Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional

Publications
Este artigo procura analisar as iniciativas do governo brasileiro e a posição da opinião pública brasileira frente aos atentados terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001, em Nova York e Washington. _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT This article seeks to analyze the Brazilian government initiatives an the Brazilian opinion public front the terrorists attacks on the 11th of September, in New York and Washington.
 
O artigo se propõe a analisar as relações entre o Brasil e a França desde o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial até o presente. Para isso, o autor divide a história da relação entre os dois países em três blocos assim denominados: 1) a parceria bloqueada (1945 – 64); 2) a negligência cordial (1963 – 95); e 3) a parceria possível (1990 – 2000). _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT The article analyses the relations between Brazil and France from the end of World War II to the present time. To accomplish this task, the author frames the history of the relations between the two countries in three parts: 1) obstructed partnership (1945 – 64); 2) cordial negligence (1963 – 95); and 3) feasible partnership (1990 – 2000).
 
Neste artigo, examina-se o funcionamento do Centro de Informações do Exterior (CIEX), órgão do Itamaraty e vinculado ao Serviço Nacional de Informações (SNI) que foi encarregado de espionar políticos e militantes contrários ao regime militar brasileiro que se exilaram nos países vizinhos. Trata-se de um estudo que visa a desvendar como agia um dos elos do sistema repressivo montado pela ditadura brasileira, que tinha um relativo grau de interação com as outras ditaduras militares da região do Cone Sul. O artigo demonstra que o Itamaraty colaborou intensamente com o regime militar brasileiro, inclusive com a repressão.
 
In the mid-1970s the Brazilian government introduced systematic changes in Brazilian foreign policy on the basis of an Ecumenical, Responsible Pragmatism. Their main thrust was to facilitate and foster the emergence of Brazil as a middle power in what was seen as a uniquely malleable international system. Brazilian officials made a conscious attempt to reconcile their own foreign policy traditions with notions typical of political realism. This article draws on recently declassified documents to account for the preconditions, origins and initial tensions of pragmatism.
 
Este artigo busca identificar os fatores que concorrem para explicar a mudança no eixo entre a Argentina e o Brasil, no começo da década de 1980, quando as duas diplomacias convergiram em um projeto de integração inovador. O argumento apresentado defende que a aproximação entre os dois países foi o legado, inesperado, do relacionamento bilateral ao longo da gestão do Presidente Geisel (1974-1979).This article aims at identifying which factors lay behind the sudden change in Argentine-Brazilian relations in the early 1980s, when their foreign policies converged into an innovative integration project. The argument put forward is that convergence between the two countries was the unintended legacy of their bilateral interaction during President Geisel's administration (1974-1979).
 
Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2006. Esse trabalho procura demonstrar que o horizonte regional do Brasil evoluiu ao longo de sua história, tendo recentemente se circunscrito à América do Sul. O Brasil já foi americano, latino-americano e agora tenta cunhar a “sul-americanidade” na sua identidade internacional. Destaca-se que essa opção pela América do Sul, bastante presente nos discursos oficiais, é respaldada por uma séria de ações que operacionalizam a retórica diplomática e vão além da esfera econômico-comercial. A pesquisa aponta, entretanto, que a América do Sul ainda é uma região em construção, que não tem significado concreto além da sua abrangência geofísica, e iniciativas como a do Brasil contribuem fortemente para esse processo. _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT This dissertation seeks to show that Brazil’s regional horizon have evoluted towards its history. Brazil was American, then Latin American, and nowadays tries to stamp the “south-americanity” into its international identity. Emphasizes that this option for South America, frequently presents in official speeches, is complemented with several actions that lend a practical face to the diplomatic rhetorical and surpass the economic-commercial sphere. Therefore, the research points that South America is still a region in process of construction, and has not yet a concrete meaning beyond its geo-physical amplitude. So, Estates’ initiatives, as Brazilian’s, contribute a lot to this process.
 
Analisando as orientações estratégicas dos últimos quatro planos plurianuais – 1996- 1999, 2000-2003, 2004-2007 e 2008-2011, no artigo, revela-se como a política externa tem sido incorporada no planejamento federal e qual o papel concedido ao setor externo nas estratégias de desenvolvimento empreendidas pelos governos Cardoso e Lula. Demonstra coerência entre a política externa planejada e a efetivamente empreendida, explicitando as diferenças entre as estratégias adotadas e as linhas de ação externa priorizadas. _________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT Analyzing strategic orientations of the last four plurianual plans – 1996-1999, 2000-2003, 2004-2007 e 2008-2011, the article reveals how foreign policy has been incorporated to federal planning and the role given to the foreign sector in the development strategies undertaken by Cardoso and Lula governments. It demonstrates coherence between the foreign policy planned and that effectively undertaken, explaining the differences between their strategies and the lines of foreign policy priotitezed.
 
