (Dec. 3, 1903). (14) G. Wolfford, Lawrence County (Ashland, Kentucky: WWW Company, 1968). (15) Battle, footnote 9, p. 86. (16) Kentucky State Board of Health, footnote 7, p. 217. (17) The Medical Historical Research Project of the Works Project Administration, footnote 7, p. 213. (18) A. D. Bevan, "First Annual Conference on Medical Education," Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol. 44 (1905), p. 1470. (19) A. Flexner, Medical Education in the United States and Canada (New York: Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, Bulletin No. 4, 1910), p. 17. (20) H. S. Pritchett in Flexner, footnote 19, p. x. (21) The Medical Historical Research Project of the Works Project Administration, footnote 7, p. 213. (22) The Medical Historical Research Project of the Works Project Administration, footnote 7, p. 214. (23) R. G. Cromley and R. L. Haven, "Industrial Commuting Patterns in Non-metropolitan Kentucky," Proceedings of the Kentucky Academy of Sciences (forthcoming). (24) Cromley and Haven, footnote 23. (25) P. Hyland, Physician Manpower in Kentucky: Supply and Distribution (Frankfort, Kentucky: Legislative Research Commission, 1977).
 
Dr. Pillsbury is Associate Professor of Geography and Acting Chairman of the Department of Geography, Georgia State University, Atlanta, GA 30303. (1) This time honored belief of many historians and geographers is now beginning to undergo radical change as may be seen in Blaine A. Brownell and David R. Caulfield, The City in Southern History (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press Corp., 1976); Blaine A. Brownell, "Urbanization in the South: A Unique Experience?" Mississippi Quarterly, Vol. 26 (1973), pp. 105-120; Carville V. Earle, The Evolution of a Tidewater Settlement System: All Hollows Parish, Maryland, 1650-1783," Research Paper No. 170 (Chicago: Department of Geography, University of Chicago, 1975). (2) Clifford L. Smith, History of Troup County (by the author, 1933), p. 48. (3) Lizzie R. Mitchell, History of Pike County, Georgia 1822-1932 (n.p., n.d.), 9, 14. (4) Reprinted in Richard C. Wade, The Urban Frontier: Pioneer Life in Early Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Lexington, Louisville and St. Louis (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1959), pp. 32-33. (5) Frary, Elrod, Historical Notes on Jackson County, Georgia (Jefferson, Georgia: by author, 1967), pp. 40-42. (6) Howard Schretter, "Round Towns," Southeastern Geography, Vol. 3 (1963), pp. 46-52. (7) For a general discussion of square forms see Richard Pillsbury, "The Public or Market Square in Pennsylvania Before 1820," Proceedings of the Pennsylvania Academy of Science, Vol. 41 (1968), pp. 116-118 and Edward T. Price, "The Central Courthouse Square in the American County Seat," Geographical Review, Vol. 58 (1968), pp. 29-60. (8) For a general discussion of the early Virginia towns and their plans, see John W. Reps, The Making of Urban America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), pp. 88-114. (9) Price, footnote 7, pp. 55-57. (10) For a further discussion of these two systems see Richard Pillsbury, "The Urban Street Name Systems of Pennsylvania Before 1820," Names, Vol. 17 (1969), pp. 214-222.
 
