Russian Linguistics

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The raw frequencies of grammatical case usage for the nouns Rossija ‘Russia’, Ukraina ‘Ukraine’, and NATO ‘NATO’ in Putin’s speeches 10.02.2022–02.03.2022 are compared with those found in InterCorp. Shaded bands and bubbles in the figure visualize relative differences in frequency distribution
Visualization of DIN* values of the use of grammatical case in Putin’s speeches for the words Rossija ‘Russia’, Ukraina ‘Ukraine’, and NATO ‘NATO’
Vladimir V. Putin has banned the use of the word ‘war’ to refer to the conflict in Ukraine. While one’s choice of words is deliberate and conscious, grammatical categories are obligatory and pivotal to signaling the roles notions have in a discourse. Over- and underrepresentation of grammatical cases can be identified by Keymorph Analysis, which measures deviations from corpus norms analogously to Keyword Analysis. This first application of Keymorph Analysis to Russian data compares the use of grammatical case for the nouns meaning ‘Russia’, ‘Ukraine’, and ‘NATO’ in Putin’s speeches in the period leading up to and immediately after the invasion of Ukraine. Our analysis reveals a narrative in which Putin depicts Russia as a dynamic, agentive, foregrounded actor, a reliable partner for collaboration, but also the victim of unfair geopolitical maneuvers. Ukraine, by contrast, is dehumanized as relatively static and backgrounded, often merely a territorial location rather than a state. NATO appears primarily as the label for an untrustworthy organization and a destination for Ukraine.
This article presents research conducted on aspectual semantics in verbal nouns expressing action or state. The state of the art in the paradigmatic and non-paradigmatic status of Ukrainian verbal action nouns has been analyzed. A quantitative formal and semantic analysis has been undertaken to study a corpus of Ukrainian verbal nouns selected from the largest available dictionary of the Ukrainian language using a continuous sampling method and supported by a sampling of artistic texts, mass media and the Internet; a linguistic survey revealed the ways native speakers perceive the aspectual properties of the action nouns. Almost half of Ukrainian verbal nouns have preserved aspectual verbal pairs. Members of such pairs inherit verbal aspectual attributes: this specifically applies to those nouns that have retained formal markers of the aspect. The research demonstrates that Ukrainian native speakers clearly differentiate the members of the prefixal registered pairs; whereas functional differences between those verbal nouns that are marked with an imperfect suffix present/absent were less pronounced. The aspectual specificity of the Ukrainian verbal nouns of action is partially affected by transposition suffixes. The Ukrainian verbal noun demonstrates a distinctly defined tendency towards aspectual differentiation in real speech, which in itself is an important specific component endowing a divergent quality to the Ukrainian grammar system against the background of other Slavic languages.
Анотацiя У статті розглянуто функції плюсквамперфекта (давноминулого/передминулого часу) в українській мові з аспекту граматичної семантики. Виявленo та вперше проаналізовано такі функції цієї часової форми в сучасній українській мові: (1) таксисна функція; (2) позначення результату в минулому; (3) вираження незавершеної минулої ситуації; (4) позначення результату минулої ситуації, який є неактуальним у момент мовлення через іншу подію в минулому, що скасувала результат ситуації, вираженої плюсквамперфектом; (5) ретроспективна актуалізація; (6) позначення початку нового тематичного блоку; (7) введення дигресії; (8) контрфактична функція. Буде показано, що плюсквамперфект у сучасній українській мові все ще виконує таксисну функцію (вказує на часову орієнтацію однієї ситуації стосовно іншої). Однак ця відносна часова форма також служить для позначення результату, що був актуальним у минулому, але втратив актуальність на момент мовлення, а також має функцію розмежування часової зони, позначеної плюсквамперфектом, від моменту мовлення. Плюсквамперфект виконує в українській мові певні функції і на рівні тексту – вказує на нову тему та вводить дигресію. Ці дві функції ми розглядаємо в контексті «ретроспективної актуалізації». Особливу увагу буде приділено функції українського плюсквамперфекта, яку в лінгвотипології визначено як контрфактичну.
In this study, we use the General Regionally Annotated Corpus of Ukrainian (GRAC, as an experimental field for testing stylometric approaches for variationist analysis. While, in the last years, quantitative methods such as binomial mixed-effects regression models as well as machine-learning methods such as random forests have gained considerable popularity in corpus linguistics, methods from stylometry have not been used for variation-linguistic analysis very often. Using data from GRAC, we show that a stylometric approach can be useful to analyze the diachronic development of Standard Ukrainian in the 20th century. We take departure from the two main variants of Standard Ukrainian used in the interwar period in Soviet Ukraine, on the one hand, and Western Ukraine as it was part of the Polish republic, on the other. We ask: what can stylometry tell us about how these standards differed and about their subsequent fate in enlarged Soviet Ukraine after WWII? Our analysis shows that certain specifically Western Ukrainian features common during the first decades of the 20th century did not find their way into the post-WWII standard, while others were retained. Moreover, we show that, by and large, stylometry shows a stronger continuity of the Eastern than the Western standard. Methodologically, we demonstrate that stylometry can be used as a tool to start corpus-linguistic research from a bird’s-eye view and in an inductive manner, without formulating any hypotheses regarding particular variables, and later zoom in on hitherto unknown variables representing regional or diachronic differences.
Анотацiя The article provides a linguistic description of the most common dialectal features which typify the dialect of Novi Jaryloviči (former district of Ripky, region of Černihiv). The analysis enhances the empirical material useful for the successive accomplishment of a larger research project focusing on the origin and characterization of those dialects spoken in the northwestern part of the region of Černihiv. These dialects are generally attributed to the northeastern Ukrainian (or Polissian) dialectal territory and, in the specialist literature, are likewise known as “transitional from Ukrainian to Belarusian”. Due to the primarily descriptive approach adopted in this paper, theoretical implications and terminological issues will be discussed elsewhere. The analysis is structured according to the dialectological tradition. After a geo-historical and methodological outline, the most relevant dialectal features will be examined along with the usual linguistic parameters: phonetic-phonology, to a lesser extent derivation, morphology, syntax and lexis. The circumstance that Novi Jaryloviči is also mapped in the Atlas of the Ukrainian Language (settlement N. 1) will facilitate further comparison with other local varieties and will help to identify recent trends and possible undergoing changes in the dialectal area.
