Race & Class

Published by SAGE Publications
Print ISSN: 0306-3968
Publications
In recent years, a secretive domestic surveillance apparatus has been created in the US in the name of counter-terrorism. Based on the notion of ‘predictive policing’, it aims to gather such detailed information about individuals — ‘total information awareness’ — that it is able to anticipate crimes before they are committed. Linked to the return of racial profiling in the name of the ‘war on terror’ and implemented by local Joint-Terrorism Task Forces, operating effectively with federal powers and little accountability, this new surveillance apparatus is especially focused on Muslims, immigrants and prisoners.
 
This study of teenage violent crime in Britain in 2008, extracted from a longer briefing paper published by the Institute of Race Relations, aims to provide a description of who was killed, by whom and in what circumstances — a factual description which has been largely missing from much media and political evaluation.
 
L'A. analyse l'influence du neo-liberalisme et du neo-conservatisme catholiques dans l'univers sportif du Chili. Il souligne que le monde du tennis comme celui du football sont considerablement affectes par l'ideologie neo-liberale.
 
The veil has become an image of otherness, of a refusal to integrate and an example of the ‘failings’ of multiculturalism. As such, it has become an important symbol in the homogenisation and demonisation of Muslims in Britain. It is important to situate this ‘debate’ about the veil in the broader context of racism, immigration and imperialism, and neoliberal economic and political transformations. In the post-9/11 and 7/7 climate, public discussions of Muslims in Britain have centred on the twin issues of ‘integration’ and ‘terrorism’, at a time when racism is on the rise and poverty has increased for immigrant communities. How the veil is understood in this ‘debate’ is shaped by this wider context and, above all, by a history of colonialism and imperialism. This article examines the debate on the veil, showing that many garments and practices surrounding veiling are reduced in the British media to a threatening set of symbols of difference and otherness. It is argued that to detach gender issues and Islam from their wider social context leads to regressive, intolerant and overtly racist assumptions.
 
A comprehensive analysis of the situation of the American Negro, conducted by a Swedish sociologist with the cooperation of leading American social scientists. An exhaustive study of social and economic data, supplemented by a large amount of material from interviews which leads to formulating the dilemma as a conflict between the American creed of egalitarianism and discrimination against Negroes. An example of the sociological approach to problems of prejudice. Harvard Book List (edited) 1949 #465 (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
 
Discusses the psychometric properties of the H-scale developed by the authors to measure British white attitudes toward blacks. Reliability and validity of the 17-item, Likert-type scale were established on a sample of 563 11-15 yr old, urban, working-class, white English children and 302 adult parents. Split-half reliability coefficients ranged from .79 to .85. Validity coefficients from .17 to .55 were established by correlating the 17-item scale with a 13-point rating scale of positive or negative attitudes toward blacks. Results show high correlations between negative attitudes toward blacks and social distance, proportion of blacks in the demographic area, and areas of high immigrant settlements. Evidence for the homogeneity of the scale is found in the fact that variance was accounted for by a single general factor. (15 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
 
Studied the relationship of egoistic and fraternalistic deprivation to political choice of presidential and black mayoralty candidates. Black and white voters in 4 major U.S. cities having black mayoralty candidates were surveyed. Factor analysis of survey items revealed 2 clear attitude factors: Contact Racism and Competitive Racism. Contact Racism was consistently related to being both egoistically and fraternalistically deprived. Competitive Racism was consistently related to fraternal deprivation. The incident of fraternal deprivation was greatest at intermediate economic levels, suggesting that fraternal deprivation acts as a mediating link in the relationship between racial prejudice and working-class affluence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
 