Dr. Winters is Professor of Geography at Michigan State University in East Lansing, MI 48824. (1) For a good account of events leading up to the December 1862 Fredericksburg campaign and battle that immediately preceded the "Mud March," see Edward J. Stackpole, Drama on the Rappahannock (New York: Bonanza Books, 1957). (2) Regional descriptions of the Coastal Plain and Piedmont geomorphology have been written by Nevin M. Fenneman, Physiography of Eastern United States (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1938), and William D. Thornbury, Regional Geomorphology of the United States (New York: Wiley, 1965). A more current but somewhat selective and specialized treatment of these areas appears in William L. Graf (ed.), Geomorphic Systems of North America (Boulder: Geological Society of America, 1987). (3) For a detailed description of Ultisols, see Soil Taxonomy: A Basic System of Soil Classification for Making and Interpreting Soil Surveys, Agricultural Handbook 436 (Washington: U.S. Soil Conservation Service, 1975). For specifics on this area see D. Isgrig and A. Srobel, Jr., Soil Survey of Stafford and King George Counties, Virginia (Washington: U.S. Soil Conservation Service in cooperation with Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1974). (4) Newspaper accounts of the mid-January weather for the following cities provided most of the basis for analysis: Boston, Buffalo, Cairo (IL), Charleston, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Fort Monroe, Fredericksburg, Montreal, Nashville, New York, Philadelphia, Portland (ME), Quebec, Richmond, St. Louis, Toronto, and Washington. Other sources include correspondent accounts printed in the January 23 and 24, 1863, issues of the New York Tribune; descriptions from Frank Moore (ed.), The Rebellion Record (New York: Putnam, 1863), Vol. 6, pp. 397-400; and Thomas Rice, "Burnside's Mud March: Wading to Glory," Civil War Times Illustrated, Vol. 20 (1981), pp. 16-27. (5) For an outstanding analysis of the changing nature of conflict, see John Keegan, The Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo and the Somme (New York: Vintage Books, 1977). (6) Douglas W. Johnson presents an insightful description of the geology, physiography, and World War I military operations in Flanders in his Battlefields of the World War, Western and Southern Fronts: A Study in Military Geography, American Geographical Society Research Series No. 3 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1921), pp. 1-83. (7) Hans-Adolph Jacobsen and Jurgen Rohwer (eds.), Decisive Battles of World War II: The German View (London, 1965). (8) Although the one-day delay in the maneuver is reported in some sources (including the January 24, 1863, issue of the New York Tribune; Moore, footnote 4; and Rice, footnote 4) many more do not make reference to it. Even when mentioned, the importance of Burnside's decision regarding weather changes is rarely stressed. * This paper is based in part on a comprehensive study of Military Geography now being developed by myself, BG Gerald E. Galloway, Jr., of the United States Military Academy, and COL William J. Reynolds (USA-Ret.); I thank both of these officers for insights into this topic. Mark Cowell of the University of Georgia assisted in obtaining weather data for January 1863, and Ellen White of Michigan State University's Center for Cartographic Research and Spatial Analysis prepared the figures.
 
Charles S. Aiken, Department of Geography, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN 37916.
 
