This paper attempts to reconstruct the emergence of modern urbanism in Caracas through the European imagery which informed the cultural evolution of the city, and particularly the Parisian myth, which apparently dominated the Caraquenians' dreams during most of this period. Our analysis is based more on the level of the ideas than on the actual transformation of the city, a premise which is especially valid when dealing with cities like Caracas, whose modest scale until the oil boom of the 1920s prevented foreign influences from materializing in physical terms. From the methodological point of view, such a cultural conception of urbanism means that the research has to deal with a variety of urban discourses-from the non-specialized literature which heralded the forthcoming discipline of urbanism in the Venezuelan capital in the late nineteenth century, to the increasingly specialized agenda generated by urban technicians in the 1930s. Though the original research combined four types of urban discourse-legal, political and administrative texts, urban literature, travel chronicles and technical literature about the city-this paper refers to those which are most directly related to the awakening of public consciousness about the modern city in Caracas society under the influence of European culture.
An anxiety that the urban problems of Britain might become entrenched in New Zealand's cities led to widespread middle class support for the ideas of the garden city movement in New Zealand during the 1910s. The New Zealand movement reached its zenith at the 1919 Town Planning Conference, where many delegates declared that the construction of garden city-type developments would solve pressing social problems. However, improved economic conditions and a public reluctance to embrace the movement's social agenda led to waning of support for the movement during the 1920s. Even so, a few garden suburb-type developments were constructed in New Zealand. Another success was the introduction of a Town Planning Act in 1926. The movement went into abeyance in the late 1920s.
The precocious development of German town planning led to the early move towards open space planning at the turn of the century. Progress in Berlin is accompanied by opportunities in the Ruhr which, in connection with the growth of regional co-operation and government, produced rapid results after about 1900. Robert Schmidt, an Essen city councillor between 1907 and 1920, led the region in theory and practice and laid the foundations for regional government from the 1920s.
Much has been written in recent years about the importance of civil society in ensuring positive outcomes for people in the development of urban space. For citizens to be involved in a meaningful way in urban planning requires the existence of a political space - created by organizations, community groups, social movements, voluntary societies - that is outside the control of government. The development of the international planning movement during the first decades of the twentieth century is an excellent example of the importance of such non-state actors in developing a competing vision of the urban future - and a set of prescriptions on how to achieve it - that was both at variance with the priorities then being pursued by national governments and which explicitly put forward the public welfare and urban quality of life as the highest values. Japanese planners, architects and municipal administrators were avid followers of international planning ideas during this period, attending many of the international congresses and attempting to adopt many of the current ideas for use in Japan. While the early years of the Taisho period saw a proliferation of social organizations in Japan and the development of an embryonic civil society, however, by the early 1930s an expansion of the role of the state, and particularly of the activities of the Home Ministry had resulted in its effective absorption of most of the political space available for independent agendas in city planning. After this period, planning thought and practice was firmly central government territory. This paper examines the role of this important watershed in the development of Japanese city planning and urban management practice.
Controlling development through the granting and refusing of planning permission came to occupy a central position in the British planning system created in 1947. Development control in Britain is, moreover, distinguished by the wide discretion that it offers local authorities in the decisions that they are required to make. Yet this process of dealing with planning applications was not originally part of the planning system at all. It was added to a plan-making system put into place by the legislation in 1909 as an administrative expedient to ensure that necessary building was not impeded by the preparation of town planning schemes. Although its origins were almost accidental, development control can also be seen as a direct successor to building control under the Public Health Acts, and to some extent, a reaction to the normative standards of the building by-laws. And the building by-laws and their application were themselves developed from the control exercised by private landowners in issuing building leases. This paper traces the way in which twentieth century development control arose from the experience of nineteenth century public health standards in new building and from leasehold control. It then explains why the emergence of local government and the traditions of British case law led to the development of a discretionary system when the model for the plan-making system had been the regulatory plans of continental Europe. It concludes that even though development control emerged as an ad hoc administrative response to a particular problem, this form of control can only be understood in a longer historical context.
In 1913, the Illinois Legislature enacted the Forest Preserve District Act. After adoption of the Act by voters in Cook County, the Chicago metropolitan area became among the first in the USA to establish a park system with an outer ring of nature preserves. This article chronicles the story of how the Cook County Forest Preserve District was established, its historical context and its influence on planning practice. It contends that although Chicago was not the originator of the idea of outer parks, it added significantly to development of the concept of comprehensive park system planning. The article contends that the paradigm of park management changed from conservation of the native landscape to multiple use management during the 20-year struggle to establish the district, and that passage of the Act was largely the result of the efforts of two individuals - Dwight Perkins and Jens Jensen.
