Considered a musical monument to the Austro- Hungarian Empire – The Gypsy Baron (originally Der Zigeunerbaron) of 1885 composed by Johann Strauss II (1825-1899) reveals how important position Maria Theresia had in the Empire in the long nineteenth century. It is also a great example of keeping, in Vienna at the end of the nineteenth century, hold of the memory of her politics. The Gypsy Baron is clearly the work inscribed into political situation as it constituted a specific response to a concrete need to stimulate civil attitudes (so desired within the Empire at that time). Treating the Gypsy Baron as a case study, the paper suggests that although the world of operetta might be overlooked or underestimated when discussing the role of political propaganda and the issues of collective memory. It should be recognized as one of the key sites employed to promote the Habsburgs’ vision of their Empire.
The purpose of this article is to analyze data on the functioning of the Jewish Community in Lvov during the years 1919-1924. The indicated problems will enable to show the functioning of the Jewish minority in the conditions of the reviving Polish state - both in socio-political terms, and in the organizational aspect. It is particularly important to show the Jewish minority opinion about the conditions of Second Polish Republic. Additionally, this article will help restore the memory of the individual members of the Jewish community in Lvov. The selected issue is a part of the research conducted on a larger scale, whose aim is to enrich knowledge and overcome the deficit of research in the science of politics on the concept of ethnic policy - proposed in the years 1939-1947 by the Polish government in exile. The fundamental finding of the analysis is the fact, that the Board accepted the Polish state and the dominant role of the Polish nation in the system of democratic political power.
In the article, the data about national structure of students of Faculty of Orthodox Theology of the University of Warsaw in the late1920s-1930s is analyzed. The features of national self-identification of different groups of students are designated. Conclusions are made about the reasons for the disproportionate representation among future theologians of persons self-identifying as Russian and Orthodox Poles.
Settled after the “Vistula” Operation in Ziemia Lubuska, the Ukrainian population was supervised by the communist security apparatus. All displaced people were subjected to surveillance, irrespective of the degree of loyalty to the new authority. Operational work on Ukrainians was conducted with varying intensity throughout all the period of the People’s Republic of Poland. The actions taken were not only aimed at “neutralizing” anti-systemic behavior but also accelerating the integration and assimilation processes. The repression of the Ukrainian population, the reduction of contacts with the compatriots abroad, and the paralysis of social and religious activity were to become effective means of accelerating the loss of national, cultural and religious diversity.
The aim of the article is to analyze the determinants and other conditions of the religious policy of the Polish state towards the Methodist Church in the Stalinist period. The author took into account conceptual, programmatic, executive and operational activities undertaken by a complex subject of power, formed by three structures: party, administrative and special services. In his opinion, the liquidation direction of religious policy towards the Methodist Church was determined primarily by two factors: 1) the activity of Methodists in Masuria, which was assessed as “harmful activities” because they were competitive to the activity of the Evangelical-Augsburg Church (in which the authorities placed great hopes for effective repolonization of the native population), 2) strong links between the Methodist Church in Poland and the Methodist Church in the West (United States of America, Canada, Great Britain, Sweden). The liquidationa ctivities have been depicted primarily on the basis of solutions included in the action of special services under the codename “Moda”. The author also explains the reasons for the final resignation from the liquidation policy towards Polish Methodism and the inclusion of the Methodist Church in the direction of the rationing policy.
The Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) was a political-military organization of Marxist ideology which between 1978 and 1990 defined and deployed in Chile a strategy of armed struggle to confront the dictatorship led by Augusto Pinochet Ugarte. Its objective was to prevent the dictatorship from completing its project of re-founding Chilean society (economically, politically, socially and culturally) and, in this way, to advance towards the development of a socialist revolution.
Demographically, Siberia has been a remote and sparsely populated base of European Russia. The population of the Ural Federal District between 1989 and 2010 (within the borders of 2002) decreased by 0.45 million, Siberian Federal District by 4.90 million people and the Far Eastern Federal District by 1.65 million people. That is, the population of three federal districts decreased by 6.99 million people in just 21 years.
In the years 2010-2019, the number of inhabitants of the Ural Federal District increased slightly from 12.08 million to 12.35 million people, i.e. by 0.27 million people. The population of the Siberian Federal District (within the borders of 2019) in the years 2010-2019 decreased by 0.004 million people. The number of inhabitants of the Far Eastern Federal District (within the borders of 2019) in the period 2010-2019 decreased by 0.18 million people.