DISCUSSES THE SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE EMERGENCE OF THE CONCEPT "SOUL." THE HISTORICALLY IMPERMEABLE BARRIERS TO NEGRO ADVANCEMENT HAVE BEEN SLIGHTLY LOWERED TO MAKE SUCCESS POSSIBLE. THIS CHANGE HAS CREATED THE NEED FOR A PHILOSOPHIC ALTERNATIVE TO THE TYPE OF SUCCESS DEFINED BY MAINSTREAM, WHITE IDEALS; "SOUL" PROVIDES A SATISFACTORY SELF-CONCEPT AND CULTURAL SOLIDARITY THROUGH APPRECIATION FOR "NEGRONESS." GHETTO MEDIA (RADIO, THE RECORDING INDUSTRY, AND STAGE SHOWS) CONTRIBUTE TO THE VOCABULARY OF "SOUL" WHILE THE ORIGINS AND REASONS FOR ITS CHARACTERISTICS CAN BE SEEN SYMBOLICALLY IN "SOUL" FOOD AND MUSIC: PROVISION OF A MODICUM OF HISTORICAL TRADITION, EXPRESSION OF A LACK OF CONTROL OVER THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT, AND UNSTABLE PERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS. IT IS AN INTERNAL, CULTURAL CONCEPT RATHER THAN A MOVEMENT SUCH AS BLACK MILITANCY. HOWEVER, AS A CULTURAL FORCE, IT COULD BE HARNESSED TO CREATE ALLEGIANCE TO A BLACK NATIONALIST POLITICAL MOVEMENT. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
 
Discusses the effect on teacher's attitudes and beliefs of the view of intelligence as a fixed capacity and the idea of consistent group differences between races. Subsequently, teachers' attitudes and beliefs have an effect on the educational attainment of their students. A review of the relevant literature and research concerning genetic differences, the measurement of intelligence, and twin studies is included. The notion of a culture-free test is criticized not only because of their content or techniques of presentation but also because of the rationale behind them. Intelligence itself, as presently conceived and evaluated, is viewed as a European-American invention reflecting the values, the technology, and the classroom of our culture. It is suggested that, contrary to A. R. Jensen's (see record 1969-09740-001) theory, intelligence refers not to, a fixed mental capacity but to an individual's set of strategies for processing information and problem solving which has crystallized out of a complex interaction of up-bringing, schooling, sex, and ethnicity. (32 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
 
Eamines the controversy over genetic determinants of racial intelligence, and criticizes points raised by Eysenck in Race, Intelligence and Education. Several lines of evidence are presented that refute biological studies of IQ differences: (a) anatomical studies of brain structure reveal no differences in blacks and whites, while structural differences have been produced in animals by nutritional manipulation, suggesting that environmental factors outweigh genetic factors; (b) 75% of American blacks have some white ancestry with no correlation between degree of white ancestry and IQ; and (c) compensatory education of disadvantaged black children significantly increases IQ. 5 biasing factors in comparisons of American Indian and Negro performance on culture-fair intelligence tests are discussed: (a) Indian studies are based on urban samples; (b) Indians typically attend white schools, unlike blacks; (c) social-distance studies reveal more discrimination against blacks than Indians; (d) blacks have been denied identification with their cultural heritage; and (e) blacks may "pass" for Indians. (32 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
 
DISCUSSES PREVIOUS LITERATURE AND RESEARCH STUDIES ON THE RELATIONSHIP OF RACIAL PREJUDICE AND MENTAL ILLNESS IN THE UNITED STATES AND ENGLAND. IN BOTH COUNTRIES, MENTAL ILLNESS AMONG NEGROES IS CAUSED PRIMARILY BY "GOAL-STRIVING IN A CLIMATE OF LIMITED OPPORTUNITY." IN ENGLAND, THE IMMIGRATION FACTOR ALSO PLAYS A LARGE PART. MOBILITY AND MENTAL HEALTH ARE ALSO CONSIDERED AND IT IS SEEN THAT IMMIGRANT NEGROES SHOW A HIGHER INCIDENCE OF PARANOID, PSYCHOTIC ILLNESS THAN THOSE WHO ARE STATIONARY. (44 REF.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
 