The suburban cottage council estates of inter-war England are an example of how hopes for social transformation emerging in a new physical environment produced by planning worked out in practice. Their roots lay in the anti-urbanism of the nineteenth century. To improve the physical and moral health of the population, reformists had rejected the contemporary city in favour of a more rural environment. The adoption of the pre-industrial English village as the model for development appeared to offer harmonious social relations and a sense of community too. Although these sentiments were diminished by the end of World War I, their legacy was still apparent. Under the influence of Raymond Unwin, the promotion by the Tudor Walters Report of picturesque cottages, streets, gardens and greens presupposed an improved way of life for the cottage council estates that drew upon these romanticized images of the past. Rarely has the social life that developed on the estates been associated with such images. Instead, one of the strongest narratives of suburban working-class life is the loneliness and desolation of the cottage council estates. The estates are usually depicted, especially by modern commentators, as bereft of any sense of community. In particular, the layout of the housing, together with the absence of other facilities and amenities are thought to have hindered the development of social life. Rather than engendering a sense of community, the physical environment is held chiefly responsible for its absence. This paper re-examines these assumptions about the relationship between city plan and social relations by detailing the development of social life in the inter-war period upon the Roehampton and Watling estates, two of the London County Council's cottage estates. Community, it is argued, was not absent from either estate. The precise nature of community that emerged on each estate, together with the wider development of social life, is linked not to the estates' physical planning, but instead their social composition.
Historians neglect the role of planned industrial satellite towns in the wider history of single-industry communities. Starting in the early 1920s, the Humber Project on the west coast of Newfoundland was an industrial mega-project of the first order. Undertaken by a British firm wishing to tap the growing North American newsprint market, top planning and engineering contractors were hired to design a sprawling industrial network powered by a massive hydroelectric station at Deer Lake. Officials altered the plan significantly and, by early 1924, the Deer Lake development was made secondary to the paper mill at Corner Brook. Company town construction mimicked industry; Corner Brook became the main planned settlement while Deer Lake was the smaller satellite community for power plant operators. Two years later, most residents of Deer Lake were loggers living on the fringes of company control. Yet, despite their role as suppliers of essential raw material, loggers were excluded from the otherwise extensive system of company welfare. Similar entrenched and scaled dependencies shaped worker and resident experiences on the ground for years after. In the Humber Valley, company-imposed privilege and vulnerability planned uneven development within an industrial network, highlighting a more complex relationship between corporations, planners and residents than stock 'social control' or 'boosterist' interpretations allow.
This article analyses the connections between the ideas and principles of American city planning from 1920 with those articulated by Brazilian city planners in the 1930s and implemented by the administration of the City of Rio de Janeiro, then the capital of Brazil, notably during the period of the Estado Novo [The New State] from 1937 to 1945. In a period characterized by the centralization of political power and the concentration of decision-making in the hands of the president and the state, the City of Rio de Janeiro undertook a series of restructuring projects which utilized new forms of administration and organization. This article explores the links between urban planning in Brazil and the USA that were a notable feature of these projects. It examines particular requirements set down in city plans, city planning commissions and funding for urban activities, such as 'excess condemnation', by focusing upon articles and books written by four Brazilian engineers and proposals put forward by the American City Planning Institute, detailed in the proceedings of the National Conference on City Planning, in the periodical, City Planning and works by affiliated authors.
Until about 1939, guided by a policy of trusteeship, the colonial government in Kenya limited the number of Africans in urban areas. As elsewhere in East and Central Africa, employers and municipalities were supposed to provide only 'bachelor' housing for unaccompanied African men. After 1939, encouraged by London, the Kenyan government began to promote a policy of development which implied urbanization. The permanent presence of Africans in towns was accepted, as was the growing responsibility of municipalities for the provision of housing for families as well as for bachelors. Municipalities began to plan for new types of housing, with more community facilities in new types of neighbourhood layouts. From the early 1940s, a wave of construction created many thousands of new dwellings in all major urban areas, but only a minority were designed for families. Many women and children were accommodated in 'bachelor' housing where they were compensated through rental subsidies. Although Kenya's housing initiatives in the late colonial period did not satisfy all of the rapidly growing urban needs, they were a substantial achievement.
German air-raids during the early days of the Second World War destroyed much of the City of London. Because of its importance as the financial and commercial centre, its reconstruction planning attracted nationwide attention, and the plan of 1947 by consultants Charles Holden and William Holford has been regarded very highly with its drastic planning principles and new techniques. This article presents an inside story of the making of the plans and policies for the reconstruction of the Square Mile, which highlights the importance (and the limit) of the role played by Central Government to force the City Fathers to appoint consultants and take their advice.
In recent times it has become fashionable to describe major changes in the history of ideas as 'paradigm' shifts, and some have described changes in town planning thought since the end of the Second World War in these terms. In this article I offer an overview of the history of town planning thought since 1945, and suggest that there have been three outstanding changes in planning thought over this period. These are, first, the shift in the 1960s from the view of town planning as an exercise in physical planning and urban design to the systems and rational process views of planning; second, the shift from the view of town planning as an activity requiring some technical expertise to the view of planning as a political process of making value-judgements about environmental change in which the planner acts as a manager and facilitator of that process; and third, the shift from 'modernist' to 'postmodernist' planning theory. I argue that none of these changes represents a paradigm change in anything like the strong sense of that term. Rather, they are better viewed as significant developments which have 'filled out' and enriched the rather primitive town planning theory which existed half a century ago.