Dr. Moore is Assistant Professor of Geography and Earth Sciences at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte in Charlotte, NC 28223. (1) U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic and Social Problems and Conditions of the Southern Appalachians, Miscellaneous Publication No. 205 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1935). (2) Niles M. Hansen, Rural Poverty and the Urban Crisis (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1970), pp. 85-90. (3) "Appalachia: A Land with Two Faces," U.S. News and World Report, August 18, 1986, reprinted in Gerald R. Pitzl (ed.), Geography 87/88 Annual Editions (Guilford: Dushkin Publishing Group, 1987), pp. 106-108. (4) Mary Jean Bowman and W. Warren Haynes, Resources and People in Eastern Kentucky: Problems and Potentials of a Lagging Economy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963); U.S. Department of Agriculture, footnote 1; for the initial mention of links between the region and a coal-mining economy, see Mary Verhoeff, The Kentucky Mountains, Transportation and Commerce, 1750 to 1911: A Study in the Economic History of a Coal Field, Filson Club Publication No. 26 (Louisville: Filson Club, 1911). (5) Darrell Haug Davis, Geography of the Mountains of Eastern Kentucky, Kentucky Geological Survey Series 6, Vol. 18 (Frankfort: Kentucky Geological Survey, 1924). (6) Harry M. Caudill, Night Comes to the Cumberlands (Boston: Little, Brown, 1963); Ronald D. Eller, Miners, Millhands and Mountaineers: Industrialization of the Appalachian South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1982). (7) Alan J. Banks, "The Emergence of a Capitalistic Labor Market in Eastern Kentucky," Appalachian Journal, Vol. 7 (Spring, 1980), pp. 188-198; Mary Beth Pudup, "The Boundaries of Class in Preindustrial Appalachia," Journal of Historical Geography, Vol. 15 (1989), pp. 139-162. (8) Karl B. Raitz and Richard Ulack, Appalachia: A Regional Geography (Boulder: Westview Press, 1984), p. 5. (9) Harvey S. Perloff et al., Regions, Resources and Economic Growth (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1960), pp. 191-195; David A. Shannon, Twentieth Century America: the United States Since the 1890s (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1963), pp. 4-5. (10) Association of American Railroads, American Railroads: Their Growth and Development (Washington: Association of American Railroads, 1951), maps for the period 1870-1890. (11) Perloff et al., footnote 9, p. 195. (12) U.S. Census, "Productions of Agriculture," in Statistics of Wealth and Industry, 1870, Ninth Census (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1872), pp. 158-162. (13) George E. Vincent, "A Retarded Frontier," The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 4 (1898), pp. 1-20. (14) Kentucky Bureau of Agriculture, Kentucky, Its Resources and Present Conditions, First Annual Report, 1878 (Frankfort: S.I.M. Major, 1878), pp. 446, 535, 609. (15) Kentucky Bureau of Agriculture, footnote 14, p. 550. (16) American Herd Book, Vol. 13 (1874), p. ix; Leonard W. Brinkman, Jr., "The Historical Geography of Improved Cattle in the United States to 1870" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1964), p. 89; Kentucky Bureau of Agriculture, footnote 14, pp. 387, 510. (17) Kentucky Bureau of Agriculture, footnote 14, pp. 509, 555. (18) U.S. Census, Manuscript Census of Manufactures, 1870. (19) Geological Survey of Kentucky, Reports of Progress, Vol. 4, New Series (Frankfort: S.I.M. Major, 1878), p. 206. (20) J. Winston Coleman, "Old Kentucky Iron Furnaces," Filson Club History Quarterly, Vol. 31 (July, 1957), pp. 227-242; Mary Verhoeff, The Kentucky River Navigation, Filson Club Publication No. 28 (Louisville: John P. Morton and Company, 1917), p. 159; U.S. Census, footnote 18. (21) Richard H. Collins, History of Kentucky (Covington: Collins and Company, 1882), p. 168. (22) Geological Survey of Kentucky, footnote 19, p. 208. (23) Geological Survey of Kentucky, footnote 19, p. 208. (24) Kentucky Geological Survey, Volume IV, Report C, Eastern Coalfield, 1884 (Frankfort: State Journal Company, 1884), p. 161. (25) James Larry Smith, "The Southern Charcoal Iron Industry, 1800-1860" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Tennessee, 1982), p. 210. (26) U.S. Census, footnote 18. (27) Geological Survey of Kentucky, footnote 19, p. 208. (28) Coleman, footnote 20, pp. 10-11. (29) Smith, footnote 25, pp. 237-238. (30) U.S. Census, footnote 18. (31) U.S. Census, Statistics of Agriculture, 1890, 11th Census (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1896), pp. 210-211. (32) David L. Wheeler, "Winter on...
 
This paper investigates the historical geography of presidential elections in the South between 1872 and 1992. T-mode factor analysis of presidential election returns from the approximately 1,300 counties and county equivalents of 13 southern states is undertaken in order to identify geographical normal votes, or time periods characterized by substantial similarities in levels of support for Democratic Party presidential candidates across the region. The results are compared with previously published analyses which examine changes over time across the entire United States. The results identify the period following World War II as that in which the South emerged from its traditional Democratic Party dominance and became the vital and volatile electoral region that it is today. A region once virtually ignored in national presidential politics has emerged at the center of America's political landscape, and in recent years no presidential candidate has moved into the White House without attaining significant Electoral College support in the South.
 