In total, in the years 2010-2019, the population of the three federal districts recorded a slight increase of 0.082 million people.
During the communist period, the Lemko community did not have its own separate ethnic organization in Poland. In the USA, the Lemkos were able to conduct social and political activities without any obstacles. Even before World War II, two important organizations were established: the Russophile Lemko-Soyuz and the Ukrainophile Organization for the Defense of Lemkivshchyna in America. The social and political transformation initiated by the elections of June 1989 changed the situation of national and ethnic minorities. The period of political transformation in Poland also activated the Lemkos, who also took advantage of these changes to formalize and develop their activities. The first postwar Lemko organization was the Lemko Association. As a counterbalance for Lemkos Association, Ukrainophiles created in Gorlice their own organization – Union of Lemkos. American activists also had to find their way in the new political circumstances. When the Soviet Union collapsed, not only did the ideological base of Lemko-Soyuz fall into ruin, but also its financial base. OOL found itself in a much better position than Lemko-Soyuz during the period of political transition in Eastern Europe. The anti-Moscow stance of the Ukrainianophile organization allowed it to remain credible and continue to fight for the interests of Ukraine. However, the organizations, both Polish and American, in their multifaceted activity still contribute to consolidation and preservation of Lemkos’ cultural identity and preservation of their traditions.
The purpose of this article is to present how the concept of conflict of memories can be understood (referring to Poland after 1989), and to show what are the main directions of narratives in this conflict, formulated within the framework of several areas fundamental to Polish public discourse. It was also of great importance to discover what types of narratives construct each of the narrative trends about a particular past event. This made it possible to formulate conclusions concerning the shape of the featured conflict, its course and potential for permanence.
The authors decided to deal with the theme of the influence of corruption on the political processes in contemporary Spain and Catalonia. The investigation of this problem requires the reference to both: a political situation in entire state and in the peripheral region, included in the territorial range of Spain.
Therefore, the main objective of the article is the attempt to answer three questions: 1) What is the corruptive phenomenon based on and why a public sphere is endangered with it to such a degree?, 2) How did the Spanish citizens react to corruptive processes after 2008?, 3) Did Catalonia, whose politicians regard this region as definitely separate from Spain, differ considerably from a political centre and other regions of the country within intensity of the occurrence of corruptive phenomena after 2008?
The article tackles the issue of normative acts and documents passed by the Catalan parliament that are part of the region’s independence process. The subject of the study includes the laws and declarations that caused the most controversy and were adopted between 2012 and 2017, the most turbulent period for Catalonia in political and social terms. Importantly, they are analyzed in the context of the radicalization process of Catalan independentism.
This paper reports on the recent revival of the Lemko Association (Lemko Soyuz) in North America, under the auspices of the Carpathian Institute, a US federal and Connecticut state recognized tax-exempt, non-profit, non-political, non-sectarian educational corporation. The Lemko Association, founded in 1929, had become essentially defunct by the end of 2009. Beginning in 2010, however, in a new location and new legal status it has been revived, publishing a quarterly, “Karpatska Rus’”, books, pamphlets and flags and arranging for lectures.
The subject of the article is the issue of axiological diversity of political movements of the far right, understood on the basis of metapolitics, i.e. religious, philosophical or civilizational values. The far right considered on this ground allows us to define the so-called ideological core, i.e. the characteristics of this political trend. The fundamental features of the far right in this approach are the primacy of spiritual values over material ones and radical social and political anti-egalitarianism, expressed in opposition to subsequent ideologies referring to the egalitarian ideals of the Enlightenment. The opposition to modernity, in its real form, was common to all the factions of the far right. The difference is visible, however, between the supporters of the restoration of old socio-political institutions and those who, under the influence of nihilism, rejected the possibility of returning to the past institutions, postulating the creation of new forms expressing the eternal traditional principles. From this point of view, it is possible to indicate the fundamental paths of development of the far right, which began in the first half of the 20 th century, yet still retain their cognitive value in relation to the contemporary movements of this trend.