Аннотация В статье рассматриваются принципы научного исследования и описания русских идиом, включающих обсценный компонент. Поскольку развитая научная традиция описания обсценной идиоматики и лексики в русистике отсутствует, возникает необходимость разработки методов исследования этого пласта лексики, которые позволили бы отразить специфику его функционирования. В основе предлагаемого метода исследования лежат следующие принципы: примат материала, постулат о наличии нормы в обсценном дискурсе, выделение коммуникативных режимов использования обсценных идиом (а также и некоторых обсценных слов как части лексикона) и их учет в исследовании и словарной фиксации этой части лексикона. Значимость исследуемого материала объясняется преимущественно устной формой бытования обсценной лексики и идиоматики, а также сложностью ее научного исследования. Выделение нормы в некодифицированных употреблениях необходимо для выявления отрицательного языкового материала и выявления тенденций в функционировании изучаемых феноменов. Коммуникативные режимы влияют на семантику и прагматику обсценных слов и идиом. Мы выделяем четыре коммуникативных режима: фоновый, фигурный, замещающий и игровой. Фоновый режим употребления характеризуется тем, что изъятие обсценных лексем не приводит к изменению пропозиционального содержания текста. В отличие от фонового, фигурное употребление является частью пропозиции высказывания. Опущение обсценных форм в фигурном употреблении приводит к семантической неполноте и/или грамматической неправильности текста. В замещающем режиме обсценная лексика заменяет обычную, что характерно для «полуязычия». Игровой режим позволяет говорящему привлечь внимание к особенностям формы и содержания речи, обогащая ее дополнительными смыслами и снимая до определенной степени табуированность обсценных форм. В речи некоторые коммуникативные режимы могут совмещаться. При изучении семантики и прагматики этого слоя лексики замещающий режим должен исключаться, а игровой может учитываться при определенных условиях.
I explore the ongoing language change in which the impersonal modal word možno ‘can, be possible’ takes a personal clause (možno + nom) as its complement instead of the Experiencer in the Dative case (možno + dat) and the infinitival clause in the speech act of request in Contemporary Russian. The corpus-based evidence reveals that the construction možno + dat is gradually being replaced by možno + nom. I discuss various syntactic and pragmatic factors such as verb class, aspect, transitivity and politeness strategies that motivate the choice of a specific modal construction. Methods of statistical modelling, used to sort out the most significant factors contributing to the choice of construction, show that the most important factor is the date of creation of the text. I propose a scenario for the development of the možno + nom construction. First, možno began to be used as a tag-question after both infinitive and personal clauses. The requester marked by the Dative has been steadily replaced by the more agentive Subject in the Nominative case. Then, by analogy with the možno + dat construction, možno was placed at the beginning of the sentence and was reanalyzed as a constructional unit with the following structure: možno + finite clause, in which možno functions as a sentence adverb.
This study deals with attitudes and opinions of the population on the Ukrainian Black Sea coast in 2020/2021, a good year before the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The basis is a sociological survey conducted in the regions of Odesa, Mykolajiv and Kherson with 1,200 respondents. These regions are a clear target of the Russian offensive against Ukraine, on the grounds of an alleged ideological and linguistic affinity of these areas with Russia. The attitudes and opinions sought in the study cover three domains: firstly, attitudes and opinions on language policy, secondly, on Ukrainian autonomy and identity and the role played by languages in this context, and thirdly, Ukraine’s geopolitical orientation. Respondents were grouped according to their “ethnic/national” self-identification and language preferences, and a comparison was made. Overall, the attitudes of the respondents showed a clear identification with Ukraine and the Ukrainian language and a skepticism towards the Russian state, but by no means a hostile attitude towards the Russian language. A picture emerges that clearly contradicts Russian propaganda and also puts into perspective the difference between southern Ukraine and the center and the west, which has often been emphasized in the past.
South-Western Ukrainian dialects have retained the option of auxiliary clitics in the formation of the past tense. At the same time, they have past-tense forms without auxiliary clitics as in Northern Ukrainian dialects, and in Standard Ukrainian based on South-Eastern dialects. A sample corpus study suggests that South-Western Ukrainian also shows a higher frequency of subject pro-drop than Standard Ukrainian. The South-Western Ukrainian pattern presents the precise mirror image of the same two features in South-Eastern ‘Borderland’ Polish. Here, the dialect adopted the option of past-tense forms without auxiliary clitics, next to those with them as in Standard Polish. At the same time, it shows a higher frequency of non-pro-drop than Standard Polish. I argue that these matching facts are the result of long- standing language contact that worked simultaneously in two directions: the increase in the use of an existing dialectal Ukrainian pattern under Polish influence, as well as the increase in the use of an existing dialectal Polish pattern under Ukrainian influence. As a result, both dialects show the same variation between past-tense forms with auxiliary clitics and without them, and they have mutually converging tendencies in subject pro-drop – the Ukrainian dialect adapting towards Polish pro-drop, and the Polish dialect towards Ukrainian non-pro- drop. The bi-directionality of influence in the SWU dialectal area, thus, goes beyond other, unidirectional language-contact scenarios.
The study analyses the linguistic situation in the three Ukrainian oblasts on the Black Sea coast using survey data collected from 1,200 respondents before the Russian attack on Ukraine. At the end of the 18th century, this region was the core of a “new Russian” gov�ernate during Tsarist times. Previously, the region had been ruled by Tatars and there were neither Russian nor Ukrainian settlements. From the 19th century onwards, the Ukrainian and Russian population dominated. Since the annexation of the Crimea, these oblasts represent a crucial part of the Kremlin’s plan to establish an “expanded New Russia (Novorossiya)” under Moscow’s control – extending along the Ukrainian-Russian border and the northern Black Sea coast, reaching from Xarkiv to Odesa. This area is clearly at the forefront of Rus�sia’s current war goals since controlling it would allow them to establish the strategically important land bridge to Crimea. Linguistically, the area undoubtedly belongs to those regions of Ukraine where Russian was prominent, although apart from the Crimea at no time was there an ethnic Russian ma�jority on the Black Sea coast – neither during Soviet times nor since Ukraine’s independence. This means that the population with Ukrainian “nationality” also made strong use of Rus�sian. This situation is being instrumentalized by Moscow as an argument for its military intervention to protect the Russian or Russian-speaking population. The study firstly describes the linguistic situation in the region, differentiating between the so-called mother tongue, the first language acquired and the principally-used language. It can be shown that the traditionally assumed dominance of Russian is actually far weaker when the population’s “multicodality”, including the mixed variety Suržyk, is included in the analysis. A differentiation is made between respondents with Ukrainian and Russian nationality throughout the analysis. Using statistical procedures such as principal compo�nent analysis and cluster analysis, the interdependencies between stated mother tongue, first language and multicodality are presented. Different motives for claiming a certain mother tongue can be identified among subgroups of respondents. The analysis focuses particularly on the questions of the extent to which central government measures to strengthen the po�sition of Ukrainian since Ukraine’s independence have changed respondents’ preferences when choosing a code, and whether respondents have perceived social pressure for any form of shift. On the whole, it can be established that speakers with Ukrainian nationality who were primarily socialized in Russian have considerably increased their usage of Ukrainian, but without abandoning Russian. At best, this can also be established to a minimal extent for respondents with Russian nationality. Furthermore, since there is only extremely scant evidence that respondents encounter disapproval or censure from their environment for their choice of code (be it Russian, Suržyk or Ukrainian), Moscow’s claim of persecution, if not genocide of the Russian-speaking population is exposed as a blatant lie.