Like many studies on Appalachia before it, Dear Appalachia: Readers, Identity, and Popular Fiction since 1878 maintains that the concept of Appalachia is an ahistorical, stereotyped fabrication that has been maintained through commercial processes and various forms of cultural symbolism. For author Emily Satterwhite, this symbolism can be seen in nine national best-selling novels set in Appalachia that added legitimacy to the idea of an “authentic Appalachia” during the times that those novels were authored. However, Satterwhite is not merely interested in the narrative representations of Appalachia in the novels. Instead, in an innovative methodology, she maps “reception geographies” out of fan mail and reader responses to the books to study how people have constructed a regional perception of Appalachia, based on their own geographic location, since the 1870s. These geographies take seriously “the relationship between each individual and each individual text, the consequences of that relationship for each reader, and the potential consequences for that relationship for regional residents and the politics of culture” while, at the same time, recognizing that the texts have meant “different things for readers in different times and locations” (p 229). Dear Appalachia is divided into five chapters followed by a conclusion. Beginning in 1878, the first chapter covers familiar territory in the Gilded Age by highlighting local writer Charles Egbert Craddock who, to the astonishment of many, turned out to be a woman named Mary Noailles Murfrees. Due to Murfrees’ masculine, adventurous prose that encompassed the frontier attitude prevalent among middle-class males at the turn of the century, small town readers and other writers backed the authenticity of Murfree’s writing and her ideal version of “pure” mountain life as depicted in her 1884 novel In the Tennessee Mountains. In other words, during the Gilded Age, white, male metropolitan/urban readers linked Murfree’s writing to the masculinity that was perceived missing from their lives and that was succumbing to the feminizing effects of the emerging managerial class and the industrializing market economy. Thus, as urban men were actively pushed to engage in masculine activities such as hunting, fishing, and camping in order to recapture their savage roots, Murfree’s In the Tennessee Mountains captured the myth of a primitive Appalachia untouched by the advance of industrialization and immigration. Outside of rural Appalachia, the region was perceived as an idealized, nostalgic frontier isolated from the rest of the capitalist world. Chapters two and three bring Satterwhite’s analysis into the 1950s via John Fox Jr.’s The Trail of the Lonesome Pine (1908) and novelist Harriet Simpson Arnow’s The Dollmaker (1954). In both cases, Satterwhite categorizes readers’ identities as local, national, or transitional based on the reviews and fan letters that revealed their social, geographical, and historical circumstances. With the exception of those locally categorized that were offended by Fox’s rendering of feuding Appalachian residents resistant to law and order, each group expressed a different romantic version of Appalachia based on their socioeconomic circumstances. For example, for middle-class readers (academic and casual) who had migrated out of Appalachia to seek new lives in northern cities, Fox’s and Arnor’s writings were deemed authentic accounts of mountain life that fostered within them a sense of empowerment, nostalgia, and place. This, according to Satterwhite, is based on their regional displacement and romantic identification with the characters and visualizations of their former homes. Chapter four, “City to Country,” constructs reception geographies around reader responses to Catherine Marshall’s Christy (1967) and James Dickey’s Deliverance (1970) and is Satterwhite’s best work. For Satterwhite, the novels are indicative of the perceived demarcation between United States modernity and Appalachian mountain wilderness. As Deliverance author James Dickey writes of his modern explorers entering the Georgia backwoods, the “change was not gradual; you could have stopped the car and got out at the exact point where suburbia ended and the red-neck South began” (Dickey, p 38). But for “high middlebrow readers” from outside of the region, as well as “approving and at times fawning” faculty from Appalachian colleges, Deliverance’s nightmarish, hillbilly landscape and Christy’s patronizing portrayal of moonshiners, folk medicines, and perpetual blood feuds in the middle Appalachians set readers...
 
Historical data from channel-clearing operations in 1879-1900 enable a post facto experiment on the effect of removal of large organic debris (LOD) from a relatively large, low-gradient river. Fluvial geomorphological theory suggests that organic debris is essential for energy dissipation in Coastal Plain streams. The hypothesized response to debris removal is a replenishment of woody debris due to feedback effects involving bank erosion and associated treefall. Records show that after each debris-removal operation the channel quickly refilled with LOD. -J.D.Phillips
 