This article examines the impact of Garveyism – the political brainchild of Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey – in the articulation of post first world war labour politics in the greater Caribbean region. Garveyism nurtured a platform of race-first, worker-oriented, anti-colonial politics that both gave encouragement to, and provided a language of grievance for, a series of strikes, riots and rebellions after the war. During the reactionary era that followed, Garveyites nimbly scaled back the stridency of their politics, replacing their emphasis on direct action and worker resistance with a labour politics that privileged organisation building and constitutional reform, but which continued to project the implications of the work in global terms, joined to Garveyites’ end goal of African liberation and racial redemption. By the mid-1930s, a new labour politics emerged that both surpassed Garveyist labour organising in its stridency and relied on Garveyist tropes of racial solidarity; one that distanced itself from Garveyist labour organisers while boasting a leadership that had been nurtured within the Garvey movement.
 
In response to charges of racial discrimination, the Communist International admitted twelve, instead of one or two, Black Americans to Moscow’s International Lenin School in 1931. When the experiences of these Black Americans failed to correspond to the image of Soviet racial equality, with regard to the conduct of white Americans and school officials, they criticised these disparities not only as ‘racist’, but, more importantly, as ‘anti-Soviet’. Like the Black American students who attended the Eastern University in Moscow, the Black Americans at the Lenin School did not perceive Soviet anti-racism simply as a paternalistic, abstract discourse. Indeed, Black Americans in both institutions recognised that they had more to gain by actively supporting Soviet anti-racism than by joining their white American oppressors in openly attacking it.
 
Standard accounts of postwar race relations in the UK begin with the arrival of Jamaican immigrants on the Empire Windrush in 1948, while the anti-black riots of 1958 in Notting Hill (in London) and Nottingham are said to be the first postwar ‘race riots’. But this account of postwar immigrant Jamaican workers (many pre-dating the Windrush), who were housed in the wartime hostels of the National Service Hostels Corporation, reveals an earlier history of conflict, often with European and Irish migrant workers. Drawn from archival sources, it shows the early trend of postwar government policy in attempting to limit numbers of black workers in the hostels, keep them apart from others and blame them for attacks instigated by others. In this, it foreshadowed a more fully fledged ‘commonsense’ racism that posited the numbers of black workers as the problem, rather than any lack of social provision. And it hints that the contours of black settlement, taken for granted today in places such as Brixton and Birmingham, may have been initially determined by the location of those early hostels and labour exchanges.
 
This is a revised version of a talk given on 12 March 1983 at the Greater London Council Ethnic Minorities Unit Consultation on Challenging Racism.
 
As European countries implement policies of ‘accelerated removal’, the legal rights of migrants and ‘failed’ asylum seekers are being eroded and force is being used more often in their deportations. Certain groups, including the Roma, unaccompanied children, the elderly and ill as well as asylum seekers from many African countries, are being targeted for removal as readmission agreements are negotiated, and many deportations now take place to Afghanistan and Iraq — regarded as safe countries.
 
This article explores the Bouchard-Taylor Commission, a 2007—8 government consultation that was established in Québec to study interculturalism, secularism and national identity, in response to what had become known as the ‘reasonable accommodation debates’ on the extent to which minority and immigrant cultural practices could be accommodated. The focus of this exploration is on two aspects of the Commission: the citizens’ forums that were a part of its deliberative process; and the ways in which it responded to the idea of crisis. Through an analysis of aspects of the Commission’s final report, the ways in which the Commission was structured and the media representations of the Commission, this article argues that, despite the spirit of equality and fairness to which the commissioners were committed and the praise it received from some members of immigrant and minority groups, the Commission ended up reinforcing the racialised hierarchies and exclusions that it wanted to redress.
 
