Throughout the 1970s protest against abortion was organised by two main pressure groups, the Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child and the LIFE organisation. This paper considers the rhetoric employed by the anti–abortion movement during this period by focusing on the campaign literature, the evidence submitted to various committees of inquiry and public statements made by leading anti‐abortionists. The findings from a study of a small sample of anti‐abortion protestors are also reported. A self‐administered questionnaire was completed by sixty‐four members of two local branches of the two national pressure groups and semi‐structured interviews were conducted with local campaign activists. In the subsequent analysis the anti‐abortion movement is depicted as adopting a position of cultural fundamentalism in the face of changing social mores and moral values. Protest against abortion is placed within the wider framework of moral reform. In studying the movement and its supporters use is made of the analytical distinction between assimilative and coercive reform (Gusfield, 1963).
One of the most curious omissions in the sociology of work and occupations is what would seem to be one of the most basic questions: When is an occupation an occupation? While there have been recent attempts to explore the issue by examining the history of census categories, 1 these represent the end‐point of the process at which new occupations receive official recognition and legitimation. My purpose in this paper is to discuss how occupations form and come to be recognized as such. The creation of health visiting between 1850 and 1919 will be taken as a case study.
This article was originally published in the Sociological Review in 1966 and the proper citation is: Abbott, J, The concept of motility, The Sociological Review, 14, (2) pp. 153-161. ISSN 0038-0261 (1966)
Survey data concerning the incidence of serious illness before and after retirement are analysed in two ways,
(i) by comparison of groups of retired men with groups of men in the last ten years of their working lives;
(ii) by examining and comparing the trends over time before and after retirement.
Whereas the first method would lead to a conclusion that there is no difference between retired and working men, the second method shows a distinct drop in the incidence of serious illness in the two years following retirement and a slower rate of increase thereafter. It is concluded that retirement is associated with a substantial lowering in the incidence of serious illness.
Two aspects of theories of deviant behaviour are outlined and discussed. These are concerned with whether or not the deviant behaviour indicates some inherent quality of the actor and with the tenability of that behaviour from the theorist's point of view. Combining these aspects produces four models which are discussed here in relation to homosexuality and transsexualism. The ‘condition’ and ‘orientation’ models presume an intrinsic nature, whereas the ‘role’ and ‘ false consciousness’ models reject this conception. The ‘orientation’ and ‘role’ models regard the deviant phenomenon as acceptable, as a tenable variation, whereas the ‘condition’ and ‘false consciousness’ models regard it as unacceptable, as morally, biologically, politically or psychologically untenable.
Research was conducted with women who had experience of Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy (Duchenne) in the family. Intensive, qualitative interviews were conducted with a two-generational sample of women. This paper concentrates on the reported experiences of women who became pregnant while being aware of medically defined genetic carrier risk. Three types of reproductive decision-making are identified: risk-taking, risk-refusing and risk modifying. It is argued that there is no simple relationship between women's genetic risk and their subsequent reproductive actions. Of more significance is the women's prior biographical experience, their interpretation of the information available to them, their definition of the situation, and their reproductive expectations. Genetic risk information, transmitted in the genetic counselling discourse, does not determine women's actions, which are accounted for in terms of an interpretative perspective.