Ring argues that most historians view the period demarcated in the book's title as consisting of a process of gradual national reconciliation and reunion between the former Confederate states and the rest of the United States, one that sought to politely ignore what was characterized as the region's deficiencies. The intense criticism that the South came under during the 1920s is then difficult to reconcile with the previous decades of reconciliation. Ring counters that in fact interest in the problems of the South can be traced back to the early postbellum years, when "an array of institutions and people, including northern philanthropists, federal officials, southern liberals, social scientists, national journalists, progressive reformers, clergymen, and academicians, helped fashion an image of the South as a regional, national, and even global problem" (pp. 3-4). This quote also serves as a list of the cast of characters Ring discusses in the book, as it is just these institutions and individuals whose actions and ideas make up the empirical material of the book: what they did, and why, in the South, and how they thought about their work in trying to bring improvements to the region. These actors created an image of the South as a problem that served the ideological purpose of "reinforc[ing] the hegemony of the nation-state and creat[ing] a sense of urgency surrounding sectional reunion" (p 3). Northern and southern reformers worked together to modernize the South, and Ring places these efforts in the context of the development of liberalism in the early 1900s and its contributions to the process of national state formation. Investigations of the South's perceived backwardness rested in a liberal faith in the potential for social science to serve as a tool of reform, while at the same time producing an influential vocabulary for defining, analyzing and categorizing the South's problems. Thus Ring suggests that "the effort to reincorporate the New South into the nation was as much a process of rehabilitation and reform as one of political and cultural reunion" (p 5). Ring places her argument at the intersection of studies of the "global South" and postcolonialism. Regarding the former, Ring is careful to discuss the many ways in which the attempts at reconstructing the South after Reconstruction connected to the role of the U.S. on the global stage, and she continuously notes the similarities between the views about and experiences of the South with other places and regions outside the U.S. This transnational perspective is a central element of Ring's analysis, and she argues persuasively that "[i]t makes more sense to locate southern history in a complex web of intersecting regional, national, and global discourse, practices, and designs" (p 10). In the context of relevant global discourses, Ring situates the conceptualizations of the South within broader debates on tropical and colonial settings elsewhere in the world, thus bringing us to the linkages with postcolonialism. In particular, Ring understands the discourse around the "southern problem" as a manifestation of what she rather awkwardly calls "southern neo-orientalism," a reference to Edward Said's critique of Orientalism as a discourse reproduced by various agents of the state as well as private citizens that reinforces asymmetrical power relations between various centers and their peripheries. However, Ring does not elaborate more on her own view of the similarities and differences between southern neo-orientalism and Orientalism or on what we may learn by applying Said's analysis to the study of the South. The book consists of five empirical chapters. Chapter one, "The 'southern problem' and readjustment," traces the origins of the conceptualization of the South as a problem from the perspective of journalists, scholars, writers, politicians and government officials, and what Ring calls "cultural geographers" (which turns out to be a usage of the term that is inconsistent with how we geographers use it). These observers defined the South as fundamentally different from "the North," and in particular conceived of the southern problem as composed of three elements: the "race problem," poverty, and illiteracy and low levels of education. Overall, the expression "the southern problem" "evoked an image of a backward, stagnant, uncivilized region that was...
 