Poster with the text in Ukrainian: THIS is what THEIR Ukraine looks like! Ukraine, open your eyes
A still from the television show Vremja pokažet of July 21, 2021. The text reads: On a juridical level, Russians are not indigenous people, and therefore they cannot enjoy all the human rights of basic freedom, as defined by international law and laid down by the Ukrainian constitution and laws
According to Russia, the main reason for starting the war with Ukraine on February 24, 2022 was the genocide of the Russian-speaking population by the Nazi government of Volodymyr Zelenskyy. In this paper I investigate the Russian claims about genocide. These claims are shown to be part of the rhetorical frame Russophobic Nazi Ukraine government commits genocide on Russians, an aspect of Russian propaganda which builds on the Second World War. I demonstrated that this frame is itself an aspect of a more abstract frame, where any perceived enemy of Russia, is portrayed as a fascist or Nazi force that aims to destroy Russia and Russian culture. I investigate how this frame emerged and developed over time in five stages, starting in post-Soviet Russia and Ukraine, and in Russia after the Orange and Maidan revolutions in Ukraine. Russia tries to provide argumentation for the validity of the frame by referring to a number of objectively established facts relating to the situation in the Donbas, Ukraine’s language laws, and the presence of right-extremists in Ukraine. In doing so, some ideas are made more salient than others (the language laws that diminish the official status of Russian in Ukraine and the hostilities in the Donbas region), while other ideas are suppressed altogether (e.g. the juridical meaning of genocide, the actual status of right-wing extremism in Ukraine, the role of Russia in the hostilities in the Donbas, and the actual status of the language laws in Ukraine). In all of these cases, the arguments used by Russia are not valid, being based on exaggerations, hyperbolic use of terminology, and lies. The main goal of this frame is to acquire and retain support for Russia’s policy toward Ukraine, as well as to deflect any potential criticism on Russia itself. Ultimately, the Russian propaganda is part of the concept Russkij Mir ‘Russian World’, where Russian language and culture are a means to restore President Vladimir Putin’s Russian sphere of influence from Soviet times or earlier.
Аннотация Одним из действенных когнитивных инструментов скрытого воздействия на человека является внедрение нарративов и интенций в его подсознание используя единицы псевдотождества, в частности концептуальную метафору. Настоящее исследование посвящено когнитивно-прагматическому моделированию хронотопической метафоры в составе концептов «Война» и «Мир» в украинском русскоязычном дискурсе периода гибридной войны. На материале публикаций интернет-изданий «Зеркало недели», «Две тысячи», «Вечерние вести» за период 2014–2019 гг. произведен когнитивно-дискурсивный анализ современной хронотопической метафоры. В работе восстановлена образная пространственно-временная парадигма концептов и охарактеризован ее прагматический потенциал. Наряду с этим определено место концептов в кругу бинарных оппозиций «свое-чужое», «верх-низ», «хтоническое-сакральное», перечислены реализованные метафорами нарративы и определены когнитивные векторы осмысления войны и мира в свете российской агрессии против Украины. Детальное исследование когнитивных метафор из сферы-источника «Время и пространство» как средства концептуализации войны и мира в новостном дискурсе указало на существование в нем хронотопов войны и мира. В данном контексте хронотоп определяется как этноспецифическое, исторически и культурно обусловленное представление о пространственном и темпоральном плане войны и мира, апеллирующее к архаическим представлениям этноса и вербально объективированное речевыми единицами с пространственной и временной семантикой. Установлено, что представление о мире выстраивается на основе представлений о войне, а хронотоп мира связан с милитарным хронотопом, поскольку негативный конец аксиологической шкалы человека всегда длиннее, чем позитивный. Успешное достижение мира предполагает пересечения хтонического пространства войны. Поэтому в работе особое внимание уделено описанию качественных параметров хронотопов войны и мира, а также образных средств их объективации. Результаты исследования демонстрируют мировоззренческие установки, эксплицированные хронотопической метафорой, а также определяют ее роль как эффективного инструмента для воздействия на общественное сознание.
There is no evidence for the use of the glottonym “русский язык” as a name of the Slavic dialects of medieval Rus´ in medieval texts until the mid-13 th century. In its beginnings, the term obviously referred to a Scandinavian language: the language of the Varangians.
Recent years have seen considerable debate concerning Russian feminitives, i.e. derived formations that designate female professionals, such as advokatka, advokatša, advokatessa, ženščina-advokat or advokat-ženščina that all refer to female lawyers. In this article, we investigate the use of feminitives based on data from the Araneum Russicum Maximum corpus and the Russian National Corpus. It is shown that the choice of feminitive to some extent depends on the morphophonological properties of the base word. It is furthermore argued that suffixed feminitives are more frequent than compounds like ženščina-advokat and advokat-ženščina, and that the distribution has changed over time. Suffixed feminitives reveal a stronger tendency to combine with gender-related epithets (e.g., obajatel’naja agentka ‘charming agent’), while the type ženščina-X is frequently used with the epithet pervyj ‘first’. Our article is an empirical study of the actual use of feminitives in corpus data, which we hope will inform future metalinguistic discussion and prescriptivist thinking about feminitives in Russian.