The development of the south bank of the central waterfront area of Rotterdam may be seen as the culmination of a process of reconstruction and redevelopment in the city that has been taking place over a considerable period, in particular since the destruction of a large part of the city's central area in the Second World War. This process has involved an evolution in the approaches to spatial planning in the city, as illustrated for instance by the development of high-profile and innovative architectural projects in recent years, as well as the development of cultural projects and the consequent adoption of a new cultural identity. Such projects have served to aid a re-definition of the city's image both within the Netherlands and at the international level. These achievements may be explained with reference to the wider urban policy context in Europe since the Second World War, the approach to urban policy in the Netherlands, and the approach to land use planning and regeneration adopted by the municipality of Rotterdam.
The National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act of 1949 has assumed enormous significance in terms of demonstrating the emergence of a Third Force in the countryside, alongside farming and forestry, namely that of outdoor recreation and the protection of amenity and wildlife. The Countryside Act of 1968 addressed more explicitly the issues arising from the impact of increasing numbers of visitors to the countryside and coast. The paper reconstructs the decision-making process by which the powers of the 1949 Act were recognized to need extension. A Government Statement, or White Paper, Leisure in the countryside: England and Wales , was drafted and approved, and Cabinet consent obtained for a Bill. The paper highlights the significance of intra- and inter-departmental relationships in a powerdependency process that played so prominent a role in determining post-war environmental policy in Britain.
The article is concerned with national policy for urban renewal in England during a critical phase in the 1960s when the housing programme was expanded under successive Conservative and Labour governments, reaching a peak through the targets set in the National Plan (1965). Urban renewal, as a programme going beyond slum clearance, was an essential theme in this expansion. Two critical aspects are considered. First, urban renewal involved a widening of the scope of planned intervention, and with it a wider range of remedies- improvement as well as replacement. There were tensions between a more comprehensive approach and movement into 'twilight area renewal' as 'the next step'. Second, the theme of urban renewal introduced the idea of 'partnership' between public and private agencies, which was closely connected with the resource problems for such wider modernization. The difficulties explored help to explain why urban renewal did not become in practice the big theme that was envisaged. Nonetheless, policy formation in the period did also have important effects on the action that was to follow from 1969.
The history of planning and social housing in post-war Britain has been dominated by the role of the state, local government, professionals (planners, architects, civil servants) and developers. This is hardly surprising, given that the partnerships created around these groups dominated the slum clearance and building process. The tenants have been absent from the 'history' because they were missing from the process. However, in the 1960s and 1970s the concept of participation began to emerge. It grew from broader social and cultural changes brought about through the emergence of welfare, consumerism and an ever greater awareness of 'rights'. The idea of participation was to increase participatory democracy by involving people in the planning process, by recognizing their rights to be involved in decisions which impacted on their lives. The state promoted the idea through legislation, but in practice the concept proved difficult to implement. Local authorities saw participation, at best, as a means of smoothing the planning process through the dissemination of ideas, thus limiting any scope for meaningful participation schemes. This article will look at the tension between the ideal and practice. It will also consider the reaction of many tenants who, frustrated at the attitude and policies forced on them by local government, became galvanized into action, creating tenant groups that would give their communities a voice.
Tehran after the Second World War experienced a modernization drive and rapid population growth. In 1972, the Greek planner, Constantinos Doxiadis, who had already undertaken major housing and planning projects in Iran, was invited to prepare an action plan for the city, to guide the future investment for easing the city's problems. Doxiadis saw cities as nightmares, but advocated that a holistic scientific analysis and a naturalist approach to urban growth management could address their problems. In applying his ideas to Tehran, however, the limits of his ideas of scientific planning became evident, not only through contextual pressures, such as lack of time and data, but also through the planning consultant's approach, in which commercial considerations and the application of readymade solutions could shape the outcome. Rather than working with the context, Doxiadis followed the modernist tenet of breaking with the past, proposing the creation of West Tehran, an alternative to the city where all future growth should take place on a utopian basis. The radical nature of his proposals, his death, and a turbulent revolution aborted the impact of his action plan on Tehran, while faith in modernist scientific planning was widely being abandoned.
Chinese cities today represent a historically important case of the relation between city-scale preservation policy and urban design, and the role they play in the rapid transformation of urban environments. This article reviews Beijing's preservation and urban design policies as they existed in 1990, and as they evolved and responded over the following fifteen years of radical change. Beijing's master plan in the 1990s ambitiously attempted to define the preservation-worthy image of the entire old city, but did so in narrowly picturesque terms. The practice of 'protecting' designated historic structures by clearing the space around them, and the dependence on a totalizing view-from-on-high to define Beijing's overall characteristic form (as opposed to an experience of the city from its myriad public and private spaces), produced a city-wide preservation policy that was particularly handicapped in its ability to accommodate change.
