Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie Médiévales

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Wisdom 11, 21 - "But you have disposed all things by measure and number and weight" - appears frequently in Wyclif's theological and philosophical writings, as well as in his pastoral and political works. A learned biblicist, Wyclif considers it to be the most difficult verse in the whole of Scripture. Such an assessment is apparently due to the theoretical content it conveys, which relates to the issue of the creative, legislative and redemptive order imposed by God. While addressing various metaphysical, soteriological or ecclesiological topics, Wyclif appeals to the authority of this Wisdom verse to develop a comprehensive view of order in terms of the intimate structure of reality. Any kind of deviation from this order - described as an infringement of God's rule, or as a loss of correspondence to the divine, exemplary ideas - is ultimately seen as a shadowy area which compromises the full intelligibility of the world.
 
Article
The paper focuses on the relation between the potencies of the human soul - i.e., the sensitive and the intellectual potencies - in connection with the constitution of the human species, as it is dealt with in some commentaries on the De anima (1240-1270). The aim of this paper is to illustrate the development of a much debated doctrine, according to which the specific difference of the human being is rooted in the sensitive faculty and thus produced by natural generation. In the view of some arts masters, this is actually the highest natural faculty in human beings and, as such, sufficient to realize their specificity. In the end, the paper suggests that article 113 of the Parisian condemnation of 1277 - Quod homo est homo praeter animam rationalem - may be attributed to John of Secheville (or some contemporaneous master of arts). © 2017 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
This paper investigates into a MS containing, among others, the fourth book of Durandus of St.-Pourçin's Sentences Commentary, namely Paris, Bibliothéue nationale de France, MS lat. 12331. This manuscript transmits a text of Durandus' Commentary which includes interpolations and added questions and which therefore hints at a redactor who perhaps lectured secundum Durandum, but tried to make Durandus' text appear more 'Thomistic'. The redactor focuses his revision on sacramental issues. While Durandus in his sacramentology deviates from Thomas Aquinas' view and tends to Scotus' or a Scotistic position, the redactor changes Durandus' Commentary according to the Thomistic notion. Core element of the redactor's interpolations is the form-matter scheme to which the redactor adheres, and which Aquinas and his followers as well as later the doctrine of the Church adopt in their sacramentology. The redactor therefore attempts to emphasise the material aspect of the sacraments, whereas Durandus mainly stresses the formal one. The Commentary in MS Paris, BnF, lat. 12331 quite well attests to the esteem Durandus enjoyed in the 14th century, though it was sometimes mingled with criticism or correction of his opinions. © 2013 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
William of hothum (also called de hozum or de odone) was probably born in Yorkshire, joined the Dominican order, and studied in Paris at the convent of st. Jacques, where he became doctor of theology before 1280. appointed provincial of the Dominican order in England in 1282, he came into conflict with the Franciscan archbishop of canterbury, John Peckham, over hothum's defense of 'thomistic' positions; most important among these controversial positions was the doctrine of the unicity of the substantial form in human beings. the present investigation shows that hothum played a leading role in the defense of 'thomism' at oxford. nonetheless, his Quodlibet, here edited for the first time, also reveals a critical attitude toward thomas aquinas and a proximity to the augustinian tradition, especially in the fields of epistemology and angelology. © 2017 by recherches de théologie et Philosophie médiévales. all rights reserved.
 
Article
The study of philosophical and medical debates on the contagiousness of yawning sheds some light on the history of the notion of contagion in medieval Europe. This topic gave rise to doctrinal developments concerning the medieval concept of compassio, that is to say, the involuntary imitation of the behavior of others. In this article, the theory of the contagiousness of yawning is studied in six commentaries on the Aristotelian Problemata, section VII, that were written between 1310 and 1380. The contagiousness of yawning, which was an interesting problem for both physicians and philosophers, is connected with questions concerning actio in distantia and the relation between human beings and nature. © 2012 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
The article presents a description of the contents of MS. Venice, Bibl. naz. San Marco, lat. Vi.226, which have not been properly described up to now. contrary to its older descriptions, the codex contains the whole set of treatises constituting Richard Swineshead's Liber calculationum. the close affinity of this copy with the manuscripts of Swineshead's work preserved in the Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, i.e., Vat. lat. 3064 and Vat. lat. 3095, as well as some of its features and internal notes that one finds in this copy enable us to formulate new hypotheses and conclusions regarding both the composition of the Liber calculationum and its dissemination in fifteenth-century Italy. © 2017 by Recherches de théologie et Philosophie médiévales. all rights reserved.
 