Este artigo pretende mostrar que a construção da América do Sul derivou da reinvenção de um conceito, utilizado no discurso e na prática diplomática brasileira, e amparado em elementos de alteridade como latino-americanidade, hegemonia, liderança e hispanidade. O texto rastreia a ideia de América do Sul desde suas origens intelectuais até a institucionalização em arranjos político-diplomáticos regionais.This article intends to show that the South America construction came from a concept reinvention. It is used in the speech and practice of Brazilian diplomacy and is based on elements related to hegemony, lidership, hispanic and latin-american identiy. The text tracks the idea of South America since its intelectual origins until its institucionalization in regional political and diplomatic arrangements.
 
No artigo se analisa o processo de rearticulação dos esforços de pesquisa e de ensino na grande área de Relações Internacionais no Brasil, especialmente considerando o dialogo entre a história das relações internacionais e a politologia internacional, que teriam produzido novos paradigmas de interpretação para a disciplina.The article analyses the process of re-articulation of the research efforts and of the tuition in the great area of the International Relations in Brazil, specially considering the dialogue between the history of the international relations and the international politology, that would have produced new paradigms of interpretation for the discipline.
 
Este artigo discute as políticas de proteção dos povos indígenas e a epístola do ecologismo dos excluídos nos países amazônicos. Aborda a Declaração das Nações Unidas sobre o Direito dos Povos Indígenas e a Resolução da Assembléia Geral da ONU que qualifica os efeitos das mudanças climáticas como uma ameaça à segurança internacional. Ambas levam a uma construção cognitiva por parcerias pela justiça social. O texto relembra a invasão de terras pela desordenada imigração. Descortina o potencial analítico oferecido pelo estudo das relações internacionais para aclarar perspectivas tanto da mitigação das mudanças climáticas por meio da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P) quanto do convívio das maiorias excluídas com as minorias indígenas protegidas.
 
Este artigo trata da questão da Operação Pan-Americana, em sua importância para o desenvolvimento econômico e diminuição da miséria. A diplomacia brasileira valorizando o multilateralismo como vetor da ação internacional, e a relação necessária entre países para manter a estabilidade sistêmica contra o comunismo.
 
O presente artigo tem com objetivo analisar a atuação do Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias da Organização Mundial do Comércio, entre os anos de 1995 e 2007. Trata-se de um dos principais fóruns de solução internacional de conflitos, sobretudo em função da quantidade de contenciosos, de Estados envolvidos e de valores. O texto procura destacar o cumprimento dos procedimentos previstos; a originalidade dos mecanismos de estimulo à obediência das decisões: o ganho de legitimidade do sistema com o tempo e as principais sugestões de reforma em discussão.
 
Este artigo estuda a transformação progressiva das leituras brasileiras sobre o ambiente regional durante as décadas de 1990 e 2000. Inicialmente, o ensaio caracteriza o padrão brasileiro de ativismo regional à luz das principais iniciativas adotadas pelo país e dos métodos utilizados para lidar com os obstáculos e ambiguidades inerentes à sua política regional. Em seguida, apresenta o leque de novos conceitos estratégicos que vêm informando o comportamento brasileiro na região. Por fim, o artigo aponta alguns dos silêncios e contradições mais recorrentes desse ideário emergente.
 
Esse artigo apresenta uma proposta de análise da influência de idéias sobre a formulação da política externa brasileira contemporânea focalizada em nossa atuação na Liga das Nações e na ONU. Em ambos os organismos, o país desenvolveu aspirações a um papel internacional protagônico, o que acreditamos ser indicador da recorrência, no discurso diplomático, de certas crenças a respeito de quais devam ser o nosso papel, status e pertencimento a nível internacional. Destacamos, ao mesmo tempo, que uma análise desse tipo não pode se limitar a reconstruir o discurso diplomático, mas deve também procurar desvendar os mecanismos causais que explicam o impacto daquelas crenças sobre a formação de políticas. Nesse sentido, a literatura acadêmica internacional já desenvolveu uma série de abordagens que podem se revelar úteis para um estudo da diplomacia brasileira.This article presents an analytical framework of the influence of ideas over Brazilian contemporary foreign policy formulation, focusing on Brazilian performance at the League of Nations and the United Nations. In both organizations, Brazil has aspired to perform an international leading role, which, as we argue, constitutes an indicator of the recurrence, in the diplomatic discourse, of certain beliefs about what should be Brazilian status, role and belonging in the international arena. Simultaneously, the article argues that such analysis should not only reconstruct the diplomatic discourse but also try to unfold the causal mechanisms that explain the impact of those beliefs in the policymaking process. In this sense, the international academic literature has already developed a series of approaches that might prove useful to the study of Brazilian diplomacy.
 
