Phonological chain shifts have been the focus of many theoretical, developmental, and clinical concerns. This paper considers an overlooked property of the problem by focusing on the typological properties of the widely attested 's > θ > f' chain shift involving the processes of Labialization and Dentalization in early phonological development. Findings are reported from a cross-sectional study of 234 children (ages 3 years; 0 months-7;9) with functional (nonorganic) phonological delays. The results reveal some unexpected gaps in the predicted interactions of these processes and are brought to bear on the evaluation of recent optimality theoretic proposals for the characterization of phonological interactions. A developmental modification to the theory is proposed that has the desired effect of precluding certain early-stage grammars. The proposal is further evaluated against the facts of another widely cited developmental chain shift known as the 'puzzle > puddle > pickle' problem (Smith 1973).
The notion of subject in human language has a privileged status relative to other arguments. This special status is manifested in the behavior of subjects at the morphological, syntactic, semantic and discourse levels. Here we bring evidence that subjects have privileged status at the lexical level as well, by analyzing lexicalization patterns of verbs in three different sign languages. Our analysis shows that the sublexical structure of iconic signs denoting state of affairs in these languages manifests an inherent pattern of form-meaning correspondence: the signer's body consistently represents one argument of the verb, the subject. The hands, moving in relation to the body, represent all other components of the event - including all other arguments. This analysis shows that sign languages provide novel evidence in support of the centrality of the notion of subject in human language. It also solves a typological puzzle about the apparent primacy of object in sign language verb agreement, a primacy not usually found in spoken languages, in which subject agreement ranks higher. Our analysis suggests that the subject argument is represented by the body and is part of the lexical structure of the verb. Because it is always inherently represented in the structure of the sign, the subject is more basic than the object, and tolerates the omission of agreement morphology.
In this paper I present a stylistic analysis of a short discourse by Bertrand Russell. My purpose is twofold: first, to suggest
an approach to syntactically based stylistic analysis that goes beyond mere frequency counts, and, second, to draw out some
linguistic ramifications of the approach.
This paper presents Monte Carlo simulations of language populations and the development of language families, showing how a simple model can lead to distributions similar to the ones observed empirically. The model used combines features of two models used in earlier work by phycisists for the simulation of competition among languages: the "Viviane" model for the migration of people and propagation of languages and the "Schulze" model, which uses bitstrings as a way of characterising structural features of languages.
This paper sketches a grammar of English relative clause constructions (including infinitival and reduced relatives) based on the notions of construction type and type constraints. Generalizations about dependency relations and clausal functions are factored into distinct dimensions contributing constraints to specific construction types in a multiple inheritance type hierarchy. The grammar presented here provides an account of extraction, pied piping and relative clause `stacking' without appeal to transformational operations, transderivational competition, or invisible (`empty') categories of any kind.
This paper focuses on the Information Packaging notion of linkhood and provides a structural definition of this notion for Greek. We show that a combination of structural resources -- syntactic (left dislocation), morphological (clitic duplication) and phonological (absence of nuclear accent) -- are simultaneously exploited to realize linkhood in Greek, a generalization that can be captured in a constraint-based grammar such as hpsg, which permits expressing interface constraints. We assume Vallduv'i's (1992) approach to Information Packaging, and Engdahl and Vallduv'i's (1996) implementation of the latter in hpsg, but deviate from Vallduv 'i's work in adopting Hendriks and Dekker's (1996) revised definition of linkhood that relies on non-monotone anaphora. From an empirical point of view, our approach directly accounts for the invariable association of Clitic Left Dislocated NPs with wide scope readings, as well as a number of systematic differences in felicity conditions between Clitic Left Dislocation and other apparently related phenomena (Topicalization and Clitic Doubling). From a theoretical perspective, our analysis departs from syntax-based notions of topichood or discourse-linking and supports a definition that unifies linkhood with other anaphora phenomena. As such, it arguably overcomes previously noted problems for Vallduv'i's treatment of links as the currentlocus -of-update in a Heim-style file-card system.