Article
Christian, a grammarian who wrote his commentary on Matthew as an introductory text in theology for the younger monks of the abbey of Stavelot-Malmedy around A.D. 865, suggested a particularly innovative and even somewhat fantastic solution to the mystery of the time of the end. Drawing from the work of previous exegetes on this passage as well as on a number of tangential topics, and assimilating the theological concepts underlying a strikingly broad array of liturgical practices, he arrived at the surprising conclusion that the world will end during the Paschal vigil on one of the occasions that Easter falls on March 25th. An examination of this unusual approach to defining the inscrutability of the time of the end affords us a valuable insight into the manner in which new eschatological knowledge developed through the dynamic, mutually interpretative discourse that arose between the restored liturgy and the revived study of the Fathers in the Carolingian era
 
Article
Recent scholarship has drawn increasing attention to the role of the English master Richard Rufus of Cornwall in the early thirteenth-century reception of the << New Aristotle >> in the Latin West. In 2003 Rega Wood published an anonymous commentary on Aristotle's Physics (Erfurt, CA Q 312), which she attributes to Richard Rufus of Cornwall. According to Wood, this commentary originated in lectures given by Rufus at the Arts Faculty of Paris in the mid 1230s and thus represents the earliest known witness to lectures on Aristotle's Physics at Paris after the interdictions of 1210, 1215, 1231. This article analyzes in detail Wood's arguments in favour of Rufus' authorship (references to a Physics commentary in Rufus' Metaphysics commentary, quotations by other authors, doctrinal parallels with Rufus' works). It concludes that the anonymous commentary certainly belongs to the early English commentary tradition on the Physics and was influential on mid-thirteenth-century English commentators, but that Rega Wood has not conclusively proved her claim for Rufus' authorship.
 