This paper provides an account of the unique historical and contextual circumstances that laid the foundations for the emergence of Bucharest as a prominent European capital city during the 1930s. It analyses the geographical location and urban fabric of Bucharest during the years leading up to Romania's independence after the end of the First World War, and the urban planning initiatives that contributed to the Master Plan of 1934-5. The paper illustrates the manner in which this document stimulated a variety of urban place-making interventions, and provided the framework for the regeneration of the city, focused on major boulevards, with an architecture that stands comparison with the best of the European Modern Movement.
In Australia, social reformers approached the new century and post-First World War reconstruction with the hope of establishing a "new social order" based on national efficiency and class harmony. This was to be delivered through the new science of town planning. The would-be reformers posited themselves as an intellectual vanguard which would provide leadership and assist in establishing an enlightened bureaucracy of professional public servants who would also lead the way to social betterment. Their project, however, had collapsed by the end of the war. Lacking collective political clout, the nascent planning professionals' influence declined as the political environment became more conservative in the 1920s. Reformist and radical features of town planning were stripped from suburban agendas. Suburbs, once held up as the cradle of the 'new social order', were to become places for quarantining class and reinvigorating liberalism.
The industrial ports of the lower Seine valley experienced serious destruction at every stage of World War II. One-tenth of all the dwellings destroyed during the war had been located in Seine-Inferieure, with inner districts of Rouen and Le Havre and many smaller towns being reduced to ruins. Removal of mines and debris was followed by the installation of temporary accommodation, some of which still survives. The master plan for the reconstruction of Rouen, devised by Jacques Greber and mediated by the wishes of the city's businessmen, combined a respect for traditional structures around the cathedral on the right bank of the Seine with striking modernism on the left bank. Auguste Perret's plan for Le Havre produced a thoroughly modern townscape of wide streets and apartment blocks, which evoked the main outline of the previous street plan. Almost half a century following their reconstruction, the inner districts of Rouen and Le Havre serve as powerful in the history of W orld W ar II lieux de memoire and in the recovery and modernization of Europe.
Drawing on a range of sources, this article addresses the way in which various groups set about mapping the slums of Edwardian Norwich to bring understanding and order to the disordered world of the city's 750 courts and yards. It focuses on the social scientific investigations incorporated in the reports of the Medical Officer of Health; the evidence of social investigators; the findings of charitable bodies and the writings of local journalists, whether addressing the slum issue directly or reporting news stories set in slum areas. It shows how these individuals and groups identified, categorized and interpreted the slums and their dwellers and, by making the unknown known, encouraged a more vigorous intervention by the local state in the lives of the poor. It demonstrates the way in which these concerns and ideals came together in the moral panic which followed the Norwich Flood of August 1912, an event which revealed the dreadful state of the inner-city housing to a city-wide audience and culminated in the City's first public housing scheme. It shows how the impetus to demolish slums and build public housing on the outskirts of the city was conditioned by both the application of medical criteria and traditional moral constructions of the characters of slum dwellers.
By applying the Lefebvrian lens, this paper tries to understand why unlike previous similar cases, the latest removal of the Star Ferry and Queen's Pier was so controversial. To Lefebvre, embedded in "spatial practices" that "secrete" a place are two contradicting spaces: "conceived spaces" produced by planners to create exchange values and "lived spaces" appropriated by citizens for use values. Applying Lefebvre's framework to examine the "Piers saga", it is found that the pre-Second World War (WWII) piers were "conceived" by spatial practices of a colonial and racially segregated trading enclave. The public space in the commercial heart that housed the previous generations of piers was not accessible to the Chinese community, thus denying them opportunities to appropriate them and turn them into "lived" spaces. It was only after WWII when the Government carried out further reclamation to meet the needs of an industrializing economy that inclusive public spaces were conceived in the commercial heart, enabling the general public to "appropriate" them as "lived" space. When the Government planned to remove this very first "lived" space in the political and economic heart of the city to conceive further reclamation for the restructuring economy, the more enlightened citizens were determined to defend it.
One of the major issues in the urban development process in the developing world, not least in Nigeria, is the implication of land use developments and planning for environmental sustainability. Land use planning has an impact on the efficiency of economic and social activities and also on the physical development of a city. However, in several developing countries, such as Nigeria, the inadequacy of urban land development and planning has led to concerns regarding the environmental sustainability of the urban centres. To understand the contemporary urban land use pattern in Nigeria and its shortcomings, it is important to examine the characteristics of past and present land use structure, the planning framework and imperatives for the future of urban development in the country. Among other things, the paper argues that the traditional urban planning framework, its administration, and the associated master planning which still dominate planning in Nigeria, have less than adequately ensured environmental sustainability. Emphasis is placed on residential land use. It is argued that the planning system, which is essentially a colonial legacy, does not adequately respond to evolving changes in cultural, economic and social developments and, hence, the spatial impact on residential land use.