The article deals with the position of the Spanish monarchy in the context of Catalan separatism (independentism). The analysis is focused on the search for potential relationships between the weakening position of the Spanish monarchy and Catalan independentism and the consequences associated with this. To this end, the exploration includes both the monarchy in the institutional sense and focuses on the person of Juan Carlos I de Burbon himself and his son and successor Philip VI de Burbon. Furthermore, an important aspect of the research is the reference of the position of the monarchy to the issue of the independence process in Catalonia and a forecast in this light for the further development of Catalan separatism.
The article analyzes the situation of Serbs in Kosovo in terms of its reception by contemporary Polish nationalists in the magazine “Szczerbiec”. Serbian topics in Polish nationalist communities can count on special interest and recognition. The nationalist environments of many countries are showing solidarity with the Serbian nation in Kosovo and demanding recognition of their rights to these lands. The sympathy shown by Serbs to Poles, whose Slavic origins are linked, is pointed out. It can be assumed that the characteristics, attitude and views of the Serbs will foster mutual relations in the future.
The following article aims to make headway on the knowledge related to the elements that explain the steep increase of secessionist nationalism during the 21 st century in the peripheral territories of plurinational Western long-established democracies, such as the ones existing in the United Kingdom and Spain. In order to do so, we will be focusing on the quick change observed in the preferences as to the state territorial organization in Catalonia and Scotland. Through the usage of the logistic regression technique, a longitudinal analysis will be carried out to analyze the principal characteristics of the Catalonian and Scottish independence profile throughout the period comprehended between 1999 and 2016.
Unlike some European countries, the involvement of radical right-wing forces in Georgian politics and the support of a certain part of the society for them is a relatively new phenomenon in Georgia’s politics. This has resulted in a growing interest in the study of the topic among Georgian academic circles. However, the defining and applying the concepts of radicalism and extremism regarding Georgian right-wing forces are different. By comparing the major approaches to the concepts of right-wing radicalism and extremism this paper aims to critically review and analyze perceptions from Georgian academia.
Tourism is a growing service economic sector that creates jobs for many communities in the world. Ethnic minority communities in many countries are also now taking part in tourism activities. Vietnam is a country with great potentials for natural landscapes, historical values, indigenous culture of ethnic groups with habits and lifestyles, rich culinary culture of regions. It is the basis for development of tourism. Through tourism, tourists will understand the daily life of indigenous peoples, but at the same time people in these ethnic minority communities will have the opportunity to access popular cultural phenomena. This thesis discusses the ethnic minority communities’ access to popular culture through tourism such as mass media, popular culinary culture or mass tourism. The case study was conducted in a village of ethnic minorities in Hoa Binh province, North Vietnam which has been undergoing changes under the impact of tourism in recent years.
The Sami people are the only native people in Europe. Their identity and culture are related to the nature of the northern part of the Scandinavian peninsula. Due to the difficult natural conditions occurring there, the Saami identity is subject to special protection both in Finland and in the European Union. The activities of external institutions mainly consist in multi-faceted activities aimed at improving the quality of life in those areas and counteracting the depopulation of regions traditionally inhabited by the Sami people.
The purpose of the article is – firstly – to get an answer to the question of what image of Polish patriotism is offered by the Internet fake , like and hate, and secondly – to reflect on its causes and consequences for the Polish community. The text presents the results of the author’s own research with comments and conclusions. The presented research relied, in turn, on the content analysis of the memory narratives constructed by users of Polish patriotic accounts functioning on Facebook. More importantly, the analyses focused on both formal issues (the number of sites and their popularity), as well as substantive ones (issues discussed within a given website, threads raised and users’ opinions).
The article shows the conceptualization of concept Homeland – results of the survey conducted on a group of young Poles living in Lvov, Mościska (Mostyska), Wrocław and Legnica. The aim of this research is comparison of the understanding of Homeland by Poles living in different countries. The article consists of two parts: the first presents a description of the research method used by a team of linguists working under Prof. Jerzy Bartmiński’s leadership, which I used working on the second part, compiling the respondents’ answers.
The article presents the emigration of Polish Jewish community to the individual regions in Africa in the years 1918-1939. It is stated in it that Africa was not really popular among Polish immigrants. Before 1939 only about 4200 people who had Polish citizenship lived on this large continent. Polish Jews occupied an important place among the population.
Relatively the largest colonies of Polish Jews were then in North Africa (Egypt and the Maghreb) and in South Africa. Smaller ones were created in West, Central and East Africa. The wealthiest group of Polish Jews lived in Egypt and South Africa, where they were engaged in trade. In other regions, that group dealt with craft, had small shops or livied on hired labor.