Article
The interpretation of Augustine's early works often divided scholars between those who emphasize the philosophical character of these writings and those who affirm their deeply Christian nature. The present study attempts to show that there is a middle way in this interpretative quarrel by taking the example of the De quantitate animae, written by Augustine a year after his baptism. Indeed, the properly philosophical content of this dialogue, which deals with the nature of the soul from a Neoplatonic perspective, does not prevent Augustine from clearly expressing his adherence to the faith and dogmas of the Catholic Church in terms that foreshadow his later treatises. In other words, this dialogue is authentically Christian and Catholic, but at the same time fits into an intellectual framework that is still very similar to the intellectualism of the pagan Platonists of Late Antiquity. In order to illustrate this thesis, we successively study Augustine's comments on the Catholic Church, on Biblical exegesis as well as on dogmas relating to Christ, the Trinity, and divine grace. © 2018 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
This article demonstrates that Thomas Aquinas was sensitive to the tension between two authorities on the Eucharist, Ambrose of Milan and Augustine of Hippo. The article argues that Thomas resolves the tension in his Summa Theologiae by using the structure of a quaestio to present Ambrose and Augustine as mutually reinforcing, not mutually exclusive authorities. Thomas is attentive to Augustine's arguments for multiple layers of significance in the sacrament. The Eucharist is the real presence of Jesus Christ and is also a sign of corporate and personal unity with Christ and the eschatological fulfillment for which Christians hope. While Thomas, unlike modern scholarship, is not interested in the historical context of Augustine's theological system, he is attentive to the theological context of Augustine's doctrine of the Eucharist. © 2011 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
My paper aims at presenting Peter Auriol's theory of cognition. Auriol holds that cognition is "something which makes an object appear to someone." This claim, for Auriol, is meant to be indeterminate, as he explicitly says that the "something" in question can refer to any type of being. However, when he states how cognition is "implemented" in cognizers, Auriol specifies what this "something" is: for God, it is simply the deity itself; for creatures, cognition is described as something "absolute," i.e. non-relational, more precisely a complex entity made up of a cognitive power and a "likeness." However, one also finds Auriol saying that created cognition, as a "likeness," is relative. Yet, when Auriol talks of created cognition as something relative, he does not make an onto-logical claim: he means that one cannot think of cognition without thinking of it as having a relation to an object. In brief, created cognition, for Auriol, is ontologically absolute, but it is always represented together with a relation. © 2018 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
From the 14th to the 17th centuries the idea gradually emerged that created intellects can entertain several acts or apprehend several objects at the same time. While Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274) explicitly rejects such a view, claiming that there can be one and only one intellectual act referring to one intelligible at a time, from John of Jandun (d. 1328) to the Scotist Franciscus Lychetus (d. 1520), many argued that not only in angelic but also in human intellects several intellectual acts are compossible with each other and, as a consequence, that a simultaneous grasp of multiple and distinct objects can occur. At the end of the 16th century, this conception is based on the idea that the attention of the mind can be divided. In his De angelis, Suarez (d. 1617), while ostensibly restricting the discussion to the case of the angelic intellect, nevertheless gives a systematic treatment of the way that attention can be proportioned to the nature and diversity of the objects considered.
 
Article
This article focuses on the reception of the so-called epistola ad alexandrum, a Greek-Latin translation of the dedicatory letter and the opening lines of the pseudo-aristotelian Rhetorica ad alexandrum, which was probably made by William of Moerbeke (d. 1286), and circulated as a part of the corpus Recentius at the university of Paris. By analysing the manuscripts that contain the epistola as well as studying quotations of the text in florilegia and in other texts, i will argue that medieval and early modern readership essentially reduced the epistola to some nice-sounding sentences but that it was exactly this evolution that guaranteed its survival for centuries to come. © 2017 by Recherches de Théologie et philosophie médiévales. all rights reserved.
 
Article
Scholars have examined a commentary on the Book of Causes attributed to Adam of Bocfeld for almost a century. Yet little progress has been made regarding its dating, authenticity, and doctrines. This paper tackles some of these issues arguing that the commentary (1) was most probably written between 1251 and 1263/1265, (2) has striking similarities with some works attributed to Roger Bacon, and (3) contains an interesting discussion of Averroes' doctrine of the unity of the intellect. The article also indicates the influence of this commentary on fifteenth-century authors and offers a partial edition of its question 1. © 2018 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
This article examines two medieval thinkers - Averroes and Aquinas - on the kind of causation exercised by the agent intellect in "abstracting" or producing intelligibles from images in the imagination. It argues that abstraction in these thinkers should be interpreted in causal terms, as an act whereby images in the imagination, through the power of the agent intellect, educe their intelligible likeness in a receptive intellect. This Averroean-Thomistic causal approach to abstraction offers an intriguing alternative to the usual approach to abstraction as an epistemological content-sorting. The article also demonstrates the extensive common ground uniting these thinkers' cognition theories, despite Aquinas's well-known rejection of Averroes's theory of separate Intellects. © 2015 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
How to explain the architectonic skills of insects, best represented by the hexagonal structure of the honeycomb? This was one of the most striking puzzles in the history of science and epistemology. How was such a lowly animal able to construct complex structures, which obviously imitated geometrical patterns? How could the obvious gap between the product and its maker be explained? These questions ignited a debate that started with Albert the Great in the High Middle Ages and included such figures as Thomas Aquinas, Roger Bacon, the Cartesians, Johannes Kepler, as well as philosophically trained natural scientists like Georges Buffon, Rene-Antoine Reaumur, Charles Bonnet, and of course Charles Darwin and the outstanding naturalists of the 19th and 20th century. Taking the skills of the bee as a starting point, the present paper reconstructs this long discussion of insect architecture and insect intelligence, and tries to uncover its medieval beginnings Although in the early modern period the amount of relevant empirical observation grew continuously, nevertheless the solutions to the riddle of the honeycomb followed patterns that remained almost unchanged since the time of Albert the Great.
 