El presente artículo se consagra al análisis de la redacción, edición y difusión de las Memorias del duque de Sully. Con ese propósito, la prim-era sección refiere el contexto que rodea la preparación de la obra; la segunda presenta las características generales de la confederación y la tercera profundiza en las discrepancias de sus versiones; en la cuarta, quinta y la sexta se estudian la cronología y las etapas de la redacción, los cambios operados en los manuscritos y sus vías de difusión; la séptima examina el debate sobre la primacía histórica de las Memorias. El artículo pretende reconstruir las condiciones que determinan la elaboración y recepción del primer proyecto paneuropeo.
 
O presente trabalho tem por objetivo examinar as linhas gerais do processo de construção do universalismo enquanto vetor da política exterior do Brasil, processo tal que encontra na adjetivação proporcionada pela seletividade ao longo das últimas décadas, um novo modo de proporcionar instrumentalidade ao sistema de relações bilaterais do Brasil, concretizado na construção de parcerias estratégicas.
 
Uma das atenções da política externa brasileira nos últimos anos tem sido concedida ao relacionamento Sul-Sul. Dentro deste, as relações com os países da CPLP tem adquirido papel crescente, pelo menos em termos retóricos. O objetivo desse texto é analisar a real importância concedida pelo governo brasileiro aos países de língua portuguesa desde a criação da CPLP.In the last years, one focus of Brazilian foreign policy has been south-south cooperation. Among them, the relationship with Portuguese speaking countries has taken an important role, at least in the official speech. This texts examines the real importance given by Brazilian government to Portuguese speaking countries since the beginning of CPLP.
 
Este artigo pretendeu refletir sobre a instrumentalidade do poder militar para a política externa brasileira no pós-Guerra Fria. Definiu-se a moldura teórica de interpretação do relacionamento entre unidades soberanas. Discutiram-se as peculiaridades do complexo de segurança da América do Sul e o papel do Brasil na sua conformação. Analisaram-se os entraves à condução virtuosa da política de defesa e as dificuldades de articulação entre esta e a política externa. Sugeriram-se iniciativas visando ao aprimoramento da interface entre as políticas externa e de defesa.
 
Os Protocolos de Montreal e Kyoto, tratados internacionais de defesa do meio ambiente e da vida, controlam gases que provocam o buraco na camada de ozônio e o efeito estufa, respectivamente, resultantes de atividades industriais e uso da terra. O artigo enfatiza pontos comuns e diferenças entre eles, fornecendo atualização dos protocolos.Montreal and Kyoto Protocols, international treaties, aim at safeguarding the environment and life by controlling the use of gases which deplete the ozone layer and cause the greenhouse effect, respectively, due to industrial and land use activities. The article highlights common points and differences and provides an update discussion about the protocols.
 
O desenvolvimento industrial da Coréia do Sul nas últimas décadas foi impressionante, mesmo que várias crises graves, como a atual, ilustram certos pontos fracos, trata-se de um modelo econômico muito bem-sucedido em termos gerais. Este modelo é essencialmente uma combinação eficiente de mecanismos de mercado com forte intervenção do Estado. Porém, a liberalização financeira, introduzida a partir dos anos 80, contribuiu fortemente a lhe dar maior fragilidade.South Korea's industrial development in the last decades has been impressive. Even if several heavy crisis, like the present one, show some weak points of its economic model, it has been very successful. This model is essentially an efficient combination of market mechanisms with State interventionism, but the financial liberalization introduced since the 80s has strongly contributed to make it more fragile.
 