Spectrogram, pitch contour and labelling of the phrase Oni na cëm priezžajut? ‘They by what-Instr. arrive?’ pronounced by female speaker 6 from the CSR group, the vowel [o] labelled in the second layer is stressed
Spectrogram, pitch contour and labelling of the phrase Ona za kem zanimala? ‘She after who-Instr. saved (the place in line)?’ pronounced by male speaker 44 from the NSR group, the vowel [e] labelled in the second layer is stressed
A scatterplot of the duration and F1 values of immediately pretonic vowels produced by CSR and NSR speakers
Boxplots of the differences in maximum pitch between the stressed and immediately pretonic vowels of the accented words (X2-X1) in semitones
Density plots of the absolute alignment of the high turning point (the alignment of the H label) with respect to the onset of the stressed vowel, in ms; zero values are omitted
This study examines the phonetic realisation of the falling nuclear pitch accent that marks corrective focus statements and wh-questions in Russian. An interactive dialogue-reading task elicited acoustic data from speakers of two regional varieties: Central Standard Russian spoken in Moscow (CSR), and Northern Standard Russian spoken in urban areas of the Vologda region (NSR). The two varieties differ in patterns of vowel reduction; while CSR is characterised by lengthening of immediately pretonic vowels, shorter vowels are observed in this position in NSR. Moscow Russian is also reported to display optional extra-early alignment of high turning points in falling accent, associating F0 peaks with the immediately pretonic syllable. Our data provides the first evidence that falling accents in NSR do not demonstrate the same tendency. The Vologda subjects tended to align the high turning point significantly later than the Muscovites, and the pitch maximum was rarely reached before the stressed vowel. Two possible interpretations of these findings are proposed. First, the observed alignment differences can be treated as an outcome of tune-text negotiation, with the option to associate the H target of the bitonal nuclear accent with the pretonic syllable available in Standard Russian, only if the first prestressed vowel is phonetically long. In addition, the NSR data bears resemblance to recent findings concerning an archaic northern dialect with nuclear monotonal H* instead of the bitonal H*+L/H+L* attested in Standard Russian. Therefore, it is suggested that the alignment pattern observed in NSR could be a relic of the archaic monotonal northern nuclear accent transformed under the influence of the dominant standardised variety.
Spoken corpora are collections of transcribed and annotated audio and /or video recordings of languages or language varieties. The aim of this paper is to present an overview of 51 spoken corpora currently available for Slavic languages and dialects, in particular Belarusian, Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, Polish, Russian, Slovak, Slovenian, Trasianka, Ukrainian/Rusyn. We identify three groups of corpora according to the type of lect: corpora of standard languages (spoken mainly in an urban environment and existing in both written and oral form), dialects (spoken mainly in a rural environment and unwritten), and bilingual varieties (we call bilingual varieties spoken as L2 by people with different L1 languages, as well as all varieties that evolved in a multilingual environment). We survey the corpora in terms of text registers, transcription, and principles of linguistic and extralinguistic annotation. In conclusion, we suggest a list of features that linguists should take into consideration when developing a spoken corpus. Many spoken corpora are currently being created for various Slavic lects, and their developers may use this overview as a source of information on different designs and solutions.
The paper deals with textual, historiographic and etymological premises of the town name Tъmutorokanь. Based on Hebrew, Turkic, Arabic, Byzantine (medieval Greek) and Latin-Italian (Genoese) medieval attestations, the author connects the etymology of the town name Tъmutorokanь with the issue of the periodization of the formation of Ukrainian. In addition, the traditional etymology is tested from the point of view of the absolute chronology of the rise of East Slavic pleophony. Both textual and historiographic evidence allows the author to argue that the inhabitants of this town used Old Ukrainian as the primary language of communication as early as the eleventh century
Abstract. Th is paper is devoted to the research of modern features of marketing vocabulary usage in English. Th e article presents an analysis of English-language terms used in marketing vocabulary. Marketing dictionaries and terms were used as research material and marketing websites were analyzed. an objective was set to record the English-language terminological fi eld describing modern frequently used marketing vocabulary and its relation to the Russian language. Th e objective of this paper is to describe modern Russian terminology originating from English that has been introduced into marketing vocabulary. Th e study presents the results of the analysis of modern vocabulary related to the terminological system «international marketing», as well as a detailed analysis of each term. Keywords: international marketing, modern terminology, English, vocabulary, comparative analysis. // Аннотация. Рассматриваются современные особенности употребления маркетинговой лексики в английском языке. Представлен анализ англоязычных терминов, использующихся в терминологии международного маркетинга. В качестве исследовательского материала выступили маркетинговые словари и термины, проанализированы популярные маркетинговые сайты. Зафиксировано англоязычное терминологическое поле, описывающее современную часто употребляемую лексику международного маркетинга и ее соотношение с русским языком. Описана современная русская терминология, произошедшая из английского языка, которая внедрилась в маркетинговую лексику. Представлены результаты анализа современной лексики, относящейся к терминологической системе «маркетинг», а также дан подробный анализ каждого термина. Ключевые слова: международный маркетинг, современная терминология, англоязычный, лексика, сравнительный анализ.
Распределение форм род. и вин. падежей при СД-глаголах (с точками выбросов)
Распределение форм род. и вин. падежей при СД-глаголах (без точек выбросов)
Аффиксальные группы и СД, способные к управлению род. партитивным (данные МАС)
Приставочные группы и СД (данные МАС)
Результаты применения W-критерия для проверки гипотезы M(вин. п.) < M(род. п)
Аннотация В статье излагаются результаты исследования особенностей употребления родительного падежа с партитивной семантикой в позиции прямого дополнения при глаголах морфемно характеризованных способов действия в русском языке. По данным Малого академического словаря выявлены более или менее объемные морфологические группы глаголов, для которых зафиксирована сочетаемость с родительным падежом: глаголы с префиксами по-, на-, под-, при-, от-, до- и суффиксом -(a)ну-. Большинство глаголов каждой группы относится к одному из перфективных способов действия (делимитативному с префиксом по-, кумулятивному с префиксом на- и т.д.). Анализ примеров, извлеченных из Национального корпуса русского языка и русскоязычного сегмента сети Интернет, позволяет дополнить перечень лексем, способных к употреблению с родительным партитивным в рамках каждого способа действия, а также сделать вывод о системном характере данного явления. При рассмотрении количественного и семантического соотношения родительного и винительного падежей обнаруживаются различия между глаголами, относящимися к способам действия, и не принадлежащими к способам действия перфективными глагольными лексемами. Формы винительного и родительного падежей при глаголах, относящихся к способам действия, не противопоставлены как выражающие полноту и неполноту вовлечения объекта в ситуацию. Синонимия падежных форм может объясняться тем, что глаголы рассматриваемых в статье способов действия не являются предельными перфективными глаголами в строгом смысле и не предполагают выражение полного охвата объекта, при этом родительный падеж эксплицитно указывает на количественное ограничение, а винительный является средством, используемым для оформления прямого дополнения по умолчанию. Также показано, что количественная интерпретация объекта обусловлена значением способа действия, при этом в случае выражения значения большого количества и при переносных значениях глагола более вероятно употребление формы родительного падежа.