Article
Parmi les quatre sens de l'Ecriture: litteral, allegorique, moral et anagogique, l'A. s'attache au dernier sens: le sens spirituel, qui peut d'ailleurs etre reuni au sens allegorique. Deux sources: 1 L'exegese biblique fondee sur l'idee que l'A. T. annonce et prefigure le N. T.| 2 L'interpretation "paienne" des poemes homeriques et des mythes appliquee a la Bible par Philon d'Alexandrie, puis par Origene et la "lectio divina". Le sens "spirituel", qui consiste a faire apparaitre ce qui est cache dans l'Ecriture, est d'abord un art reserve a une elite (S. Gregoire), mais a la fin du 12 siecle, c'est devenu un mode rhetorique de persuasion chez les theologiens, en Angleterre et en France.
 
Article
How to explain the architectonic skills of insects, best represented by the hexagonal structure of the honeycomb? This was one of the most striking puzzles in the history of science and epistemology. How was such a lowly animal able to construct complex structures, which obviously imitated geometrical patterns? How could the obvious gap between the product and its maker be explained? These questions ignited a debate that started with Albert the Great in the High Middle Ages and included such figures as Thomas Aquinas, Roger Bacon, the Cartesians, Johannes Kepler, as well as philosophically trained natural scientists like Georges Buffon, René-Antoine Réaumur, Charles Bonnet, and of course Charles Darwin and the outstanding naturalists of the 19th and 20th century. Taking the skills of the bee as a starting point, the present paper reconstructs this long discussion of insect architecture and insect intelligence, and tries to uncover its medieval beginnings. Although in the early modern period the amount of relevant empirical observation grew continuously, nevertheless the solutions to the riddle of the honeycomb followed patterns that remained almost unchanged since the time of Albert the Great. © 2013 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
This paper argues that G. Guldentops's review of S. Ebbersmeyer's Homo agens (published in RTPM 77 [2010]) does not do justice to her wellgrounded and exemplarily structured study, which is a landmark in the research on early Renaissance moral philosophy. Among other aspects the paper focuses on the relation of early Italian humanists to the medieval scholastic tradition. © 2011 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
Already in Antiquity philosophers were debating how the achievements of animal intelligence could be explained without humanizing the beast. Why does animal behaviour often seem to be rational, even though animals lack rationality and an immortal soul? Why do many animals seem to learn and improve their skills? Like other Peripatetic thinkers, Albertus Magnus held that animals do not act as rational beings, because they lack universal knowledge, which is characteristic of human beings. Nevertheless, on the basis of classical theories and personal observations, Albertus Magnus developed the idea of a syllogismus brutorum, which has to be situated in the imaginative faculty of the brutes. According to Albert animals are able to connect mental pictures and build quasi-syllogistical sequences, which can be reproduced by memory and imagination, when the animal is confronted again with the same situation. Albert's model of animal syllogistics influenced other medieval philosophers like Thomas Aquinas and Dominicus of Flanders; it became important in early modern debates as a counter-model to the mechanistic philosophy of Descartes and his followers. In the academic circles of late scholasticism and Lutheran universities its traces can be followed up to the 18th century. The present paper reconstructs the reception of the syllogismus brutorum in the history of medieval philosophy and its wide-ranging influence on later philosophers.
 