O objetivo do artigo é examinar por que não existe paradoxo entre o desenvolvimento de estruturas de governança multinível no âmbito do processo de integração europeu e a permanência do Estado soberano como fonte de representação e lealdade. Concebendo que a cessão de independência constitucional, a modificação da igualdade soberana e o comprometimento da autonomia econômica não se processaram de forma homogênea, pretende-se explicar as diferenças entre tais processos de partilha da soberania dos países membros da União Européia.
 
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyse the performance of the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of World Trade Organization (WTO) performance, between 1995 and 2007, as well as to discuss the main proposals for its improvement. Design/methodology/approach – First, the paper presents the legal predictability of the system; compliance with its procedural stipulations in regard to its proposed timeframes; and the participation of different groups of States within this system. The timeframes are compared with those that really happened. Thus, there is an analysis of the effectiveness of its decisions and the necessity to induce compliance and retaliation. Finally, the main proposals to change the system are discussed. Findings – It is concluded that most of legal procedures are accomplished as previewed by DSB, but the system itself is highly dependent of the action of States, who need time to negotiate. It is also possible to conclude that there is a high level of effectiveness and States prefer to respect the decisions of DSB and maintain the legitimacy of the system as a whole than keep advantages in specific matters. Originality/value – When the WTO was founded, there was an effort to generate a system guided by legal rules. The DSB has made efforts to maintain a high level of legal preciosity. However, it is clear that this system is still very limited by the traditional method of negotiation among States. The implementation of a rule-oriented system contributes to greater democratization of access to justice and, of course, in a limited way, the principle of sovereign equality of States. Finally, the majority of proposed changes attempt to apply the logic of domestic courts to an international body, assuming a level of organization of the international community as a whole that still does not exist. Others proposals suggest increasing the politicization of the system, which is also not appropriate.
 
In the last decade, the education community has been reacting harshly against the inclusion of education in the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). That community highlighted that the GATS should exclude education from the coverage of the agreement, since the GATS contains an exception for "services supplied in the exercise of governmental services." The main criticisms referred to the sector of higher education where claims suggested that (i) the GATS would threaten the capacity of Members to provide public funding for higher education, (2) oblige Members to allow foreign education institutions to supply courses, and (3) oblige Members to automatically recognize foreign diplomas.This paper argues that, according to the ordinary meaning of the GATS, a possible interpretation of "services supplied in the exercise of governmental services" will not render higher education out of the GATS scope. Nevertheless, the flexibility of the agreement allows Members to nullify or mitigate all the alleged negative effects of the GATS, if the agreement is to be understood as posing threats to domestic policy makers. This paper also presents an updated overview of Members' position on the topic addressing potential risks and benefits of the GATS in relation to the liberalization of higher education.
 
The article intends to analyze how the English School approach has examined international politics after September 11. It begins by analyzing some developments on the matter of justice that has taken place within the English School, highligning the solidarist conception of international society. Afterwards the article analyses how the English School can help us to understand some of the main challenges that unipolarity poses on international society. It emphasize the limits of an order based on imposition and drives attention to the question of legitimacy and strengthening of international institutions.
 
This article examines the formative platform of the Congress of Panama of 1826. It seeks to support the hypothesis that the nature and scope of the first test of integration in the Western Hemisphere depended critically on the platform created by Simón Bolívar and other Latin American Independence heroes from the Declaration of Independence of Venezuela in 1810 until the last bilateral agreement of 1826. In that respect, it corroborates the Latin American Identity of the initiative.
 
This article aims to analyze a case of outward-bound move of state governments in the realm of external loans during the period of the so-called Old Republic (1890–1930) in Brazil. Based on the definition of "financial paradiplomacy," it argues that the Brazilian historical experience in this regard would have been a typical case of paradiplomatic action. Broad statistical survey of foreign loans borrowed by states, the rescue of primary sources about the subject and historical perspective give relevant support to characterize the period as a time of early financial paradiplomacy.
 
Abstract This article argues the need for complementarity between emergency and structuring international cooperation in scenarios of health crises in developing countries. Through a review of contemporary literature and document analysis, it analyzes some aspects of the performance of global and Latin American institutions in the Covid-19 pandemic in light of this argument. It also makes a brief survey of forms of international cooperation that emerge from Brazil, with BRICS and Latin American partners, to fight the pandemic, which have a local and sectoral character: paradiplomacy, structuring networks and the role of local agents and health experts.
 