The United States has observed an increase in mean annual temperature during the latter half of the 20th century, but multi-decadal periods of stasis and cooling have been embedded in the overall trend (Easterling and Wehner 2009; Meehl et al. 2009). Record-high temperatures have exceeded record-low temperatures in the United States by a two-to-one ratio (Meehl et al. 2009). Additionally, the number of cold days and nights has decreased as hot days and nights have increased (Field et al. 2012). Since 1950, both the number of extreme precipitation events and total precipitation amounts have increased (Peterson et al. 2008) and become more variable (Dulière et al. 2013), and regions of the Southeast have become cooler and wetter (Grundstein 2008; Zaitao el al. 2013). Drought conditions are expected to intensify for much of the American West (deBuys 2011), yet drought severity for the Great Plains (Hooerling 2012) and Southeast (Strezpek et al. 2010) are predicted to improve. American mesoscale and macroscale climate analyses use a standardized set of climate divisions with monthly data beginning in 1895, although prior to 1931 missing data were estimated using least-squares regression (Guttman and Quayle 1996; McRoberts and Nielsen-Gammon 2011). Of the 334 United States climate divisions, eight divisions are located in North Carolina. Studies of climate in North Carolina have found that since the late 1970s, temperature has increased for western North Carolina leading to increased drought severity and frequency (Laseter et al. 2012). Up to 41 percent of southeastern U.S. droughts have been ended by tropical cyclone (TC) precipitation (Maxwell et al. 2012), yet future changes in TC frequency are inconclusive (Kuntson et al. 2010). Interannual and decadal El Niño and Pacific Decadal Oscillations have been found to affect hydro-logical processes in North Carolina (Anderson and Emanuel 2008). Boyles and Raman (2003) found increases in autumn and winter precipitation and summer and autumn minimum temperature as well as overall cooling of the Piedmont and northern mountain regions of North Carolina during 1949–1998, yet failed to report if such trends were significant. This study observes significant seasonal trends in mean temperature, precipitation, and drought severity for the eight climate divisions in North Carolina from 1985–2013 to determine if changes for the three climate-parameters are congruent for all climate divisions. This research addresses three questions. First, do seasonal temperature, precipitation, and drought-severity means change temporally? Second, if so, are there geographic patterns to these changes? Third, if geographic patterns emerge do they covary between climate parameters? All data were obtained from the State Climate Office of North Carolina (SCONC 2013). Monthly temperature, rainfall, and Palmer Drought Severity Index (PDSI) (Palmer 1965) means during 1895–2013 (full period) were acquired for each of the eight climate divisions and divided into four periods: winter = previous December–February, spring = March–May, summer = June–August, and autumn = September–November. Additionally, a state average was created by averaging all divisions. All data were converted to metric values. A reduced period from 1960–2013 was assigned to temperature and PDSI as initial analysis revealed a distinct rise in mean temperature and an increase in drought severity circa 1960 that persists through the remainder of the record. Similar time periods from the 1950s–1970s have been used as reference periods in climate studies (Giorgi et al. 2004; Mitchell et al. 2004; Hawkins and Sutton 2009; Coumou and Robinson 2013). Precipitation was excluded from the reduced period analysis as no distinct changes post 1960 were present. Simple linear regression was performed for each climate division by season for the full and reduced periods. Linear regression provided least-squares estimates for annual climate parameter change as well as the state average, allowing for cumulative change for the full and reduced periods to be computed. Chloropleth maps with five equal interval bins to analyze geographic patterns in cumulative climate change for North Carolina climate divisions by season were produced. Additionally, Chow (Chow 1960) tests were performed for both temperature and PDSI to assess if structural breaks were present in the data. Data were divided into the reduced and prior to reduced (1895–1959) periods, and linear regression was performed...
 