Article
The Summa Alexandrinorum is an epitome of the Nicomachean Ethics, probably composed in Late Antiquity, translated into Arabic and then into Latin by Hermannus Alemannus (XIIIth century). The first part of the article reconstructs its history and its circulation in the Arabic and Latin worlds. The second part is an analysis of the philosophical background to the Summa, particularly the obvious influences of Peripatetic and Neoplatonic philosophy. An appendix offers an edition of an interesting part of the Summa, the so-called «seventh book» (dealing with the moral virtues), based on the most important manuscripts. © 2010 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
At Summa theologiae I, 44, 2, Thomas Aquinas argues that God is the cause of all things, even primary matter, by turning historian and distinguishing four stages in the history of metaphysics, where Plato and Aristotle turn up at the third stage and unnamed aliqui at the last stage. In this paper, I conclude historically that the unnamed philosopher is Avicenna, and I conclude philosophically that Aquinas drew his philosophical doctrine of creation - that creatures depend upon God as efficient cause of their existence, which is independent from the religious notion of creation at a first moment in time - from Avicenna. In this way, the history of philosophy and philosophy itself reinforce each other in helping us to understand philosophical doctrines, both in themselves and in comparison with allied religious doctrines.
 
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This article examines Thomas Aquinas's critique of Peter Lombard's controversial claim that the charity with which we love God and neighbor is the Holy Spirit himself. It discusses three interpretations of the Lombard's position, analyses Aquinas's objections to each of them, and presents Aquinas's own developing view of the relation between charity and the Holy Spirit. In his Scriptum super Sententiis, Aquinas attacks the Lombard's position as interpreted by the English Dominican Richard Fischacre, who tentatively argued that the Holy Spirit 'co-constitutes' human acts of charity either by means of a (quasi-)hypostatical union with the mind of the believer (i), or by means of a concursus simultaneus with the believer in the act of charity (ii). From the Lectura romana onwards, Aquinas is no longer concerned with Fishacre's position. He rather reads the Lombard as maintaining that the Holy Spirit is the sole principle of the act of charity in the believer, without a mediating form or habit (iii). Aquinas maintains that the Lombard's position is mistaken on each of these three interpretations. Instead of being the Holy Spirit himself, Aquinas argues, charity is a created habitual form in the soul of the believer, which enables the free and full participation of human beings in the divine love. © 2012 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
This study investigates a conflict in Duns Scotus' doctrine of the origin of intelligible being or intelligibility (esse intelligibile) found in his various treatments of the divine ideas. Scotus holds both that (1) the divine intellect produces the essences of creatable things, and that (2) the essences of creatable things are contained in the divine essence and represented by it to the divine intellect. Although this conflict has escaped the notice of most of Scotus' medieval and modern interpreters, two early followers of Scotus, William of Alnwick and Petrus Thomae, recognized it in the course of their detailed examinations of the notion of intelligible being. William simply noted the contradiction and defended an elaborate version of (2). Peter also defended a complex version of (2), but additionally attempted to relieve the conflict between Scotus' views by arguing that Scotus had intended (1) to be taken only metaphorically. © 2014 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales.
 
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This paper studies the analogy set forth by Averroes in his Great Commentary on the De anima between the material intellect and the transparent medium. The overall context of the present inquiry is the "question of Theophrastus" concerning the nature of the material intellect. The paper argues that the analogy between material intellect and transparent medium arises because, just like the transparent medium, the material intellect's functioning requires a prior actualization : just as colors shine through the transparent medium only insofar as it is itself actually illuminated, the material intellect can receive intelligible forms only insofar as it is fundamentally actualized by the agent intellect. The aim of this paper is thus to reconsider the nature of the material intellect's potency and its formal relation to the agent intellect. © 2018 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
This article investigates how mid-thirteenth-century theologians grappled with questions of angelic embodiment and corporeal life-functioning. Regent masters such as Alexander of Hales, Richard Fishacre, Richard Rufus of Cornwall, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventure variously employed scriptural and patristic sources in conjunction with Aristotelian philosophy to develop a basic metaphysics of angels according to which these inherently incorporeal spiritual creatures assume bodies not on account of any necessity on their part, but rather simply so that we humans might understand their divinely-ordained ministries. Because the relationship between angels and their bodies is strictly occasional and extrinsic, aiming at human instruction, embodied life-functions that are natural to humans are not natural to angels. Rather, angels merely act in anthropomorphic ways in order to fittingly reveal the divine will to human comprehension. © 2011 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
A copy of the Greek text of Aristotle's De anima, dated around 1300, florence, Biblioteca medicea laurenziana, plut. 87.20, contains numerous extracts from Philoponus' lost commentary on book iii, which has been preserved only partially in the Latin translation of william of moerbeke (De intellectu) and in sophonias' paraphrase. this article gives a survey of these Greek scholia with an edition of some specimens and shows the importance of this discovery for a better understanding of the relation between the two versions of Philoponus' commentary on book iii. © 2017 by recherches de théologie et Philosophie médiévales. all rights reserved.
 