Following a symposium in June 2012, on ‘Policing communities: race, class and the state’ (organised by the Institute of Race Relations and the Power, Conflict and Justice Research Group, Edge Hill University, in conjunction with the Tottenham Defence Campaign), the author traces how police accountability has evolved following the reforms promised on the back of the Good Friday Agreement. He demonstrates how this relates to the current ‘secret justice’ agenda, whereby the UK government is trying to extend ‘closed material procedures’ to most civil court cases. The Belfast-based human rights organisation, Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ), with an interest in both of these areas, has lobbied extensively for the creation of a genuinely independent police complaints mechanism and campaigned for an end to ‘emergency’-type legislation rather than its normalisation. Much of its recent efforts have related to preventing the rollback of what was actually progressed or promised following the Agreement. For a wider discussion of issues raised at the symposium, see the article by Liz Fekete in her commentary, ‘Total policing: reflections from the frontline’, in this issue.
 
This review provides a summary and evaluation of Gilbert Achcar’s history of Arab attitudes to the Holocaust (and related matters, such as fascism) from the early 1930s until the present. The author’s ability to integrate a story of Arab intellectual and political diversity with the story of how this diversity has often been reduced to a monolithic caricature is found to be magisterial. The review ends with the kind of critical interrogation that so formidable a work deserves: has Achcar exaggerated the role that ‘narrative’ might have in resolving political conflicts? Has he exaggerated the degree to which reactionary and/or fundamentalist Islamism has influenced modern Arab and Islamic thought? To what extent has he neglected to discuss the Jewish fundamentalist ideas that provide a religious basis for prejudice and aggression towards Palestinians and Arabs? Does he adequately address the relationship between Zionism/Israel and imperialism?
 
The author, a choreographer, argues that for the artist the ‘tribe’ which controls artistic expression in Europe is that of large corporations, whereas in most Arab countries it is a more overt form of control by repressive regimes and clerical institutions. In Palestine ‘tribal’ bonds have also served to maintain cultural survival. ‘Tribes’ need to evolve so as to reconcile the community spirit with the right of freedom of expression for individuals.
 
This article documents the significant successes and major setbacks of a campaign led by Latin American cleaners for union recognition and better pay and conditions at the University of London. It shows how they overcame fear, resignation, intimidation, racism, poverty and cultural and linguistic alienation to find their political agency. However, their collective empowerment was met by dismissals and deportations. The article argues that there are a number of important lessons for the trade union movement to learn; namely, the need to have specific legal and campaigning strategies in place to defend its migrant activists as well as calling for the regularisation of ‘irregular’ workers. In sum, the struggle for immigrant rights is at the cutting edge of the global working-class fightback.1
 
The enslavement of blacks in America lasted 246 years. It was followed by a century of legal racial segregation and discrimination. The two periods, taken together, constitute the longest running crime against humanity in the world over the last 500 years. – Randall Robinson Reparations are the central issue of race relations in America in the twentyfirst century. Until we address it seriously, we will continue to make only modest progress with some of the larger issues. – Charles J. Ogletree Jr
 
This review article explores the escalating racism and intensifying colonialism of the Israeli state and its circumscription of Palestinian lives and aspirations. Under such increasingly brutal circumstances, it asks what it means to be Palestinian today. How is the systematic reduction of human possibility, enacted over generations since the nakba, experienced by its victims? This is the question addressed by the three books reviewed here: Arthur Neslen, In Your Eyes a Sandstorm; Dina Matar, What it Means to Be Palestinian; and Ilan Pappé, The Forgotten Palestinians. The short answer is, it depends on their relationship to Israel: whether as second-class citizens in Israel; as occupied and now variously disengaged in the West Bank and Gaza (dominated, but no longer exploited, as cheap labour since Oslo); as semi-incorporated in an annexed East Jerusalem; or, finally, as completely excluded refugees exiled outside historic Palestine. Beginning with the experiences of Palestinians in Israel-Palestine, it then moves out to the Arab world, where, it concludes, not only most of the remainder of the Palestinian refugees reside, but also perhaps the most compelling answer to the riddle of the Palestinian question.
 