This article analyses the advent of participation in French planning as the historical touchstone of a larger shift in urban thinking. It investigates how the interactions between inhabitants, developers, state officials and social scientific experts in the production of large-scale modern housing areas and new towns helped bring about user participation as a category of action and discourse. The article argues that the transformation of inhabitants into active participants entails the development of legitimate 'user knowledge' and therefore - perhaps paradoxically - the continuing involvement of experts. The first part of the article examines how the turn towards mass housing production during the 1950s prompted the question of the user and established the ground for debates about participation. The second part of the article explores the relationship between inhabitant contestation and changing urban planning and policy-making during the 1960s. The focus here is on Sarcelles, which served both as a national urban model, a key object of sociological study, and the main target of national public outcry, and helps to reveal relations between local contestation, national policy and shifts in urban thinking. The last part of the article looks at the concrete influence of ideas of participation on subsequent urban policies during the 1970s.
Iceland has a short history of urban development because the industrial revolution did not reach there until the late nineteenth century. This was due to Iceland's isolation, colonial status and self-supporting economy. No towns were built in Iceland from the time of settlement in the ninth century until the second half of the nineteenth century. The only exception was an experiment with the wool industry in Reykjavik in the 1750s. In 1786 Reykjavik was the first settlement in Iceland to receive a royal declaration as an independent merchant township. Today, the population of the Reykjavik region is 160 000, but in 1901 it was only 6000. This paper outlines three waves of planning ideology that had a great impact on the planning of Reykjavik in this century. The first, the garden city ideology, was introduced in Iceland in the 1910s. This led to a productive period from 1915 to 1930, publication of the first textbook on urban planning in 1916, the first planning law in 1921, and the first town plan for Reykjavik in 1927. The second wave, the systematic transportation ideology, was brought to Iceland by Danish planning experts in the 1960s. Under it, the first master plan for Reykjavik was published in 1966, and the planning laws were revised in 1964. The third wave, the environmental-preservation ideology (Agenda 21) in the 1990s, was reflected in Reykjavik's master plan of 1996, with the main goal being to reduce traffic and pollution from cars. Furthermore, a proposal for the first regionalpreservation plan for the interior of Iceland has been introduced (Europe's largest unspoiled natural area), and new planning laws came into force in 1998.
During each period of extreme stress and turmoil in South Africas past century the idea of reconstruction has loomed large. A primary tool for reconstructing society has been presumed equally, by many parties, to lie in urban planning. As less turbulent times return, governments have attempted to reshape the society and, more particularly, the cities by developing new institutions, laws, visions, systems, personnel and plans. In each major case until the present, however, the programmes of progenitors of such ideas have been overtaken by the accession to power of new regimes, at government or merely planning system level, which have co-opted the new institutions, etc., to their own programmes; or such programmes have, less spectacularly, faded away as the complexities of government overwhelm initially exciting but idealistic visions. The paper describes aspects of the emergence and reformulation of planning at several of these stages: after the South African War, beginning in 1901; after the First World War, from 1918; arising from the depression of the thirties; eclipsed by the much more explicit and optimistic reconstruction movement during and after the Second World War, from 1943 onwards until turned into the era of apartheid. Further phases are described, one beginning from the Soweto rising of 1976, and another that of late apartheid after 1985. Following the turmoil and recession of the later eighties, urban planning is now being reformulated as a primary instrument for remaking South Africa, much as it has been several times before albeit under different political conditions. The paper sympathises with these moves, but sounds a cautionary note in the midst of the prevailing enthusiasm for a further great reconstruction of our cities.
The idea of 'reconstruction' is now well established in the historiography of South African planning. Particular attention has been paid to 'reconstructionist planning': during and immediately after World War; in the apartheid era; and, in the recent context of post-apartheid development. The centenary celebrations of the Anglo-Boer South African War (18991902) are, however, directing attention to the programme for the reconstruction of the previous Boer republics that was initiated by the imperialist proconsul, Lord Milner, and is the subject of ongoing controversy. Natal was not a direct target of Milner's programme but the aftermath of conflict in this British colony was linked to important socio-economic and spatial transformations. The idea of 'town planning' was only in an embryonic form at the time but 'post-war reconstruction' in Natal included interventions in the shaping of urban and rural space that provided the basis for future programmes of reconstruction and planning, including that of racial ordering under apartheid. For example, the system that developed in Durban to finance the construction and administration of segregated municipal housing for Africans was later exported to the rest of South Africa and became a major feature of the National Party's programme of 'township development'.
The 1915 Report of the Federal Plan Commission on a General Plan for the Cities of Ottawa and Hull was one of Canada's first comprehensive plans. It was prepared by Edward Bennett, a leading City Beautiful architect, who combined both technical and aesthetic planning. Bennett employed some of the most advanced techniques of the day, similar to the 1909 Plan of Chicago. The 1915 Ottawa-Hull plan is almost unknown today, since it was shelved shortly after it was released. The plan was dogged by a fire in the Parliament Buildings, a European war, poor implementation provisions and reaction against its City Beautiful urban design recommendations. Nevertheless, many of its technical recommendations were implemented by the National Capital Commission over forty years later.