Article
Pseudo-Aristotle's Physiognomonica is one of the main authorities in the field of physiognomy. In the 13th century, Bartholomew of Messina translated this text from Greek into Latin. This Latin translation (nowadays preserved in 129 manuscripts) had a wide dissemination: besides the many medieval commentaries on this treatise, one third of the preserved manuscripts contain marginal annotations. This contribution studies these marginalia, which offer a unique insight in the reception history of this pseudo-Aristotelian text during the Middle Ages. Attention is paid to structural observations in the margins, to medieval innovations in the discipline of physiognomy, and to the sources used by medieval readers of the Physiognomonica. © 2017 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
The anonymous Middle Dutch treatise known as Sub umbra illius, handed down in MS. Berlin, cod. germ. qu. 1084, is an important document in the medieval debate on Eckhart's philosophy conducted in German and Dutch vernaculars. The author knew the work of Thomas Aquinas well, used a technical lexicon of remarkable precision, and discussed in detail the doctrine of human perfection formulated by Eckhart in his German Sermon Q 52. The text was first published by Langenberg in 1902 and is re-edited after a collation with the manuscript and with a commentary on the sources used by the author. © 2018 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
Moralis philosophie fundamentum compendiosum is a fifteenth-century Viennese treatise on virtue ethics, focusing on the connection of the virtues. Whereas the attribution of this text to Leonard Praxatoris (1494) is uncertain, it is very likely that the work influenced Henry Platterberger's Compendium moralis phi-losophie (written around 1465 at the University of Vienna). The appendix offers an edition of Moralis philosophie fundamentum compendiosum and a collection of lecture notes by Praxatoris. © 2015 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
The discovery of an anonymous manuscript that parallels several chapters of Nicholas of Cusa's De docta ignorantia (1440) raises anew the charge of plagiarism against the German cardinal. This article evaluates Hoenen's proposal that the anonymous treatise be viewed as a model (Vorlage) used in the composition of the Cusan work. After reviewing possible responses to the Vorlage theory, new textual evidence in support of Hoenen's arguments is presented, but oversights and unanswered questions are also noted. Finally, a careful reading of an important passage of Apologia doctae ignorantiae (1449) reveals not only that Cusanus did name his source, however belatedly, but also how he perceived the author in relation to other sources stemming from the twelfth-century master, Thierry of Chartres. © 2010 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
Anthony of a Parma was an Italian philosopher and medical scholar active in the first three decades of the fourteenth century, whose favourite philosophical authorities were Aristotle and Averroes. In an intriguing disputed question, he argues that it is possible to demonstrate the infinity of God's power. This article seeks to explicate Anthony's key arguments in support of this thesis as well as to identify his main contemporaneous sources. It also highlights the peculiar way in which Anthony attempts to resolve the inconsistency between his position, which ultimately relies on Aristotle and Averroes, and that of the Catholic faith, whose truth, he contends, "must always be put forward in all matters," even though this appears to imply that Aristotle's position is "totally impossible and false." The article is followed by a critical edition of the quaestio. © 2017 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
Avicenna's philosophy had a strong impact on many aspects of Thomas Aquinas' thought; Aquinas' early doctrine of creation is no exception to this. The present paper shows how the young Aquinas appeals to Avicenna's metaphysics while formulating a novel view on the topic of the creation of the world, a view diverging significantly from those of such contemporaries as Bonaventure and Albert the Great. After a brief historical introduction to the various argumentative strategies concerning the creation of the world, the discussion turns to an analysis of Aquinas' treatment in In II Sent., d. 1, q. 1, a. 2. © 2012 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales.
 