The hundredth anniversary of the end of Baron of Rio Branco's administration at the Brazilian Ministry of External Relations matches with a politically favorable moment for examining the legacy of the patron of the Brazilian Diplomacy, especially concerning the United States and the Río de la Plata, the two main axes of Brazilian foreign relations. It examines the content of the relations with the hemisphere's hegemonic power and the oscillating nature of the relations with Argentina. Using primary and bibliographic sources, the author aims to demonstrate that, in addition to accomplishing the process of delimiting the country's boundaries, Rio Branco established trends and procedures which were incorporated into the Brazilian Diplomatic Tradition. For this, the author analyzes the role the Rio de Janeiro-Washington alignment plays in the set of the chancellor's foreign policy and the pattern of relations with the Argentinean government - factors that have influenced Brazil's movements in its geographical surroundings. The foreign policy of prestige developed by Rio Branco derived from the aspiration to distinguish his country from the set of nations in the Southern Hemisphere, which are associated with political upheaval and financial insolvency.
 
Rio Branco, with the creation of the brazilian embassy in Washington in 1905, gave a new breath for the movement of approach with the United States that already was verified in the foreing policy since the advent of the Republic. In this context, the objective of our research are, by means of a work of historical analysis, having as base, primary documentation, understand the politic conceptions and the influence that the first occupant of the position of ambassador, Joaquim Nabuco, had in the conduction of this relationship.
 
In this article we attempt to evaluate the current status of UN's political authority, by way of both qualitative and quantitative methods, as we posit the existence of a positive relation between UN's authority and a set of variables. After assessing data, we intend to generate debate on the limits and the ontological nature of the United Nations organization in contemporary international politics, as we support the hypothesis that the degree of political authority the UN is vested with is increasing in the course of the last six decades.
 
This article aims at investigating how the hypothesis that Brazil could become one of the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council emerged and developed when the organization was created in 1945. The motivations of President Roosevelt in putting forward this proposal in 1944, during the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, the resistances faced, as well as the position adopted by the Brazilian government at the San Francisco Conference, are analyzed by using archival sources and documents from the period under examination.
 
This paper focuses on secretaries-general, given their relative centrality in international politics, as they embody the power to explore institutional and personal agendas, and enjoy the chance to seek prestige for a country or region. Through descriptive statistics, this article analyzes the distribution of secretaries-general per country, reaching some noteworthy findings, especially regarding sharp changes in recent years.
 
O artigo cuida da participação do Brasil, como Estado não-membro, nas atividades da Organização Internacional para os Refugiados (OIR). Após contextualizar do ponto de vista histórico, político e jurídico tanto o estabelecimento quanto o mandato da OIR, o autor analiza, com o uso de fontes primárias pesquisadas no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, os bastidores, a implementação e os resultados da política exterior do Brasil no que respeita à proteção de refugiados no periodo que se estende de 1946 a 1952.The article deals with Brazilian participation, as a non-member State, in the activities of the International Refuge e Organization (IRO). The author examines first the historical, political and legal context of both the establishment and the mandate of the IRO. He then uses primary sources researched at the Historical Archive of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to analyze the internal decision-making, enforcement and outcomes of Brazilian foreign policy relating to the protection of refugees between 1946 and 1952.
 
This research analyses the constituent process of 1946 to 1988 in Brazil concerning the role of Congress in Foreign Policy. In 1946 the National Constituent Assembly did not receive great interest from congressmen; however in 1988 many deputies had significant roles in that process. This finding is related to the historical process concerned with Brazil's path to democracy while its hierarchical congress structure was maintained by the Constituent Assembly of 1988.
 
Abstract This article argues that, while initially constrained by U.S. Cold War policies both in the Americas and in Asia, China’s 1949 Communist Revolution could finally have a transformative impact on Latin American Chinese overseas community after the Cuban Revolution opened up new avenues for socialist influence in Latin America. By using new archival sources and interviews, we will analyze this changing impact by highlighting the intertwined layers of shifting power structures with a specific focus on the Chinese community in Cuba.
 
Historical essay on international economic relations of Brazil since the 1950s up to the end of military regime, in 1985. Important changes are observed in the main flows in trade and finance, within world economy. Brazil keeps its defensive stance, in order to adjust to serious exchange restrictions and financial fragilities, a recurring trend during that period.
 