Gypsies and Travellers1 are one of the most excluded black and minority ethnic (BME) communities in the UK across numerous domains. Despite the increased policy focus on levels of unemployment and economic inactivity among BME groups in recent years, little attention has been paid to the economic position of Gypsies and Travellers, not least because there is a lack of systematic data on the employment status and working patterns of these communities. Few of the programmes set up to tackle unemployment specifically target this population and, anecdotally, a mismatch exists in relation to mainstream back-to-work programmes and community needs. This article considers a series of related studies that explore the accommodation histories and adaptive strategies utilised by housed Gypsies and Travellers across four locations in southern England. One strand of these studies is concerned with employment opportunities and practices following the transition into housing. We draw on these findings to discuss the role of cultural adaptations in mediating the wider socioeconomic context and how recourse to collective responses helps to shape economic and labour market outcomes for members of this group.
 
Dambisa Moyo’s 2009 book Dead Aid sought to revive the neoliberal prescriptions for Africa’s development that were promoted by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund during the 1980s and 1990s. This article argues that implementing such prescriptions would repeat the catastrophic errors of Africa’s two ‘lost decades’ and that the real alternative to aid dependency lies not in the free market but in development that is genuinely accountable to local communities.
 
THE ONLY GROUP IN SOUTH AFRICA TO HAVE DEVELOPED A NATIONALISM BASED, AT LEAST PARTLY, ON ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE ARE THE AFRIKANERS. DUE TO AFRIKANER FEELINGS OF NATIONALISM, ATTEMPTS HAVE BEEN MADE TO SEGREGATE AFRICANS AND NON-AFRICANS OF DIFFERENT LANGUAGE GROUPS FROM THE AFRIKANERS AND FROM EACH OTHER. MOTHER-TONGUE INSTRUCTION IS STRESSED AT ALL LEVELS OF SCHOOLING DESPITE THE PREFERENCE OF AFRICANS TO BE TAUGHT IN ENGLISH. ASSUMING A MAJORITY GOVERNMENT IN THE FUTURE, THE PRESENT SITUATION, WHEREIN OFFICIAL STATUS IS GRANTED ONLY TO THE TWO MAIN LANGUAGES, ENGLISH AND AFRIKAANS, IS UNLIKELY TO BE ACCEPTABLE TO MOST SOUTH AFRICANS, AND MOST EDUCATED AFRICANS WOULD PROBABLY BE RELUCTANT TO SUBSTITUTE A BANTU LANGUAGE AS THE OFFICIAL TONGUE. GRANTING EQUAL STATUS TO ALL FIVE MAJOR LANGUAGES WOULD BE COSTLY AND ADMINISTRATIVELY INEFFICIENT. ONE WORKABLE SOLUTION SEEMS TO BE TO RECOGNIZE ENGLISH AS THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE, WHILE USING THE OTHER FOUR MAIN LANGUAGES (AFRIKAANS, XHOSA, SOTHO, AND ZULU) AS OFFICIAL REGIONAL SECOND LANGUAGES. (NC)
 
The orchestral and choral compositions of Michael Tippett often displayed his commitment to themes of social justice and political emancipation. What is little understood about his masterwork, A Child of Our Time, is its origin in the assassination of an obscure German diplomat by a German Jewish émigré in Paris in 1938, which also marked the beginning of Kristallnacht and so on to the final solution of the ‘Jewish problem’. Struggling with motifs to exemplify his commitment to a universal emancipated humanity, he discovered, for the first time, a set of African American spirituals which, in their very essence, pointed the path to liberation both artistically and also practically. Incorporating the spirituals into his work in the ‘midnight of the century’ of the Holocaust created perhaps the greatest avant-garde political/musical statement of the twentieth century.
 
This personal account of the difficulties and opinions of African students in Britain differs in approach and presentation from many articles that have appeared in RACE, in that it is direct evidence rather than findings based on a body of evidence. It contains insights which we believe to be valuable, and we hope that from time to time papers of this kind will be of interest to our readers.
 
