Using a nationally representative sample, this study examined the relationship between amount of alcohol and tobacco advertising and related news-editorial content. This study found less tobacco and alcohol advertising in newspapers than did previous research and no relationship between coverage and number of advertisements.
Internal analyses of the data and comparisons with other historical studies indicate that the "New York Times" has represented the amount of political and social violence in the United States fairly well. (RB)
Presents a systematic content analysis of more than 150 commercial characteristics of CLIO winners from the years 1975, 1980, and 1985. Finds that CLIO winners have different characteristics than do commercials proven to be effective in the marketplace. (RS)
A number of scholars have found that wartime conditions often bring about conflict between the press and the military. This study documents the various incidents between the United States Army and various Mexican and United States newspaper editors that led to at least ten cases of newspaper suppression, the occasional use of prior censorship, and other forms of press harrassment. Overall, the United States press enjoyed a wide latitude of freedom in its coverage of the Mexican War, but this freedom was not absolute. The energy of the United States press in covering the war was to influence future war coverage, but the Army's implementation of martial law served as a counterforce to that coverage, setting a precedent for press coverage of the United States military in future wars. (Author/RL)
Throughout 1897, the mass-circulation Ladies' Home Journal ran six full-page illustrations drawn by nationally known artist Alice Barber Stephens and collectively titled "The American Woman." The series was among the first visual commentary on gender in a truly national mass medium. Its imagery framed larger debates about not only the proper place (literal and figurative) of American women, but also the economic and social aspirations of the "rising classes" in the United States. A rhetorical analysis of the series and its editorial context reveals the extent to which class and gender issues intersected in this era - and underscores the central role of mass media in public discussion of these emerging concerns.
Surveys the status of freedom of the press in eighteenth and nineteenth century Europe, noting that although preliminary censorship was abolished in most of Europe by 1850, governments devised other means to influence what appeared in print. (GT)
This article analyzes the emergence of media discourses on contraception from 1915 to 1917, focusing on coverage in the New York Times, The New Republic, and Harper's Weekly. Considered legally obscene and unfit for public discussion, contraception first made headlines as a result of Margaret Sanger's birth control activism and ensuing legal troubles. After the New York Times covered Sanger's activities, several magazines began to publish articles on the contraception debate. This early coverage of birth control emphasized its scientific and social utility, virtually ignoring controversial issues of gender, sexuality, and power.
Seeks to answer the question of how much media control has been concentrated in the top 100 markets over the past half century, examining the trends in broadcasting and cross-media (newspaper-broadcasting) ownership within those markets. (RB)
When the federal government in 1942 forced Japanese Americans into “relocation centers,” camp officials allowed them to publish newspapers “freely,” under “supervision,” without “censorship.” In reality, however, the camp press was hardly “free.” Newspapers published under governmental auspices were inevitably subject to various types of editorial interference. The camp authority's “supervision” took various forms, including pre- and post-publication reviews, selective staff employment, convocation of “meetings,” supplying of news and propaganda material, and even direct and coercive editorial interference that officials themselves admitted to be “censorship.” Camp officials also elicited self-restraint from staffers, making strict supervision or censorship unnecessary.
Secondary analysis of several major content analysis studies, combined with original data from five magazines in 1986 (including Time, Ladies' Home Journal, and Life), reveal an increase in the black presence in advertising. Data from 1967–1986 television commercials indicate that the black presence, in as many as 16% of commercials in one 1986 study, sometimes approaches the percentage of blacks in the population. This trend, while increasing over the 1946–1986 period, is less dramatic for magazines.
The current debate over whether special newspaper sections for women should be revived is not without a history. The study examines the women's pages of the Washington Post in the 1950s that were edited by Marie Sauer. Although the Post is credited with initiating the change from traditional women's pages toward today's unisex lifestyle sections in 1969, it turned down a similar proposal by Sauer in 1952. Focusing on the Post's internal decision process to maintain sexual segregation of news, this study analyzes how women's pages were shaped by factors such as advertising, professional values, and gender beliefs.
Analyzes coverage of the Soviet Sputniks in 1957 by three news magazines--"U.S.News and World Report,""Newsweek," and "Time." Reports that "Time" and "U.S. News" covered the issue in Cold War terms, whereas "Newsweek" put emphasis on the prospects for space exploration. (MM)
When political journalist William D. Workman, Jr., resigned from Charleston’s News and Courier and announced plans to run for the U.S. Senate in 1962, he said it would be “unethical” to combine “objective reporting with partisan politics.” Yet Workman’s personal papers reveal that, for three years, he and editor Thomas R. Waring, Jr., had been working with Republican leaders to build a conservative party to challenge Deep South Democrats. Workman’s story provides an example of how partisan activism survived in the twentieth-century American press, despite the rise of professional standards prohibiting political engagement.