Mr. Wilms is assistant professor of geography at East Carolina University. (1) For a more complete discussion of the role of relic features in historical geography see: H. C. Prince, "Historical Geography," in Proceedings of the 20th International Geographical Congress, J. Wreford Watson, ed., William Clowes and Sons, Ltd., London, 1967, pp. 164-172. (2) Calculated from air photos, scale 1:63,360; Courtesy of the Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation Service, Georgia State Office, Athens, Georgia. (3) Callaway, James E., The Early Settlement of Georgia, University of Georgia Press, Athens, 1948, p. 30. (4) Ramsay, David, The History of South Carolina, Charleston, 1809, p. 205. (5) Tailfer, Patrick, A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia, Charles Town, 1741, in George P. Humphrey, Colonial Tracts, No. 4, Rochester, N. Y., 1897, p. 25. (6) Ibid., p. 43. (7) Ibid., p. 22. (8) Quoted in Callaway, op. cit., p. 32. (9) Phillips, U. B., American Negro Slavery, Louisiana State University Press, Baton Rouge, 1966, p. 94. (10) Candler, Allen D., Colonial Records of Georgia, XXV, Atlanta, 1904-1916, p. 295. (11) Heath, Milton Sydney, Constitutional Liberalism: The Role of the State in Economic Development in Georgia to 1860, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1954, p. 40. (12) Callaway, op. cit., p. 40. (13) Coulter, Ellis M., Wormsloe: Two Centuries of a Georgia Family, University of Georgia Press, Athens, 1955, p. 22. (14) Abbot, W. W., The Royal Governors of Georgia 1754-1775, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1959, p. 17. (15) De Brahm, John G. W., History of the Province of Georgia, Wymberly Jones De Renne, Wormsloe, Georgia, 1849, p. 21. (16) Jones, Charles C., The History of Georgia, Houghton, Mifflin and Co., Boston, 1883, p. 494. (17) Van Doren, Mark, ed., Travels of William Bartram, Dover Publications, New York, 1955, p. 36. (18) Ibid., p. 42-44. (19) Gray, Lewis, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860, Vol. I, Carnegie Institute Publication No. 430, Washington, 1933, p. 279. (20) Because inland rice production remained until 1800, the two systems existed simultaneously for nearly 40 years. (21) Thayer, Theodore, ed., "Nathaniel Pendleton's 'Short Account of the Sea Coast of Georgia in Respect to Agriculture, Shipbuilding, Navigation, and the Timber Trade,'" Georgia Historical Quarterly, Vol. 41, 1957, p. 76. (22) Jones, Joseph, The Agricultural Resources of Georgia, Augusta, 1861, p. 4. (23) Phillips, U. B., Life and Labor in the Old South, Little, Brown, and Co., Boston, 1929, p. 116. (24) Colonial Plat Book C, Surveyor-General Office, Georgia State Archives, Atlanta, Georgia. (25) Gray, op. cit., p. 721-22. (26) In American Husbandry, Harry J. Carman, ed., Columbia University Press, New York, 1939, p. 275. (27) Gray, op. cit., p. 726. (28) Ibid., p. 729. (29) Phillips, U. B., Plantation and Frontier, in A Documentary History of American Industrial Society, Russell & Russell, New York, 1958, p. 83. (30) House, Albert V., "Labor Management Problems on Georgia Rice Plantations, 1840-1860," Agricultural History, Vol. 28, October, 1954, p. 149. (31) Heath, op. cit., p. 51. (32) Ibid., p. 410. (33) Granger, Mary, ed., Savannah River Plantations, Savannah Writers' Project, The Georgia Historical Society, Savannah, 1947, pp. 185-186. (34) Phillips, U. B., American Negro Slavery, op. cit., p. 258. (35) Letters of Joseph Clay, Merchant of Savannah 1776-1793 VIII Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, The Morning News, Savannah, 1913, p. 106. (36) Granger, op. cit., p. 460. (37) House, op. cit., p. 149. (38) Calculated from air photos, scale 1:24,000, "Mosaics of Georgia Coastal Area," State Highway Department, Division of Surveys and Aerial Mapping; Surveyor-General Office, Georgia State Archives, Atlanta, Georgia. * The paper was accepted for publication in January 1972.
 
The large number of recent heavy rainfall events in New Orleans, Louisiana, has raised concerns about change in the heavy rainfall climatology in the area. As a result, all rainfall events exceeding 125 mm were examined with respect to their generating mechanisms, seasonality, and changing frequencies through time. Two thirds of the storms were induced by frontal weather situations and tropical systems produced about a fourth. Storm seasonality was bimodal with peaks in late spring and early fall. With regard to changing frequencies through time, the entire New Orleans rainfall record suggests that storms may have a pattern of increasing occurrence. However, a temporally homogenous subset of these data were tested statistically and no significant change was found.
 
Temporal changes in last spring-freeze date, first fall-freeze date, and growing season length are assessed utilizing meteorological records from 43 climate stations in Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina and southern North Carolina for the 76-year period from 1911 to 1986. Significant changes in the mean freeze dates and growing season length were found for the majority of sites. On average, last spring freezes have occurred later in recent years and combined with earlier first fall freezes have resulted in a general decrease in the length of the growing season for most of the region. It is speculated that such changes may have important impacts for current and future agricultural and landscaping applications. -P.W.Suckling
 