The author explores the political life in Britain of black Barbadian Chris Braithwaite (c.1885–1944), also known as ‘Chris Jones’, a hitherto overlooked, yet outstanding figure in the history of the twentieth-century Black and Red Atlantic. As leader of the Colonial Seamen’s Association and an important ‘class struggle Pan-Africanist’, he was the lynchpin of an anti-colonial maritime network in interwar London. Through his work in the Communist party in the early 1930s and then in the International African Friends of Ethiopia and the International African Service Bureau, led by George Padmore and C. L. R. James, Braithwaite’s talents as organiser, speaker and writer came to the fore.
 
This article examines shifts in the ways that immigrants were framed and depicted within Swedish HIV/AIDS policy discourse from 1985 to 2005. In particular, it examines whether, when and how immigrants were linked to understandings of risk and safety in sexual relations. Whereas, at first, immigrants were rather marginal to this discourse, they later held a central position. Moreover, there was a shift in how ethnicity and 'race' were conceptualised by the Swedish authorities — a movement away from cultural pluralism towards neo-assimilationism. Throughout this time, cultural differences, often defined in terms of different attitudes to gender and sexuality, were focused on as defining the boundaries between 'immigrants' and 'Swedes'. But, whereas the pluralist approach favoured respect and tolerance for these differences, the neo-assimilationist approach that replaced it argued that immigrants ought to assimilate to the more enlightened sexual values of Swedishness, in order to better prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS infection.
 
This article explores the tension between Israeli state power and its presentation to the West in ostensibly liberal terms. The historical dynamics of metropolitan sponsorship of Zionist settler colonialism are briefly discussed before focusing on the ways in which the politics of artificial demographic management and pan-Jewish entitlement to Palestine are twisted into a conception of Jewish national self-determination that serves as a liberal licence for Israeli state crimes.
 
In 1879, an impoverished Stevenson travelled from Scotland to California in conditions almost identical to those of working-class and poverty-stricken emigrants. His account, The Amateur Emigrant, shocked the class sensitivities of his family and friends, and was not published in full in his lifetime. The experience had a profound effect on Stevenson’s personal sensibilities; his consciousness of his ambivalent position as a middle-class writer in the midst of his working-class contemporaries renders The Amateur Emigrant a remarkable revelation of the intermingled complexities of class, race and gender in late Victorian England.
 
This article examines the failure of Canada’s larger, Left-leaning NGOs active in global justice networks to properly engage with the struggles of Indigenous peoples. Taking a ‘White progressive economic nationalist’ position that fails to examine Canada’s historical and contemporary exercise of colonialism, such NGOs end up reproducing myths of nation-building, fail to address colonial injustices closer to home and ignore the resources that Indigenous struggles offer in the fight against neoliberalism.
 
At the nadir of the history of the African National Congress, with its leadership in prison or exile and repression having almost broken the movement on the ground, young communists and socialists, recruited in London, went into the country clandestinely to diffuse propaganda leaflets, letters, and recorded speeches from the leadership. This story was kept secret for forty years until a number of the recruits wrote their stories and, on their return visit to launch the book, found themselves received as heroes – to their great surprise.
 
This paper uncovers the contradictions between official ‘anti-racist’ union principles and local practice by exploring the ways that racism shaped a racially progressive union’s politics. Using interview material, it centres on the past and present experiences of African American union members working as longshoremen in southern California. Contrary to accounts that locate racism and the racial division of workers solely as a practice utilised by capital, the author argues that it was the labour union local itself, not capital, that readily relied on racism to undermine Black workers, thereby recreating the very same destructive forces that the International Longshore and Warehouse Union’s principles purported to oppose.
 
The authors argue that to compare Islamophobia with anti-Semitism is not to equate them. But finding some parallels might help German society to combat a growing and dangerous anti-Muslim racism.
 