Polish Jews were involved in the development of Polish and of Polish origin association life in Africa. They contributed also to establishing business contacts between Poland and African lands. Individuals received satisfactory material status and a good professional position or were engaged in political activities.
In the United States during the late 1820s, the labor movements formed that faced public accusations of being un-American and potentially puppets of European influence. These accusations often came from politicians or organizations sympathetic to ethnic nationalism. Partially in response to these charges, labor movements began to espouse versions of Creedal Nationalism. As a country without a natural nation, the United States has maintained for over two centuries two competing narratives within political ideologies concerning who should be allowed to be members of the American Nation. This paper presents research that continues to refine the history of Creedal Nationalism in the United States, a more precise construction of nation than the more ambiguous concept of civic nationalism. Specifically, the article is part of an effort to refine the usually vague and undocumented claims that social movements beginning in the late 1820s began using Creedal Nationalism to counter ethnic nationalism, using a mistaken or intentionally distorted interpretation of the Jeffersonian Creed of “all men are created equal”. While prominent uses by women’s and abolitionist movements are often cited (usually the same famous examples), the evidence of the use of Creedal Nationalism in public rhetoric by early labor associations is less documented. The ideological conflict between Creedal Nationalism and ethnic nationalism remains deeply embedded in American political culture and the political party system. The origins, development, and rhetoric of the category of Creedal Nationalism remain important for the framing of models of American political development and current political conflict.
The USA as a multinational country of immigrants is nevertheless a fertile ground for competing nationalist ideologies and the consequently competing myth-building that surrounds the construction of national identity. The myth of the 1776 Declaration of Independence as an important founding document for domestic politics in the United States continues to spread through popular culture and academic textbooks. The claim of the Jefferson’s Declaration as an aspirational founding document helped establish a myth supporting creedal nationalism, but obscures the arc of the ideological debate over national identity.
The purpose of this paper is to attempt to characterize the American secessionist movement in the 21st century. In spite of the fact that all ideas of self-determination in the U.S. are not welcomed by the federal government in Washington and as a consequence are dying on the vine, they have still reborn in subsequent separatist and secessionist initiatives. An analysis of the goals, sizes and motivations of contemporary secessionist groups in the United States will lead to the main goal of the paper, which is to answer the question about the types of strategies chosen by American secessionists in the situation of the obvious failure of their overarching political goal - independence. As it turns out, a significant part of such groups in a situation of collision of their own political dreams with the harsh conditions of American Realpolitik does not give up and continues their activities in a slightly modified form. Understanding the scenarios accompanying this ideological and organizational change, as well as exemplifying the groups that have decided to implement these scenarios in recent years will be the crucial goal of the paper.
Situated in the overall context of the ideals of the nation, this article outlines the formation of Anglo-Australian nationhood and its strong connection to sport, the historical treatment of Indigenous Australians as ‘others’, and the inherent racism within the nation and within sports systems. The vocal antagonism directed at a leading player who was also named Australian of Year is described and analyzed within the framework of conditional contemporary change, protests by the general public, and the emerging resistance by leading Indigenous Australians to Anglo-idealized nationhood.
If we recall the most important words for the poetry, we should begin the story with the stones, lily, hands and blood, which, if you look at them with the philological accuracy, are interrelated: situate themselves clearly on opposite banks of the creative process. They talk about the construction of the building consisting of perceptions about their own strength and weakness, ecstasy and congealing in what for centuries the classics poets have tried to fathom: the harmony and clarity, driven by the hope that in life they should above all stick to be beauty. And in addition, they ought to go further than discipline, practice eye and expand the field of view, should not shun from the gusts of the heart, because the heart grows more powerful due to great ideas, passions. Spacious becomes the vision of writing, it is the weave of contradictions - this is how one of the most important twentieth-century poets, who wrote in Yiddish, Anna Margolin sees it. Margolin’s poetry is a clear return towards neoclassicism, building up topics, theses, allusions, ideas taken from ideologically close to her artists of great individuality, Anna Akhmatova (from whom she took her name), Osip Mandelstam, Rainer Maria Rilke, Ezra Pound.