A política externa brasileira, de 1958 a 1998, atravessa três grandes períodos ou mudanças em suas orientações e formas de atuação. Numa primeira fase, herdada ainda do período anterior do imediato pós-guerra e mesmo anterior a ela, ela vive ainda o "paradigma Rio Branco", isto é, orienta-se basicamente e busca manter relações especiais com a principal potência hemisférica. No período do regime militar, assiste-se a uma ampliação do quadro de relacionamento externo, contemporaneamente a grandes mudanças na estrutura econômica do País. Na fase recente, finalmente, emerge a importância do multilateralismo econômico, no contexto da globalização. Essas inflexões são analisadas colocando-se lado a lado mudanças na conjuntura internacional e nas condições políticas e econômicas do País.Brazilian foreign policy has known three main shifts from 1958 to the present. Initially, confirming a trend confirmed in the aftermath of World War II but that was in place since the beginning of the century, the policy follows what could be called the "Rio Branco paradigm", that is the seach for a special relationship with United States. Afterwards, during the military dictatorship, the foreign policy enters a period of diversification of external relationships, in the framework of big changes in the economic basis of the country. More recently, arises the centrality of economic multilateralism for the continuing international insertion of Brazil, in the context of globalization. These inflexions are described together with discussions of the main changes in the international scenario and in the socioeconomic and political conditions of Brazil.
 
This article argues that the visit of cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin to Brazil in 1961 illustrated a change in the perception of part of the Brazilian political elites about the USSR. It analyses how the shift of the Soviet self-representation abroad affected the image of the USSR in Brazil and, consequently, the terms of the domestic debate regarding the Cold War.
 
Considered by San Tiago Dantas as "a landmark meeting for the formation of Americanism", the Conference of Punta del Este of January 1962 dealt with the effects of the Cuban Revolution on the Hemisphere. A resolution was approved declaring the incompatibility of communism with American principles, suspended Cuba from the Inter-American Defense Board (IDB) and from the Organization of American States (OAS). The Brazilian participation gained high distinction and had repercussions not only domestically but also internationally. The present work seeks to analyse the reasons that led Brazil to condemn communism in Cuba and approve the suspension of this country from the IDB, without, however, agreeing to the suspension of Cuba from the OAS.
 
In 2013 the Elysée Treaty, on friendship and cooperation between France and Germany completes 50 years. Its model of a complementary bilateralism establishes a successful cooperation model, the characteristics of which benefited both the Franco-German couple as the itinerary of the European Union itself. The foreign policy of Paris and Berlin made domestic politics in Europe, inspires the architecture of the common foreign and security policy, whose development began only with the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009, and whose operational barriers remain. The text of treaties echoes the Franco-German partnership and records the remaining institutional overlays.
 
This paper analyzes the functioning of the Centro de Informações do Exterior (CIEX), an agency linked to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Itamaraty) and National Intelligence Service (SNI), which was charged with spying political opponents of the Brazilian military regime exiled in neighboring countries. The study aims at examining one component of the repressive system set by the Brazilian dictatorship that had a relative degree of interaction with other military dictatorships in the region of the Southern Cone. The article demonstrates that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs cooperated intensively with the Brazilian military regime.
 
O artigo procura analisar e identificar o conjunto de forças que contribuíram, decisivamente, no alargamento do mar territorial brasileiro para 200 milhas marítimas, em março de 1970. Procura, ainda, demonstrar a estratégia empreendida pela política externa brasileira, em defesa de seu mar territorial de 200 milhas, durante o período que compreende a extensão marítima, em 1970, até a conclusão dos trabalhos da III Conferência das Nações Unidas sobre o Direito do Mar, em 1982, avaliando a Conferência e seus resultados principais no âmbito dos interesses brasileiros.The main purpose of this article is to analyse and identify the forces that contributed decisively to the expansion of the Brazilian territorial sea to 200 miles, in March 1970. Another purpose is to demonstrate the strategy undertaken by Brazilian Foreign Policy in defence of the 200 mile territorial sea, during the period that goes from the maritime expansion, in 1970, until the conclusion of the works of the III United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, in 1982, evaluating the Convention and its main results in the area of Brazilian interests.
 
Contributing to a global nuclear history, this article discusses Brazil’s refusal to accept sensitive nuclear assistance from South Africa in the late 1970s. Relying on primary sources and oral history interviews, this study argues that despite their similar positions in the global nuclear order, Brazil’s decision was connected to political and technological reasons.
 
Top-cited authors
Antônio Carlos Lessa
  • University of Brasília
Miriam Saraiva
  • Rio de Janeiro State University
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
  • Centro de Ensino Unificado de Brasília
Raúl Bernal-Meza
  • Arturo Prat University
Matias Spektor