In recent years, fears about the influence of sexual and violent images, a growing concern for the victims of crime and emerging movements against the insulting of religions have widened the range of acceptable restrictions on freedom of expression in the arts. These new non-legal pressures rely on a blurring of the boundaries between representation and enactment or promotion, so that to dramatise is often seen as to condone. The right of consumers not to be offended is now prioritised over the artist’s ability to foster imagination and empathy. At the same time, many advocates of free speech single out Muslims and Sikhs as threats, ignoring the greater power of Christian groups to assert their influence. The author calls for a more complex approach, combining recognition of the value of artistic freedom with an understanding of why disadvantaged communities use the language of religion to protest.
 
The Asian Youth Movements (AYMs) of the 1970s and 1980s were powerful examples of political movements influenced by black politics and a version of secularism that became a unifying force between different religious communities. Drawing on interviews with participants in the youth movements and material collected together for the ‘Tandana-Glowworm’ digitised archive of AYM ephemera, the author contextualises the AYMs in the political history of Asians in Britain, analyses their distinctive political stance and describes the leaflets, magazines and posters which they produced. The legacy of the AYMs, it is argued, lies in their example of organising politically at the grass roots across religious divides.
 
Following a mainstream British newspaper’s claim to have uncovered a new crime threat of ‘on-street grooming’, extensive and emotive debate continues around the so-called ‘Asian sex gang’ problem in the UK. This article examines the construction of a new racial crime threat, assessing the validity of its foundations and exploring its possible causes and consequences. Grooming is shown to be a dubious category, not a distinct offence but an ill-defined subset of child sexual exploitation more generally. The article highlights a fundamental tension in the grooming discourse, showing that claims of a uniquely racial crime threat are ill founded but that Asians have been overrepresented, relative to the general population, among suspected child sexual exploiters identified to date. The implications of the current fixation with grooming and ‘Asian sex gangs’ are examined and shown to further a political agendum and legitimise thinly veiled racism, ultimately doing victims a disservice. The article concludes by calling for a shift from the sweeping, ill-founded generalisations driving dominant discourse to date, towards open and level-headed discussions around child sexual exploitation, including but not limited to, examining relationships between race and offending.
 
An article based on excerpts from a chapter in the book, Bad News for Refugees by the Glasgow Media Group. It examines, in a detailed content analysis of sixty-nine articles in UK national papers in June 2011, how the rightwing press helped set the political agenda on immigration through a consistent conflation of issues of economic and forced migration, an emphasis on numbers as a threat, the pointing to migrants as an economic burden and potential criminals and a stress on the need for immigration controls.
 
This article, covering the period 2003–2010, is concerned with those Iraqis whose asylum claims in the UK have been rejected in recent years and who have found ‘nowhere to run’. A deterrence-based UK immigration regime has undermined many of their basic rights since the start of the war. And despite wide public knowledge about the dangers of return to Iraq, failed Iraqi asylum seekers are being made destitute, detained and even forcibly deported back to Iraq. From 2007 onwards, deportations on commercial and military flights increased, with deportees facing torture, disappearance and threats of violence upon their return. ‘Deterrence’ claims casualties in the UK, too, with Iraqis dying from homelessness, suicide, medical neglect and despair. Iraqi refugee organisations, the UNHCR and the European Court all call for an end to deportations to Iraq, yet the UK government refuses to listen.
 
Reported attacks on 'Indian students' in Melbourne during May and June 2009 
The issue of racist violence appeared in the Australian media and politics in mid-2009 following a spate of attacks on international students in Melbourne and Sydney. The racist aspect of these attacks was downplayed, authorities describing them as ‘opportunistic’ and a ‘regrettable fact of urban life’. The denial of racism is a familiar hallmark of contemporary racism; for some scholars, it is a defining criterion of what has been called the ‘new racism’. But the denial of racism around the attacks on Indian international students also had an economic imperative. Negative media coverage within India posed a substantial threat to the AUS$18.6 billion international education export market, with potential students and sponsors becoming concerned about their security should they elect to study in Australia. Data from the Challenging Racism project provide compelling evidence on the racist context of the attacks. The Indian media and politicians maintained an outraged position on the attacks, affecting student interest in Australia. And as the substantial economic costs became clearer, Australian governments came to more openly acknowledge a racist element to the attacks, also hinting at structural issues regarding community relations and attitudes which required policy attention.
 