The purpose of this article is to look at selected positions devoted to issues of historical experience of the Jewish people for their research strategy and their corresponding or lack of dominant research paradigms. The basic intention is to indicate the path of political science to know the history of the nation, through limited exemplification as a response to the absolutization of the research results before they are published to be limited exclusively to the study of the Jews, as the people, especially experienced by the history, which enforces appropriate research approaches. If we reduce the judgment of contemporary phenomena and problems concerning the Jews to the stereotypical anti-Semitism, then any knowledge does not make much sense, because everything important is explained and closed in one cause. Something else is identifying antipathy as an act of anti-Semitism, and quite something else its formal manifestation. On the basis of science, you can examine any antipathy towards minorities alike, and if we assume a separate code for the Jews, then we forget that the function of science is discovering, not decreeing the result.
This article presents artistic creativity which worked through the problem of Polish anti-Semitism. Almost all discussed works, performances, films, projects appeared after 2000, when Jan Tomasz Gross published his book Neighbors, in which he described the massacre in the village of Jedwabne (1941) launching a public debate about the responsibility of Poles in the Holocaust of the Jews. In the text, I showed as art, which is conventionally called “post-Jedwabne” was part of this debate. Its political status on possibly general level was associated primarily with the revision of conventionalized historical memory and national identity formed on romantic patterns.
The text shows that the debate with the participation of artists formed part of the rules of socalled ritual chaos, so the highly polarized positions, in which anti-Semitism was considered as an obvious and determining such events as the ones in Jedwabne (the opinion was adopted by artists), or it was denied. Even those works that sought to break away from this dichotomy, as Ida by Paweł Pawlikowski were placed secondarily in it as a part of the public debate. In the text, I explained that the post-Jedwabne art worked through primarily so-called secondary anti-Semitism. The political potential of these gestures was related to the disclosure of social antagonisms and tensions arising from the fact that Poles denied phenomenon of their own anti-Semitism and put the blame on the Jews for the fate, which they met. A very important aspect (political as well) also proved the psychotherapeutic function of post-Jedwabne art. In this perspective, events such as the pogrom in Jedwabne appear like trauma, which disintegrates the national identity. Translating it into artistic strategies many artists applied measures that were to deprive the viewer the secure role of an observer in favor of an active, working through participant.
As one of the developing countries, Turkey’s demand for energy is increasing. This demand has led Turkey to the use of renewable energy sources after the 2000s. In this context, HEPPs (Hydro-electric Power Plants) have come to the fore in energy production. However, the widespread use of HEPPs has led to an increase in environmental problems. The problems experienced were protested by various social segments and created social opposition in the process. As a result of these protests and social opposition, an anti-HEPP social movement emerged in the context of environmentalism, which is a social movement in Turkey.
Police is one of the most important institution related to security in nation state, which in the era of globalization is subject to constant changes. The police as institution was established to protect peoples safety and to maintain public safety and order. In order to be able to effectively carry out its tasks, the police must have social trust and be perceived as an independent and apolitical institution. Can the institution in which the politicians of the ruling party decide about who will hold the highest positions be independent and apolitical? What can be the social consequences and consequences for national security resulting from the actions of police related to the implementation of political decisions related to the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic and social protests of October 2020? This paper is a voice in the discussion on this topic.
The article analyzes the situation of the Roma people in the Lubuskie Region in the years 1945-1989. Being part of the so-called “Western Territories”, the Lubuskie Region, first as the Zielona Góra Voivodship and later divided into Zielona Góra Voivodship and Gorzów Voivodship, attracted a number of ethnic minorities, including Gypsies. “e article presents how local political and security authorities reacted to the presence of the Roma people, adapting central laws, most notably the 1964 forced settlement bill, to local situation. In their analysis, the authors use documents held in various local and central archives, including the Institute of National Remembrance archive and Ministry of the Interior archive.
Climate warming is causing ice in the circumpolar zones to melt, making it easier to access the natural resources there. It is not only individual states but also international corporations that are seeking to take control of these deposits. In the vast majority of cases, the indigenous inhabitants of the Arctic have little influence over the exploitation of the deposits. This is due to the economic and political superiority of the authorities of the countries they live in. Very frequently, even their autonomy is only apparent, and it concerns merely a few aspects of economic activity. It is only in the case of the Inuit living in Greenland that the situation is different. They have real control over their own territories. They have a wide autonomy within the Kingdom of Denmark and no option of Greenland gaining independence would be beneficial for them. The article constitutes an attempt to analyze the possibility of their economic independence.