Bugoslavskij’s stemma from 1941 (Bugoslavskij, 1941, 34)
Müller’s stemma from 1967 (Müller, 1967, 185)
Scribal attempts at correcting PVL 9,2
Stemma for Revelations of Pseudo-Methodios and the PVL (contamination on Laurentian branch)4
Ostrowski PVL stemma (modified to chronological approximations) from 2007 (Ostrowski, 2007a, 303).
In the work of editing and analyzing Rus’ian texts, there has developed a difference in opinion between those scholars who embrace the use of stemmatics (to help determine readings in cases of closed transmission) and those who reject it (and therefore do not use stemma for that purpose). The difference in opinion can and often does lead to differing notions of the choice of readings. Another essential consideration for editing the text of the Povest′ vremennyx let (PVL) is determining when the narrative ends. One finds no general agreement in the scholarly literature: as every yearly entry between 1110 and 1117 has been proposed as the endpoint of the text. The answer to that question of the ending of the narrative is intertwined with how scholars answer three related questions: Who wrote it? When was it written? And what are the internal divisions of the text? Based on a metahistorical analysis, this article describes two narratives in the text – the first from the beginning of it through to the year 1037; the second from the year 1054 through to the year 1114. The text between these two narratives (between 1037 and 1054) includes a series of yearly entries, including a story about the founding of the Kievan Caves Monastery interpolated into the entry for the year 1051 by the author of the second narrative. (The first narrative was most likely written during the reign of Jaroslav Volodimirič [1019–1054]). The yearly entries following it were added during first reign of Izjaslav Jaroslavič (1054–1078), possibly by the monk Nikon of the Kievan Caves Monastery. The second narrative was completed between 1114 and 1116 by a monk of the Kievan Caves Monastery named Vasilij. This article demonstrates that stemmatics and metahistorical analysis are useful methodological tools in the study of the PVL.
Within the framework of this article, the peculiarities of teaching foreign students in Russia, in particular, problems related to the teaching of disciplines "History of Russia" and "Russian language" are considered. The methodology of the survey was developed. A survey was conducted among foreign second-year students (a group of 20 people). The results of the survey were analyzed, the main problems with which foreign students began to appear, and actions for their solution were suggested.
In Russian, many past passive participles of verbs of emotion, e.g. obižen(nyj) ‘offended’, obradovan(nyj) ‘gladdened’, obespokoen(nyj) ‘worried’, allow for variation in the encoding of the stimulus: the instrumental case competes with the alternative means, which we call lexical. The lexical means are specific for each participle and coincide with the ones used by the corresponding reflexive verbs. Based on corpus data, we argue that the instrumental encoding is associated with the construal of the stimulus as the cause of the emotion, whereas the lexical encoding highlights the target component of the stimulus role. In particular, the instrumental encoding is preferred for inanimate stimuli, which are more likely to constitute the cause of an emotion, whereas lexical encoding is more frequently used for animate stimuli, which are more likely to figure as targets of an emotion. The instrumental is statistically associated with the long form of the participle, which is explained by the fact that these forms are often used in non-restrictive relative clauses that provide the cause of the main clause event. Diachronically, we see indications of the drift from the instrumental to the lexical encoding of the stimulus in constructions with participles, which parallels a similar development in reflexive verbs. We hypothesize that the lexical encoding of the stimulus indicates the emancipation of participles from transitive verbs and their attraction to the corresponding reflexives.
The paper focuses on the development and functional distribution of indefinite pronouns in Old East Slavic, taking into account different sources, genres and registers. All the examples in the collected dataset were taken from the historical modules of the Russian National Corpus. They were tagged for type of indefinite marker , source (including originality and date ), type of reference of the indefinite marker, semantics , type of discourse , and the degree of formality (formal or informal) present in the context. We then applied both descriptive and inferential statistical methods such as Random Forest analysis as well as multinomial logistic regression. Our analysis enabled us to identify the primary and secondary predictors of the choice of a particular indefinite marker and to trace the functional distribution of indefinite markers according to these factors.
Heritage speakers (HSs) are known to differ from monolingual speakers in various linguistic domains. The present study focuses on the syntactic properties of monolingual and heritage Russian. Using a corpus of semi-spontaneous spoken and written narratives produced by HSs of Russian residing in the US and Germany, we investigate HSs’ word order patterns and compare them to monolingual speakers of Russian from Saint Petersburg. Our results show that the majority language (ML) of HSs as well as the clause type contribute to observed differences in word order patterns between speaker groups. Specifically, HSs in Germany performed similarly to monolingual speakers of Russian while HSs in the US generally produced more SVO and less OVS orders than the speakers of the latter group. Furthermore, HSs in the US produced more SVO orders than both monolingual speakers and HSs in Germany in embedded clauses, but not in main clauses. The results of the study are discussed with the reference to the differences between main and embedded clauses as well as the differences between the MLs of the HSs.
Аннотация В статье рассматривается оформление количественной конструкции в разновидностях русской речи, относящихся к пост-пиджинному континууму, а именно в речи старшего поколения двуязычных носителей южно-тунгусских языков (нанайского и ульчского). Наряду со стандартными употреблениями с генитивом типа два дома, пять братьев в их речи встречаются отсутствующие в литературном русском номинативные конструкции типа два дом, пять братья. Структурно они похожи на тунгусские количественные конструкции, однако можно предполагать и другие источники: наследование синтаксиса количественной конструкции из пиджина, из диалектной речи монолингвов или результат недоусвоения русской системы. Свидетельства в пользу того, что мы имеем дело именно с копированием тунгусской синтаксической модели, дает количественный анализ вариативности на корпусном материале. Частотное распределение между генитивной и номинативной моделями регулируется семантикой существительного и числительного: сочетания с существительными времени и меры, а также конструкции с большими числами склонны к стандартному генитивному оформлению. Все это контексты, более характерные для общения на русском языке, чем на южно-тунгусских, т.е. такие, в которых естественно ожидать меньшего контактного влияния. За распределение между двумя конкурирующими моделями с номинативом (два брат vs. два братья) отвечают те же факторы, что и в южно-тунгусских языках. Рассмотренные данные интересны в контексте более общего вопроса о контактных явлениях в грамматике. Полученные данные подтверждают предположение о том, что заимствованию легче подвергаются те грамматические черты языка-донора, которые соответствуют общим типологическими тенденциями и функционально мотивированы.