In August 2011, England experienced widespread public disorders in sixty-six locations following a protest at the shooting dead of a black man in north London by the police. The author examines, inter alia, reports from the Metropolitan Police Service, academics Steve Reicher and Cliff Stott, Tottenham MP David Lammy, the Guardian/London School of Economics, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary and the Ministry of Justice to analyse the riots in London and other cities. He looks at the shooting of Mark Duggan, the immediate trigger, the riots’ deeper causes and the arrests that followed. Instead of a formal inquiry, the government set up the Riots Communities and Victims Panel, which has now reported, blaming the breakdown of families and lack of character in the young, rather than structural issues. While it asks for the community to work out, with the police, ways to reduce the impact of stop and search, the Metropolitan Police Service asks that stops be linked to its intelligence gathering; a sure way, argues the author, not to deal with the alienation of the young.
 
This article presents a case study in Australia's race relations, focusing on tensions between urban Aborigines and recently resettled African refugees, particularly among young people. Both of these groups are of low socio-economic status and are highly visible in the context of a predominantly white Australia. The relationship between them, it is argued, reflects the history of strained race relations in modern Australia and a growing antipathy to multiculturalism. Specific reasons for the tensions between the two populations are suggested, in particular, perceptions of competition for material (housing, welfare, education) and symbolic (position in a racial hierarchy) resources. Finally, it is argued that the phenomenon is deeply embedded in class and race issues, rather than simply in youth violence.
 
This article examines developments in Australian border policing policy since the election of a Labor government in November 2007. It argues that despite the formal cessation of the ‘Pacific Solution’, there are fundamental continuities in policy that ensure systemic human rights abuses by the Australian state against unauthorised refugees. In particular, attempts by the Labor government to forge a ‘regional solution’ have increased the risks of travel for unauthorised refugees, exacerbated abuses within Australian and regional detention facilities and diminished the long-term prospects of resettlement for this cohort. Inevitably, this has laid the basis for a revised version of the Pacific Solution.
 
Beginning with a discussion of an exhibition of the creative work of former political prisoners in Khiam prison, South Lebanon, this article reflects on the unique capacities that former political prisoners have to transform the perceptions of others. It is argued that former political prisoners — whether they are Palestinians who were detained in Israeli prisons, or those detained at the behest of the US and UK governments in the ‘war on terror’ — have special gifts of authority and insight, which make them extraordinarily effective social workers in their own communities.
 
The figure of the marine is not only the embodiment of US militarism, but also a major icon of popular culture. The Marine Corps was prominently deployed in the invasion of Iraq, as it has been in all major US military enterprises. But while there has been much and ongoing discussion about that war, less attention has been paid to its increasing impact on mainstream American culture. In this groundbreaking account, the author reviews and analyses the ever-growing body of literature produced by marines themselves. The article reveals a disturbing picture of pornographic violence, certainty in US military right and, crucially, an increasing turn to rightwing Christian fundamentalism as both imperative and justification for the war.
 
With the appointment in 1995 of James Wolfensohn to the presidency of the World Bank began an attempt to recast the negative image that the Bank had acquired as a result of its widely criticised structural adjustment programmes, land resettlement schemes and large dam projects in developing countries. ‘Poverty reduction’ and ‘good governance’ were to be the new watchwords, and civil society organisations were invited to engage in a process of dialogue and reform. The various initiatives introduced by the World Bank during Wolfensohn’s ten-year presidency are surveyed here and shown to continue, in effect, the discredited policies of the 1980s, while the promised dialogue with civil society was stillborn.
 
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