The failure of housing associations to develop after 1918 is one of the historical puzzles of housing policy, and is the subject of this article. Drawing on new research on Public Record Office files it is shown that, although the public utility societies were never expected to provide a very large number of dwellings, they were expected to build many more houses than they did. Many societies soon fell into severe financial difficulties and disposed of all their houses. It is argued that not only was the 1919 Act a disaster for societies undertaking building schemes in the early 1920s but that it had long-term consequences for the development of voluntary housing as a whole.
The starting point for this article is the observation that planning for post-war housing policy has been a neglected area of study, especially in comparison with the attention given to housing during the First World War. Drawing on research in the official files, the article shows that planning for housing after the war began as early as 1941, and that a detailed and ambitious policy was in place well before the end of the war. Commitment to a very large housing programme was underpinned by the intention to use the construction industry as a way of absorbing labour and pursuing full employment. The main questions addressed by officials and ministers concerned the number of houses to be built and the agencies to be employed to build them. It became established policy that the local authorities would play a major role in the transitional period, but that, in the longer run, the majority of new building would be left to the private sector, with the local authorities reverting to their pre-war role concentrating on slum clearance and provision for the least well off. It is concluded that in terms of the quantity and quality of houses to be built the housing policy of the coalition government was more radical and ambitious than is generally recognized. But it was highly conservative in terms of its stance on systemic reform.
In 1944 Turin's city officials announced a competition for a new General Plan that began a long debate between architects and planners. Prior to and following the competition, intense political and professional polemics emerged: among others, it involved Giorgio Rigotti, a locally renowned planner, and Giovanni Astengo, a key protagonist in Italian post-war town planning. Sharing a common cultural and professional background, Astengo and Rigotti (the author of the plan subsequently adopted by the city) seemed only to differ in their political affiliations and ideological beliefs. Specifically, the difference between the two positions was the degree to which each emphasized the question of implementation. In fact, the polemics that preceded the adoption of the plan (1956-59) may be considered emblematic of one of the most contentious issues in planning: the problematic relationship between theory and practice.
Much of the literature on segregation is underlain by an implicit model which argues that groups start highly segregated in inner city locations and disperse over time. Parallel and related to this spatial pattern is the social process of assimilation. Groups start highly segregated and unassimilated and become dispersed and assimilated over time. The paper argues that there is a critical distinction between the black American ghetto and other forms of segregation. The ghetto is not part of a continuum of spatial distributions which begins in the inner city and ends in the suburbs three generations later; it is an end in itself. The black ghetto is different in kind from other forms of segregation. Nearly all of its members are black and nearly all the black population in American cities is in such locations. African American segregation has been almost continuously high during the twentieth century and has not diminished with socio-economic improvement. Ethnic enclaves of the Irish, Poles or other ethnicities in the USA never achieved such homogeneous concentrations. Thus representing European concentrations as having evolved from a past distribution, which was akin to the present black ghetto, falsifies the European past and mistakes the current dilute levels of European concentration as representing the black future. On the other hand, the equation of spatial segregation with levels of social assimilation, is largely supported. The process of assimilation, like the sequence of spatial segregation, is neither inevitable nor unidirectional.
This article investigates the development of worker housing collectively the commonest built element in the colonial landscape and its role in shaping cultural and urban space. Two basic housing forms the barrack (or hostel) and the single-family house came to symbolize alternative strategies for the control of labour in colonial societies and a historical progression can be traced from one toward the other. The state had a central role in the devising of these built forms, informed by its specialist advisers in sanitation, engineering, architecture and welfare. The process was contested and negotiated with the employers of labour, notably such capitalist colonial ventures as plantation estates and mining companies, with pressures exerted by the workers for housing improvements through industrial and political action. Southern Africa was a testing ground for methods of managing African and Asian workers which survived in extreme and tenacious form into the apartheid era, and the article explores Natal and Northern Rhodesia as case studies. Natal and the port city of Durban show the evolution from the 1870s of the Indian indentured labour barrack to the African hostel and mine compound. The Copperbelt towns of Northern Rhodesia show the negotiations between the colonial protectorate and the mining companies, with African mineworker strikes influencing the shift from barrack to family housing.
Between 1937 and 1952, from his post at the Harvard Graduate School of Design, Bauhaus founder Walter Gropius successfully promoted a modernist urbanism based on the principles of CIAM (the Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). With the help of his Harvard students and colleagues, especially Martin Wagner (Berlin's city planning director during the Weimar Republic), Gropius' approach to urban design played a key part in shaping the post-war American landscape. In an unlikely twist, Joseph Hudnut, dean of the Graduate School of Design, who had brought Gropius there, became a fierce opponent of Gropius' plans for the modern city. Though he lost the battle he fought with Gropius for the direction of city planning, Hudnut did plant the seeds of a new post-modern urbanism that took root two decades later.