One of the distinctive features of Slavic verbs is their aspectual morphology: typically each finite and non-finite form of a verb has a constant aspectual value: either perfective (PFV) or imperfective (IPFV). Nevertheless, in all Slavic languages, besides these prototypical verbs with only one assigned aspectual value, there are also verbs with underspecified aspectual value, usually called biaspectual verbs (BVs). As argued in the literature, on the sentence level such verbs have the potential to express both aspectual values, PFV and IPFV, without any further aspectual affixation. However, some scholars assert that the intended aspectual value of such verbs can rarely be unambiguously signaled. To resolve the ambiguous aspectual value, native speakers often provide additional context signals or derive a new aspectually defined verb to indicate the intended aspectual value. The latter possibility has been addressed in numerous papers, but mainly with the goal of detecting the (most common) prefixes used in this process. This study aimed to examine the patterns behind BV prefixation in Croatian. In order to detect factors with a statistically significant impact on prefixation of BVs in Croatian, a random stratified sample of 237 Croatian BVs (BVs of Slavic origin and biaspectual borrowings) was compiled. The data regarding the existence of perfective derivatives were extracted from three different corpora of contemporary Croatian and one subcorpus: the Croatian National Corpus, the Croatian Language Repository, and the Croatian Web Corpus and its subcorpus Forum, and afterwards analyzed using R software with the help of the lme4 package. The results obtained with the generalized linear mixed model revealed five factors statistically significant for prefixation of BVs in Croatian, which can be attributed to the lexical (semantical), morphological and sociolinguistic domains.
Diatribal formulae
Verb correspondences between L and S S
The ‘diatribe’ is a dialogical mode of exposition, originating in Hellenistic Greek, where the author dramatically performs different voices in a polemical-didactic discourse. The voice of a fictitious opponent is often disambiguated by means of parenthetical verba dicendi , especially φησί(ν). Although diatribal texts were widely translated into Slavic in the Middle Ages, the textual history of the Zlatostruj collection of Chrysostomic homilies especially suits an investigation not only of how Greek ‘diatribal’ verbs were translated, but also how the Slavic verbs were transmitted or developed in different textual traditions. Over time, Slavic redactional activity led to a homogenization of verb forms. The initial variety of the original translation was partly eliminated, and the verb forms "Equation missing" and "Equation missing" became more firmly established as prototypical diatribal formulae. Especially the (increased) use of the 2sg form "Equation missing" has theoretical consequences for the text’s dialogical structure. Thus, an important dialogical component of the diatribe was reinforced in the Zlatostruj’s textual history on Slavic soil.
Аннотация Рассмотренный в статье почерк новгородского писца Матфея, участвовавшего в переписывании комплекта служебных миней, представляет собой значительный интерес для реконструкции истории рефлексов сочетаний *tъrt, *tьrt, *tъlt в древнерусском языке, выделяясь на фоне других описанных почерков XI–XII вв. Последовательная ориентация Матфея на южнославянскую орфографию при записи этих рефлексов приводит к появлению в его почерке нескольких групп гиперкорректных по природе написаний. Анализ этих орфографически нестандартных примеров на фоне всей совокупности форм с рефлексами *tъrt, *tьrt, *tъlt позволяет реконструировать правило, которым Матфей пользовался при нормализации орфографии сочетаний редуцированных с плавными, а также оценить возможность взаимовлияния книжной орфограммы и живого произношения писца. По нашим наблюдениям, Матфей проводит правку в пользу искусственной южнославянской орфограммы с опорой на восточнославянскую огласовку данных сочетаний.
Feminist linguistic activism has gained prominence among Western feminists as a way to eliminate sexism in language and everyday life. In Russian, gender specification (known as feminitivy) represents the mainstream approach practiced by grassroots feminist reformers. However, alternative approaches aimed at gender neutralization proliferate. The paper examines the prospects and challenges of gender neutralization both in writing and oral speech. Results of a survey documenting attitudes of Russian-speaking feminist and LGBTQI communities to language reform attempts are presented, with a special focus on comparison between gender specification and gender neutralization.
Аннотация В статье анализируется функционирование кратких форм страдательных причастий прошедшего времени в предикативной функции в западнорусских летописях. Внимание уделяется, прежде всего, причастным формам, употребленным в отношении прошедшего действия без глагола-связки в прошедшем времени. Для их адекватного анализа необходимо привлечение как древнерусского материала, так и данных современных русских говоров, а также украинского, белорусского и польского языков. Анализируемые формы могут употребляться в тех же двух функциях, что и в древнерусском: для обозначения либо результативного действия в прошлом, либо действия аористного типа. В то же время в западнорусских летописях было обнаружено использование форм на -но-/-то-, которые являются практически грамматикализованными и функционируют в качестве безличных финитных форм аналогично тому, как это происходит сейчас в украинском и польском языках. Формирование этих форм связано, по всей видимости, с изначальной возможностью страдательных причастий использоваться без связки в контекстах аористного типа. Выявленные особенности функционирования страдательных причастий свидетельствуют о параллелизме в истории их развития с двумя другими причастными образованиями: на -ъш-/-въш- и на -л-.
Number of motion verbs used for describing horizontal and vertical motion in Polish (black bars) and in Russian (white bars) in percentages
Semantic components of manner conflated in Polish motion verbs used to describe horizontal (black bars) and vertical relations (white bars) in percentages
Semantic components of manner conflated in Russian motion verbs used to describe horizontal (black bars) and vertical relations (white bars) in percentages
The article discusses the ways in which lexicalization of vertical motion takes place in two satellite-framed languages: Polish and Russian. In this typological category the manner of motion is typically rendered by the verb. The analysis of the descriptions of motion events by native speakers of these two genetically related languages shows that the lexicalization pattern of vertical motion differs from the horizontal one. First of all, when describing vertical relations, respondents less frequently code the manner of motion in the verb than when talking about motion along the horizontal plane. What is more, the results show that both Russian and Polish respondents use more motion verbs to describe vertical than horizontal relations, which points to the natural human tendency to code novel situations.
Аннотация В статье анализируется статус пословиц и поговорок в русской культуре и литературном языке первой трети XIX века. В первом разделе обсуждается амбивалентное отношение к паремиям у ‘шишковистов’ и ‘карамзинистов’. Использование пословиц и поговорок в художественных текстах 1800–1830-х годов (прежде всего, в поэзии) позволяет заключить, что паремии должны были проходить строгий вкусовой отбор. Во второй части статьи анализируется всплеск (прото)научного интереса к паремиям в 1820-е годы. Анализ статей о пословицах и поговорках демонстрирует, что паремии воспринимались как особая философия народа, конкурирующая с элитарными философскими системами. Последний раздел работы посвящен стихотворению Е. A. Боратынского Старательно мы наблюдаем свет … . Его лингвистический и смысловой анализ позволяет проиллюстрировать амбивалентной статус паремий в русской культуре первой трети XIX века.