In this paper we examine a case study of Elverton, West Virginia as evidence of how external factors shape commemoration. Elverton was a small coal town and the site of a short, but successful labor uprising in 1914 during the peak of mining in West Virginia. We frame this case study from the perspective of landscape as arena and as spatial narrative. We find that as an arena, no groups have initiated commemoration of the landscape, likely because Elverton is difficult to access. Evidence also suggests Elverton is not included by the National Park Service’s spatial narrative of the New River Gorge because of limited resources. Instead, the National Park Services uses more accessible sites requiring less costly renovations to depict the completion of the mining boom in this region. In both perspectives, Elverton’s lack of commemoration also appears to be attributed to its previous landowners: coal mining companies. © 2015 University of North Carolina Press. All rights reserved.
 
With Global America, 1915–2000, D.W. Meinig concludes his monumental historical geography of the United States, The Shaping of America. This is the fourth volume in a series originally conceived to be one less than that, and we are all the more fortunate for this additional volume. The breadth of research, depth of insight, and soundness of judgment remain as characteristic of this fourth installment as they have been in each of the previous books. Meinig has produced a work of lasting significance. The first volume in the series, Atlantic America, 1492–1800 (Meinig 1986), sounded the fundamental themes of the entire opus. “My emphasis upon social and cultural patterns,” Meinig wrote at the time, “reflects not only what I enjoy learning about areas but, more important, my conviction that the geography of such things has been seriously undervalued in descriptions and assessments of the United States” (p. xvi). By the time Volume Two appeared, Meinig knew that nineteenth-century developments would require more space than he had initially allotted. Hence Continental America, 1800–1867 (Meinig 1993), was to be followed by the third book in the series, Transcontinental America, 1850–1915 (Meinig 1998). The striking thing was, as Meinig put it, “the amount of basic geographic change” undergone by the United States over the span of the nineteenth century (Meinig 1993, p. xiii). Indeed. As the final volume of The Shaping of America makes clear, changes in the superstructure have been as, or more, important since the early twentieth century, redefining the very nature, form, and meaning of America’s geographic foundation. Global America proceeds in three parts, the first of which is “Technology: Mobilization and Acceleration,” the second “Morphology: Migrations and Formations,” and the third “Mission: Assertions and Impositions.” As always, the symmetries of Meinig’s thought are apparent, elegantly leading the reader through masses of otherwise dense and discrete data and developments. Part One hones in “on some of the instruments and networks that . . . channel movement and communication between places, on various ligatures that bind together the American space” (p. 3). Beginning with the first calls for a national automotive highway system (clearly heard by 1915), this portion of the book treats such further mobilizing innovations as radio transmission and air transportation, all of them fundamentally powered through an emergent, continental grid of electrical energy. Chronologically, Part One continues into the post-World War II period, ending with a chapter on the high-speed audio-visual technologies of the twentieth century, such as television and the Internet. Ultimately one senses Meinig’s own mixed feelings about the role of technology in the contemporary historical geography of the United States, as this part of the book finishes by invoking the urban critic Lewis Mumford’s early skepticism about the fate of community in an age of mass communication. Part Two of Global America examines the relationship of nation to region with an accent on demography—entertainingly exemplified by the inclusion of a cartoon from The New Yorker in which a husband explains, “I was raised in New York and Nancy is from L.A., but we’re bringing up the children bicoastal” (p. 280). This is the part of the book that most addresses the social and cultural questions of long-standing interest to Meinig. He assembles several themes and persuasively maps them as a consolidated unit of historical geography that emerged in the first half of the twentieth century and momentously changed in the second: the 1950s as watershed. The decades leading up to and out of this mid-century turning point permit Meinig to touch on such things as: continental migrations and extra-continental immigrations, the Southern agrarians of the 1930s, the idea of “megalopolis” (the word coined in 1961 to describe the heavy peopling of the Washington-to-Boston corridor that had occurred by World War Two [p. 149]), the existence of “two American Californias” (p. 169), the 1959 admission to statehood of both Alaska and Hawaii (bringing the nation’s sum total to fifty), the gradual articulation and continued contestation of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, the changing multiplex of federal Indian policy, mass suburbanization and corresponding concerns over the scale of American...
 
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