Article
Thomas Aquinas maintains that one must be virtuous in order to be happy. Broadly speaking, one might hold to that claim either because one takes virtue to be a constituent of happiness or because one takes virtue to be a kind of necessary instrument without which one could not obtain happiness. In trying to determine which of these paths Aquinas takes, one will be importantly influenced by how one understands his account of happiness. So, in this essay, I outline two interpretations of Aquinas's views concerning what perfect happiness most fundamentally is. According to the first, which I call "the actualization account," Aquinas treats perfect happiness as most fundamentally a matter of complete actualization. According to the second reading, which I call the knowing-and-enjoying account, Aquinas treats perfect happiness as most fundamentally a matter of knowing and enjoying God in God's essence forever. I briefly argue that we ought to prefer the second of these readings. More centrally, I argue that some have been misled by the actualization account into thinking that, according to Aquinas, virtue is a constituent of perfect happiness. I then spend the bulk of the essay arguing that, in fact, Aquinas treats virtue as necessary for perfect happiness only because it is a kind of necessary instrument that makes possible the sort of activity in which perfect happiness consists. © 2017 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales. All rights reserved.
 
Article
The article surveys the influence of some of the cosmological theories of Johannes Philoponus in the Islamic philosophical tradition. After a survey of the Arabic tradition of Philoponus life and works, I provide a study of some of the latter's chief arguments in favor of the world's temporal creation. The central part of the paper consists in a study of the text and translation (provided in an Appendix) of a selection of Averroes' quotations from and discussions of Philoponus' key arguments. In the case of the fragments of Philoponus' lost work Against Arisotle, preserved mainly by Simplicius, the context of Simplicius' text must be taken into consideration, since it often provides the requisite doctrinal background for understanding Philoponus, and hence the Arabo-Islamic authors who adopted and adapted his arguments. © 2012 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales.
 
Article
This article sheds new light on the complex relationship between Jacob Thomasius’s main occupation as a professor of Aristotelian philosophy at the Lutheran University of Leipzig and his works on the history of philosophy, which showed the incompatibility of Aristotle with central Christian doctrines. I argue for a strong inner consistency between these two seemingly conflicting aspects of Thomasius’s intellectual activity. Far from paralyzing his way of doing ‘Christian Peripatetic philosophy,’ the history of philosophy was for Thomasius an indispensable analytical tool for reforming Aristotelianism. To illustrate my thesis, I investigate the way Thomasius used his historical reconstruction of Aristotle’s theory of intellect to intervene in a contemporary debate on the origin of the human soul, a debate which played a central role in the crystallization of a Lutheran confessional identity.
 
Article
While it is generally agreed that Ramon Martí's (c. 1220-1284) Pugio fidei must be considered a landmark in polemic literature, shaping the Christian-Jewish discourse of the following centuries, there are very few analyses dedicated to establishing the extent and nature of its immediate reception. This paper studies the influence of Martí's apologetics on three major Catalan theologians. Starting with his contemporary, Ramon Llull (1232-1316), who was critical of Martí's intellectual project, the paper proceeds by focusing on the affirmative reception of Martí's ideas in Arnau de Vilanova's (c. 1240-1311) Allocutio super significatione nominis tetragrammaton and, particularly, in Francesc Eiximenis's (c. 1327-1409) Lo Crestià, which draws heavily on Martí's explanation of the Tetragrammaton. © 2012 by Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales.
 
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