For many researchers, the new categorical imperative by philosopher Theodor Adorno about thinking and acting in the way so that Auschwitz is never repeated, has become the new starting point for rethinking the rules of practicing the humanities. In the article, I present the postwar history of Jewish thought that has been manifested in the discourse about the Shoah.
Using conjunctural analysis and informed by insights drawn from critical whiteness studies, sport studies, and masculinity studies, I offer some developing interpretations on two inter-related questions. First, how sport has been used to cultivate and popularize the proto-fascist white nationalist project(s) currently gripping the United States. And second, how sport facilitates the production and popularization of the unapologetic and omnipotent performance of white masculinity that seems central to the popular appeal of this contemporary American white nationalist assemblage. To address these questions, I critically examine the patterned ways Donald Trump, first as candidate and then as President, has used sport to promote his white nationalist project. Additionally, I critically unpack the writings and performances of two white male cultural figures who are key figures within Trump nationalist assemblage. The first, Richard Spencer, coined the label ‘alternative right’. The second, National Football League superstar, Tom Brady, is a man who Trump loves to call a ‘good friend’. I contend that, like Trump, they venerate (in Spencer’s case) and normalize (in Brady’s case) an idealized performance of white masculinity I call white male omnipotence, that is central to explaining the appeal of Trump’s nationalist project to “Make America Great Again” for many anxious white Americans.
The author of the following Contribution text was interested in whether December 13, 1981 – it means also the Martial Law in Poland – really changed anything for West Germany from the point of view of its own foreign policy. The answers of this Question, formulated on the basis of the Research in the political archives of the West German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, aim at explaining the reasons for the behavior of certain institutions or politicians in West Germany after the breakthrough of 1980-1981. The main Thesis of the author are: The West German primacy of stabilisation meant doing everything to avoid a soviet military intervention in Poland. How? Through diplomatic and military messages stating that the intervention would be too costly. Besides, in agreement with the US State Department, West Germany tried to avoid doing anything which could give the Communist Party of the Soviet Union arguments for an invasion. Last but not least, General Jaruzelski, as a figure publicly referring to national and patriotic feelings, but also enjoying some form of support in Moscow, was able to provide a difficult, but real stabilisation, even with the use of violence. The diplomacy of West Germany needed nothing more. Therefore was the message given to the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic after December 13 was crystal clear. Unless blood was shed, West Germany would not condemn General Jaruzelski’s government more than the country’s loyalty to NATO required it to.
The author of the article attempts to analyze the consequences for Member States’ sovereignty arising from the European asylum system reform and harmonization proposed in September 2020 by the European Commission. The author believes that so-called solidarity mechanism, however designed with intention of burden sharing and help, de facto has the potential to become migrant relocation mechanism. That argument is already being raised by Member States that are opposing the European Commission’s proposal. According to them, the proposal violates rules guaranteeing Member States’ rights to determine volumes of admissions of the third country nationals, explicitly expressed in the Treaty on the European Union. The author also notices that decision-making power on the relocations is transferred to the Commission, leaving limited flexibility in gesture of Member States. Without being opposed to subsidiarity principle itself, the article questions whether the details of the Commission’s proposal are not actually against the principle and certain elements, like effective return, are not better achieved at the national level. In the research procedure, a method of critical analysis of the content of studies and the available sources was used.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk continues to stand firm as a major symbol of the Turkish republicanism, though there is little doubt that Turkey today undergoes deep transformation in the sphere of the relations between politics and religion. As Bernard Lewis explains, the Ottoman Turks identified with Islam so profoundly that they in fact submerged their identity in Islam. It is, therefore, only right and proper to inquire and pursue the theoretical foundations and origins of the Turkish laicism. Although Turkey constitutes a rare example of a Muslim country where laicism was instituted by its own authorities and not imposed on the country by the Western colonial powers, still, it is beyond doubt that the very idea of laicism is of the European origin and that it drew its inspirations from the range of ideas of the French Enlightment. It is the perspective that enables to understand fully the scope and depth of the reforms implemented in Turkey; it also elucidates the contemporary attempts to overcome the secularism and enforce the political re-Islamization of the state. The contemporary question on the place of religion in the political community is at the same time a question on the identity of Turkey.