Аннотация В статье исследуется конкуренция лично-притяжательных и возвратно-притяжательного местоимений, отсылающих к посессору 1 и 2 лица, в русском языке начиная с XVIII в. На материале Национального корпуса русского языка подтверждено предположение о том, что по сравнению с XIX в. в XXI в. существенно возросла доля возвратно-притяжательных посессоров в 1 и 2 лице. Вопреки ожиданиям, однако, лично-притяжательные местоимения и в XIX в. уступали в частотности возвратному, а их конкуренция с возвратно-притяжательным местоимением эволюционировала по-разному в зависимости от числа и лица посессора. Рост частотности возвратно-притяжательного местоимения предложено трактовать как его конвенционализацию в качестве основного средства выражения посессора. Продемонстрировано, что, как часто бывает при конвенционализации, этот рост сопровождался ослаблением основного семантического противопоставления между возвратно-притяжательным и лично-притяжательными местоимениями.
Частотное распределение по годам конструкций чего доброго, того (и) гляди и не ровён / неровён час
Аннотация В статье подробно анализируются три близкие по значению дискурсивные идиомы того и гляди, чего доброго и не ровён час. Цель работы—выявить с помощью анализа корпусных данных семантические, прагматические и сочетаемостные различия между ними. Общая черта значения исследуемых единиц—сочетание признаков оценки степени вероятности предполагаемого события и его негативной оценки, что представляет собой конфигурацию смыслов, типичную для семантического поля ‘опасение’. При этом каждая из трех дискурсивных единиц характеризуется своим, уникальным сочетанием дополнительных признаков, во многом определяемом их внутренней формой. Данные параллельных корпусов позволяют утверждать, что эти единицы обслуживают специфическую дискурсивную стратегию, характерную для русского языка.
This study tests the morphological gradience theory on Russian prefixed verbs. With the help of a specially designed experiment, in which participants were asked to evaluate the semantic transparency of a prefixed nonse verb given in minimal context, as well as to semanticise it by suggesting an existing Russian verb with the same prefix, we offer evidence that these verbs can be analysed as constructional schemas and that the degree of their morphological decomposition depends upon the different levels of activation of their sequential and lexical links. We prove that speakers of Russian are very sensitive to the etymological connection between verb prefixes and the prepositions they are related to. Thus, prefix-stem constructions with prefixes that correspond to prepositions are more likely to be morphologically decomposed, while prefix-stem constructions with prefixes that do not relate to prepositions tend to be regarded as single lexical units. Moreover, the general, highly abstract semantics of Russian prefix-stem constructions, especially of those that retain their ‘prepositional’ meaning, is undoubtedly accessible to language users, which is confirmed by the fact that the interpretability of these constructions is affected by priming.
Pleshakova, Anna, Quinlan, Kathleen M. (2013) Toward a theory of interdisciplinarity: an example of conceptual integration/blending in teaching and learning in Russian and east European language-based area studies. Russian Language Journal, 63 . pp. 169-193. ISSN 0036-0252. Abstract The world’s most pressing problems require solutions that cross disciplinary boundaries. Yet, in an academy dominated by disciplinary thinking, interdisciplinarity is very challenging for researchers, teachers and students. We briefly discuss problem-based learning (PBL) as a promising teaching methodology for integrating multiple disciplines. However, the literature on problem-based learning does not adequately articulate the underlying cognitive processes required for interdisciplinary knowledge construction, particularly outside the clinical sciences. This paper proposes conceptual integration or blending (Fauconnier & Turner, 2002; Fauconnier & Turner, 2008; Howell, 2010; Morrison, 2003) as a promising theoretical foundation for interdisciplinary teaching and learning, particularly in area studies, which integrates numerous social sciences and humanities subjects. We illustrate this theoretical approach with examples drawn from a course on the culture of Russia and Eastern Europe. We argue that understanding interdisciplinarity from a cognitive perspective allows both students and teachers to be more self-conscious about the practice of interdisciplinary studies, thereby enhancing the learning and teaching process.
Th e features of the use of a language game in outdoor commercial advertising on Russian and English materials in the context of media visualization are considered. Th e specifi city of the implementation of the functions of journalism (developing, entertaining and destructive) in the context of using a language game in advertising texts is revealed. Examples of using the language game in outdoor commercial advertising are given. It was revealed that the language of advertising at the current stage of development is no longer a separate functional style, but a special language that is used in the fi eld of advertising and business.
With the journal Russian Linguistics entering the third decade of the twentieth century and a new team of editors—assisted by a new editorial board of renowned experts—taking over, it is a good time to look back and to the future.
The Slavic perfective (pfv): imperfective (ipfv) opposition is based on stem derivation. It creates a complex network of functions for finite and non-finite forms, which largely applies regardless of aspectual pairedness (and actionality groups), since this opposition has classificatory properties. However, can derivationally related stems claimed to represent identical lexical concepts be treated as representatives of one or of two paradigms? The issue becomes especially intricate with aspect triplets in which two ipfv stems correspond to one pfv stem, as though combining two productive patterns of aspect derivation. On this background, we test some core assumptions of the morphology-lexicon interface on one typical aspect triplet from Polish and Czech, the cognate ipfv Pol. dzielić – rozdzielać, Cz. dělit – rozdělovat ‘divide, separate’. We provide their token-based analysis for the period 1750–2017. The two ipfv stems show preferences for different basic functions associated with the ipfv aspect, the coding of marginal arguments and adjuncts also yields clear biases of choice. These preferences prove stable over time, distinctions in form typically associated with inflection turn out to be altogether irrelevant. Our findings, as well as a revision of theoretical positions, support a notion of paradigm in which typical inflectional distinctions are brought into an equilibrium with functional inventories and collocational constraints.
This article deals with the factivity and effectiveness of Russian propositional speech verbs. Some Russian propositional speech verbs can be factive if their subordinate proposition is always true, and some can be effective predicates if the speech act always accompanies a change of the recipient’s mental state. Russian propositional speech verbs are divided into four groups according to their factivity and effectiveness, i.e. speech verbs that are 1. factive and effective, 2. factive and non-effective, 3. non-factive and effective, and 4. non-factive and non-effective. Among Russian propositional speech verbs, non-factive and non-effective verbs are in the majority, and there are very few Russian speech verbs that are factive and non-effective. The other groups of Russian speech verbs are semantically characterized: the factive and effective ones have a ‘revealing’ semantic component and the non-factive and effective ones—one of ‘informing’.