This research investigated the relationship between medical activities, public events, and media coverage of breast cancer during a thirty-six-year period.1 There was substantial support for medical attention preceding media attention to breast cancer, and some evidence of medical attention following media coverage. There were extremely high, significant correlations between numbers of medical journal articles and newspaper, magazine, and TV coverage. Time-series analysis revealed a two-way, concurrent relationship between breast cancer funding and media coverage. Public events (prominent women acknowledging their breast cancer) significantly affected media coverage. There was a two-way concurrent relationship between breast cancer incidence and TV coverage.
This study examined coverage of protests in five major newspapers in the United States between 1967 and 2007, and found that during that time period, protests were depicted as a nuisance. Such depictions are attributed to the rise of a “public nuisance” paradigm in coverage of protests, theorized to be linked to an increased conservatism in America, and driven by the notion that protests are a bothersome interruption of everyday activities, as well as ineffective and unpatriotic. Discussion of protests as nuisances increased substantially across time, and ideologically liberal protests were treated as nuisances more often than were conservative ones.
This report for the Council on Communications Research lists, with annotations, 13 doctoral dissertations reported by schools of journalism and communication as having been accepted during 1962; 29 titles approved for doctoral candidates, and 145 completed masters' theses.
In the struggle to oust President Goulart, both sides tried to use the media to persuade and mobilize support. But Goulart and his allies overindulged in propaganda and thereby helped provoke the military to act against them.
An analysis of three newspapers' coverage during the last four weeks of the 1968 and 1976 presidential campaigns indicates that in 1976 there was a higher proportion of attention given to issues and to candidates' personal qualities than to the campaign as a dramatic contest, and a decrease in total campaign coverage. (GT)
Examines which firms and products best predict media coverage of the oil industry. Reports that price variations in testing oil and gasoline correlate with the extent of news coverage provided by network television. (MM)
Although the coverage that the press gave of the Surgeon General's report on television and social behavior was confused and indefinite, few papers ran follow-up stories that might have explained the ambiguity. (KS)
Interviews with 1,034 respondents shortly before the 1972 presidential election, and with 701 of these respondents shortly after the election, revealed that a small proportion perceived political bias in television news, a larger proportion perceived biases in newspaper reporting, and the vast majority saw no political bias in either medium. (GT)
This replication of a 1968 study confirms that there are uniform patterns of campaign coverage practiced by daily newspapers, regardless of partisan orientation or other differences among the papers or their audiences. (Author/RB)
Results support the hypothesis that foreign affairs issues decided the outcome of the 1972 Presidential election and even in papers which endorsed George McGovern the editorials on foreign affairs favored Richard Nixon. (RB)
Reports that all indices of political change tested were found to correlate significantly with exposure to televised political advertisements in the 1975 Chicago mayoral campaign. Notes that the correlations were not significantly different among voters with high, medium, and low levels of political involvement. (GT)
Reports on an investigation of the amount and partisan direction of editorial space that ten leading newspapers devoted to foreign affairs in the 1976 presidential election, and of the way in which the newspapers dealth with foreign policy issues. (GW)
Concludes that attention to the media during presidential campaigns accelerates the development of attitudes about candidates and thus facilitates making a voting decision; notes that less motivated individuals, who are likely to spend less time with the media, are slow in discriminating between candidates and more likely to report decision-making difficulty. (GT)
Concludes that the amount of newspaper space given to the 1980 presidential campaign was less than that for any of the campaigns of the 1960s. Finds also that candidate John Anderson received less coverage than did George Wallace in 1968. (FL)
This is a thematic meta-analysis of research trends in major mass communication journals during the 1980 to 1999 period. We analyzed study method, medium and area of focus, theoretical approach, funding source, and time period covered in research articles published in ten major mass communication journals during this twenty-year period. Predictions made about mass communication research in the 1990s were tested. We found that qualitative research methods continued to be much less common than quantitative methods throughout the period. Funding for research was relatively rare, with the university becoming the main source and private support decreasing significantly in the 1990s. The implications of such trends are discussed.
A total of 273 journalists around the world died in accidents, were murdered, or died from other causes on the job from 1982 through 1989, this study shows. Latin America proved most dangerous, with high numbers of deaths reported in Colombia and Peru. Covering drug-related crimes proved particular, hazardous to the health of reporters. But a large number of journalists (41) also died in the Philippines in the period. About 12% of the journalist died in accidents, but an estimated 69% died in an act of revenge, this study concludes. The study provides totals for other world regions.
Reports on a study that (1) investigated the validity of the accusations that American television networks displayed an anti-Israeli bias in reporting the invasion of Lebanon and (2) analyzed the quality and quantity of network news coverage of the event. Concludes that CBS had the most assertions unfavorable to Israel. (FL)