Development plans lie at the heart of the British planning system. The concept of planning is inseparably linked to the image of a development plan which, in one form or another, has been a part of the statutory planning system since 1909. The changes to the planning legislation in the early 1990s gave development plans a renewed importance, with the concept of a 'plan-led' system of control serving to reinforce the relationship between planning and plans once more. Within this context, this paper questions the extent to which the role of development plans in the planning system has ever been satisfactorily clarified. It takes a historical look at development plans (in England and Wales) since the early 1900s and explores the debates which have surrounded their purpose, preparation, product and implementation. A number of key issues relating to the development plan system are then identified, which have arisen at intervals over the last 50 years and which continue to arise in the contemporary system. In the light of this, the paper suggests some key questions that now need to be addressed if the development plan puzzle is to be solved.
The 1970s was a period of intense interest in Britain"s inter-war suburbs, leading in the first half of the 1980s to a flood of publications by British scholars, many of which remain standard works today. After the mid-1980s, however, interest in the subject subsided. In the 1990s suburbia again became the subject of substantial academic interest; but this time the focus has been more on post-war and contemporary suburbia and much of the impetus has come from North America and Australia rather than Britain. The paper explores the origins and nature of these two periods of scholarly interest in the suburbs and draws some conclusions regarding future research on Britain"s inter-war suburbs.
This paper aims to explore the potential new directions in the British planning system by reviewing and linking together the current debates in three areas: the twin purposes of the post-war planning system, the twin discourses of sustainability and the implications for planning education. There is a general consensus that the sustainability agenda has provided the overdue and much needed 'vision' for planning. However, this paper argues that the different discourses of sustainability provide fundamentally distinctive development paths for the future of the planning system. Whilst the 'ecological modernization' approach to sustainability reinforces the technical and regulatory face of the system, the 'risk society' approach calls for a resurgence of its ideological and pro-active face. The former promotes a continuing role of planning as an apolitical, non-spatial, criteria-based corporatist activity. The latter provides the opportunity for a return to the planners' traditional concepts, emphasizing strategic thinking, a holistic approach, social responsiveness, political commitment, participative processes and reflexive institutions. As regards planning education, the paper argues that while the skills provided through a technically orientated professional training can fulfil the requirements of the ecological modernization path, research-orientated planning education based on critical social science can develop the students' intellectual and reflective capacities and the skills required for pursuing the risk society approach.
Recently, views have begun to shift on whether the immediate post-war period in Britain really was characterized by a consensus of public opinion in favour of comprehensive redevelopment planning. This paper explores this issue in the context of Coventry, a city that was extensively bombed during World War II, but redeveloped according to Modernist-inspired planning principles in the post-war years, resulting in an urban landscape celebrating the perceived virtues of speed, efficiency and order. Examining the reconstruction of Coventry's city centre in the 1940s and 1950s, this paper suggests that the popular consensus in favour of its comprehensive redevelopment was, in fact, more illusory than real. To these ends, the paper brings into dialogue people's memories of living in Coventry in this era with existing published and unpublished accounts of the city's redevelopment. This exposes contradictions and conflicts between the planners' vision of the future city and the appropriation and use of the resulting urban landscape by the city's inhabitants. The paper accordingly concludes that processes of modernization provoke constant contradictions between representation and experience, and suggests that it is by exploring these contradictions that we might develop fuller, richer and more contextual planning histories.
The following portrayal provides an overview on various issues characteristic of the discussion on planning presently going on in Germany, France, Italy and Switzerland. The first section describes four phases which are significant for the development of planning in the four countries after the Second World War. While it is the changes which have occurred that allow us to distinguish phases at all, there are also things to be noted that have remained constant: themes, roles and methodologies that were always present. The second section compiles common features and analogies amongst current planning discourses in the four countries; key words here are complexity (of the tasks), co-operation (among the actors), focusing (on projects), and professional competence (of the planners). Though these features are generic to all four countries, there are also those which are specific to each country. The third section considers national contexts: differing characteristics can be explained on the basis of widely divergent political conceptions. Despite all the variety of ideas that evidently shape the professional discourse, all planners seem to share the view that planning should serve the public interest at large.
Housing investment has made an invaluable contribution in the past to the regeneration of Glasgow's image. This has been both underplayed and overlooked. Other explanations for the city's regeneration, particularly those which focus on the Arts, have been given greater prominence. That said, housing investment is not the key element in the city's future regeneration. This is because there is a clear limit to the spin-offs which accrue from so-called housing-led regeneration. Employment considerations are far more vital for the future regeneration of Glasgow. Planning has to be about strategic thinking, and therefore it is critical that economic and housing aspirations for the city of Glasgow are considered together, rather than separately, as has been the practice in the past.