Relationship between aspectual functions and forms in the past tense in Russian and English (Maslov 1985, p. 34)
Event-related potentials (grand averages, n=14\documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$n = 14$\end{document}) of selected electrodes for the four conditions
Scalp topography for the effect of semantic, morpho-syntactic, and aspectual violations (violation condition minus control condition) in four time windows
The treatment of verbal aspect in Russian grammar and its interaction with lexical semantics are controversial matters. We address these issues from a psycholinguistic perspective. We conducted an EEG study with 14 native Russian speakers processing 160 sentences in the unrestrictedly iterative meaning; the sentences were either correct or contained semantic, morpho-syntactic, or aspectual violations (e.g., Každyj večer otec *zasnulpfvna divane. ‘Every evening the father *fell asleep on the sofa’). Processing the aspectual violation resulted in a P600, which is typical for processing morpho-syntactic violations and usually is interpreted as an index of difficulties in syntactic (re-)analysis, while an N400, which is typical for processing lexico-semantic violations, could not be observed. Our results show that Russian speakers must make more effort to analyze aspectually incorrect sentences compared with aspectually correct sentences. Processing aspectual violations in Russian clearly resembles processing of morpho-syntactic violations. This is in line with the interpretation of aspect as a typical grammatical category.
Аннотация В статье демонстрируется асимметрия между темпоральными значениями слов со значением ‘близкого’ и ‘далекого’, и анализируются ее семантические источники. Одно из основных проявлений этой асимметрии—предпочтительная референция к будущему у слов со значением ‘близкого’ (ср. близкие каникулы = ‘каникулы в будущем’) и к прошлому у слов со значением ‘далекого’ (ср. далекие годы = ‘годы в прошлом’). Однако эта общая тенденция осложняется другими факторами. Для кратких форм прилагательного близкий темпоральное употребление характерно (Близок день нашей победы), а для кратких форм далекого—нет (?Далек день нашей победы). Для предикативного наречия близко невозможно употребление в темпоральном значении с предлогом до (*До Нового года близко), характерное для наречий далеко и недалеко (До Нового года еще далеко / уже недалеко). Интересно, что в таком употреблении временная референция далеко меняется: оно указывает не на прошлое, а на будущее. У дейктических наречий тут и там распределение временной референции в таксисном значении обратное: тут чаще указывает на прошлое, а там—на будущее: Иду я по улице, и тут мне навстречу медведь vs. Скоро весна, а там и лето. Однако асимметрия сохраняется: тут указывает на немедленное следование, а там—на большие временные промежутки.
It has been acknowledged that the null subject of a converbial clause in Russian is canonically controlled by the Nominative subject of a main clause (that is, Nominative subject control). Non-Nominative control has been considered to be ungrammatical. On the basis of two experiments (an acceptability judgement task and speeded grammaticality judgement task), the paper shows that non-Nominative control with mental converbs is evaluated lower than grammatically correct, but higher than grammatically incorrect, sentences. Moreover, according to the data from the RNC, the frequency of non-Nominative control has been increased in more recent written texts (those written approximately after the 1950s). Furthermore, the paper reveals a new effect of the linear position of a converbial clause relative to a main clause (preposition vs. postposition). Preposed converbial clauses are judged to be more acceptable than postposed converbial clauses. In corpus texts that have been written more recently, there has also been a tendency for non-Nominative control to occur in sentences with preposed converbial clauses. Last but not least, the paper demonstrates that sentences with a 1SG pronoun are more acceptable than sentences without a 1SG pronoun.
This article provides a quantitative corpus-based investigation of the Russian verb rhyme and its change in the Russian poetic tradition from the beginning of the 19th century to the 1960s. Versologists have studied the rhyme primarily as a phonetic entity, whereas morphology also contributes to the rhyme euphony due to the regularity of grammatical affixes. The research focuses on a micro-diachronic analysis of verb rhymes, summarises the identified historical trends, and defines acceptable and clearly avoided verb forms. The article also analyses the morphological patterns of verb rhymes including the most common lexical pairings and combinations of particular grammatical forms with different parts of speech. The study analyses data from the Corpus of Russian Poetry (a part of the Russian National Corpus) and introduces research methods and a corpus-based tool that were designed specifically for the statistical analysis and computational modelling of poetic features. The results show that authors experimented with word rhyme in various ways during different periods. Despite the idea of non-aesthetic verbal rhyme, which has existed since the time of A. Kantemir, its use in the historical perspective varies, there are periods of rise and fall. We distinguish two classes of rhyming pairs: combinations of two verb forms and morphologically dissimilar combinations of a verb form with a word of another part of speech. We conclude that restrictions on verbal rhyme apply mainly to combinations of past tense and infinitive forms. Nevertheless, the rhyming of indicative forms and morphologically heterogeneous rhymes is used more freely.
This article describes the current language situation within the Ripky district (‘rajon’) and its rural surroundings. This border area, part of the Polissian geographic macro-region, located between Ukraine and Belarus’, and not far from the Russian Federation, presents a very interesting and intricate language picture. The language situation within this aerea is characterized by an overlapping of different language codes, which are dependent on a series of more or less interrelated variables. In the first part of this study I am going to summarize, in a broader context, the results of previous studies on the language situation in the town of Ripky and its rural surroundings. The second part aims to illustrate and analyze the data derived from individual field-work research carried out in this area over the last few years.
In this paper, we analyse case marking in Russian eventive nominalisations as recently discussed in an article by Pereltsvaig et al. published in this journal in 2018 with regards to two competing theories of case: the Inherent Case Theory and the Dependent Case Theory. We contest the view that Russian eventive nominalisations display ergative alignment and argue that Russian is a nominative-accusative language across the board. We propose an alternative analysis of Russian eventive nominalisations and show that, contrary to the claims made by Pereltsvaig et al. they are in principle incapable of disproving the Dependent Case Theory. The resulting analysis is trivially compatible with the Dependent Case Theory.
Top-cited authors
Greville Corbett
  • University of Surrey
Aneta Pavlenko
  • University of Oslo
Václav Cvrček
  • Charles University in Prague
Lucie Chlumska
  • Charles University in Prague
Charlotte Gooskens
  • University of Groningen