Until recently in the United States, as in many other countries, the past was not considered a usable guide for town planning. This situation has dramatically changed with the advent of scrupulously restored and maintained Historic Districts. The past as interpreted and presented in these has been a major influence on the movement in urban planning and design known as the New Urbanism. A wellknown example of this is Seaside, Florida, where the codes used to define acceptable styles of house design and the relationships of houses to the overall townscape bear close resemblances to the regimes of control that have developed in connection with local Historic Districts. The article draws parallels with writers on town planning earlier in the twentieth century who drew inspiration from the past as depicted in plans and maps. Although the inspiration may now appear to come from actual places, this process of idealization of the past is very similar because Historic Districts themselves are very tidied-up, idealized versions of their pasts and have, in their conceptualization, been influenced by ideas of what is good city form.
In recent years, there has been increased interest in the idea of promoting urban development and change through the hosting of major events. This approach offers host cities the possibility of "fast track" urban regeneration, a stimulus to economic growth, improved transport and cultural facilities, and enhanced global recognition and prestige. Many authors attribute the increased importance of event-led development to wider transformations in the global economy, such as post-Fordism and globalization. However, event-led development has a long history and can be recognized, for example, in the World Fairs of the nineteenth century. The Olympic Games, the world"s most prestigious sporting event, has been held for over one hundred years with significant consequences for the host cities. This paper reviews the effects of the Olympics on the urban environment of the various cities which have acted as hosts in the modern Olympic period (1896-1996). The material outlines the varied motivations for staging the Games and examines their outcomes in terms of urban development.
This article examines more than three decades' worth of research about planning as both a profession and an activity in the United States. It notes that the increasing number and variety of both researchers and outlets has enriched the field. More importantly, though, it explores some of the difficulties inherent in planning - surrounding such matters as setting goals (or 'purpose'), choosing the means to achieve them, and determining success - that complicate understanding of its history. Finally, this article raises questions about the contributions of planning history to the practice of planning and to the quality of the urban environment.
The focus of the article is on small single-family houses (omakoti) and their status and significance in interwar Finnish urban planning and the social situation at the time. The idea of omakoti, its international points of contact and practical implementation are viewed through the work of the architect Otto-Iivari Meurman (1890-1994) as a planner of small Finnish towns. Meurman graduated on the eve of the First World War in 1914. After assisting in the office of Eliel Saarinen, Meurman worked as the town planning architect of Viipuri from 1918 to 1937. Later he became the first professor of town planning in the Nordic countries and maybe the most influential planner in twentieth-century Finland. The newly independent Finland experienced a traumatic Civil War in 1918. The article shows how after the war single-family houses and home-ownership were regarded as bearers of social stability and as signs of loyal citizens in the Finnish housing discussion. For Meurman, residential areas were central to the development of society. A nuclear family with children living in a single-family house surrounded by a garden was the normative unit of society for Meurman. His work as a planner gives an opportunity to outline how omakoti became a symbol of the good life and stable society in interwar Finland. Finnish architects sought housing models from Sweden, Germany and the UK. The importance for Meurman of Garden City ideas lay in their flexibility to be used as a way of promoting single-family housing.
Much of the practice by which planning gain is obtained from developers is bad practice, violating the fundamental principle that planning permissions cannot be bought and sold. After reviewing government policy and the law related to the practice of "planning gain", this paper offers a definition of "planning gain" which covers most discussion of the subject. It then continues by distinguishing between the products of planning gain practice and its processes. Six strands of product are then distinguished, and their legitimacy analysed, following which the paper turns to process, explaining how the practice of negotiating planning obligations and agreements has predominated over the simpler method of imposing conditions on permissions. Finally, some measures for the improvement of practice are suggested and reviewed, in the hope that a way may be found to end the abuse that is bringing planning into disrepute. The paper is based on lengthy experience in planning practice, supplemented by study of current literature and sources and informal discussions with practitioners.
This article is the first attempt to chart the development of planning history in New Zealand, recognizing at the outset that, in international terms, there is little evidence of such scholarship. The reasons for this lack of scholarship are explored and would appear to reflect the small size and characteristics of the professional and academic planning community in New Zealand, combined with a myth of nationalism which is firmly based on rural rather than urban images. This has resulted in the production of only limited planning history material, the content of which is discussed under a number of headings. The article concludes with suggestions on a research agenda for planning history in New Zealand and some strategies for encouraging more researchers to become involved in the area.
Contemporary changes in strategies for dealing with the form and design of urban areas have origins which deserve excavation. The popularization of the notion of creating quality, compact towns and cities is a case in point. Using the work of Leon Krier as a case study, this paper outlines the background to a particular version of the organic metaphorical discourse which is winning some favour within current debate and policy making for urban areas. The argument developed in the paper is that the apparent innocence of any urbanization policy needs to be reconsidered by unravelling the intertwined connections between theorists' ideologies and explanatory practice, the consequent permeations into planning discourse, and the adaptations by city creators into normative strategies.