This paper suggests an analysis of Modern Hebrew noun phrases in the framework of HPSG. It focuses on the peculiar properties of the definite article, including the requirement for definiteness agreement among various elements in the noun phrase, definiteness inheritance in construct-state nominals, the fact that the article does not combine with constructs and the similarities between construct-state nouns and adjectives. Central to our analysis is the assumption that the Hebrew definite article is an affix, rather than a clitic or a stand-alone word. Several arguments, from all levels of linguistic representation, are provided to justify this claim. Adopting the lexical hypothesis, we conclude that the article combines with nominals in the lexicon, and is no longer available for syntactic processes. This leads to an analysis of noun phrases as NPs, rather than as DPs; we show that such a view is compatible with accepted criteria for headedness. We provide an HPSG analysis that covers...
this article concerns autosegmental representations, and not the rules which are presumed to manipulate them. Due to the expository goals of this paper we have not attempted to carry out a detailed analysis of a large body of phonological data, however we acknowledge that this is an important task and it is one that we intend to undertake in future work. Deriving the No-Crossing Constraint Sagey defines three relations on temporal units: simultaneity, precedence and overlap. Certain facts about the first two relations (and presumably the third also) are taken to be `included in our knowledge of the world' (p.110). We begin with a brief review of these facts. Temporal overlap is a two-place relation which is reflexive, symmetric and nontransitive. If we employ the notation x ffi y for the statement `x overlaps y' then these facts about overlap can be stated as follows: (1) a. For any x, x ffi x overlap is reflexive
This paper argues that the neglect of impersonal constructions has had two significant consequences. The first is a descriptive misanalysis of individual constructions, illustrated by the `passive' treatment of `impersonal voice' forms in Finno-Ugric, and 'autonomous' forms in Celtic. The second consequence is an extended notion of `passive' that subsumes formally distinct subconstructions and exhibits variation that confounds attempts to impose substantive constraints. The conclusions drawn from 'impersonal passives' in Balto-Slavic illustrate the theoretical effects of this misclassification. A passive analysis of synchronically impersonal forms in -no/-to in Ukrainian has fostered the belief that passive constructions may retain structural accusative objects (Sobin 1985). A similar misclassification of -ta forms in Lithuanian underlies claims that passives may be formed from what Perlmutter 1978 calls 'initially unaccusative' verbs (Timberlake 1982, Nerbonne 1982). Since these patterns violate various laws proposed within Relational Grammar (RG), they have been interpreted as refuting relational analyses of the passive.
In this paper, we explore the interaction between lexical semantics and pragmatics. We argue that linguistic processing is informationally encapsulated and utilises relatively simple `taxonomic' lexical semantic knowledge. On this basis, defeasible lexical generalisations deliver defeasible parts of logical form. In contrast, pragmatic inference is openended and involves arbitrary real-world knowledge. Two axioms specify when pragmatic defaults override lexical ones. We demonstrate that modeling this interaction allows us to achieve a more refined interpretation of words in a discourse context than either the lexicon or pragmatics could do on their own. 1 Introduction Much recent work on lexical semantics has been concerned with accounting for the flexibility of word meaning. Some cases of this involve regular polysemy, where words systematically have multiple senses. This covers a diverse range of phenomena including verb alternations (e.g., causative-inchoative), denominalis...
INTRODUCTION According to the front page, Archangeli & Langendoen's Optimality Theory: An Overview (henceforth A&L) is "the first in a series of volumes of essays which are designed to introduce and explain major research areas in linguistic theory and practice". On the back cover, we learn that it provides "the first general introduction to optimality theory --- arguably the linguistic theory of the 1990s." And the Forward states that the intended audience is "anyone with a serious interest in language who desires to understand [Optimality Theory], regardless of their background in formal linguistic theory itself." In many respects, the book does indeed fulfill its announced goals. As far as we are aware, Archangeli & Langendoen were first to market with an introduction to OT, though since then, Kager (1999) has also appeared. The essays themselves are generally lucid and well-edited, and together they carry out a pretty compre
In this paper we will extend Smith's (1997) two-component aspect theory to develop a two-level model of situation aspect in which situation aspect is modelled as verb classes at the lexical level and as situation types at the sentential level. Situation types are the composite result of the rule-based interaction between verb classes and complements, arguments, peripheral adjuncts and viewpoint aspect at the nucleus, core and clause levels. With a framework consisting of a lexicon, a layered clause structure and a set of rules mapping verb classes onto situation types, the model is developed and tested using an English corpus and a Chinese corpus.
This paper examines the use of audience-directed or inherently communicative expressions(discourse markers and interjections) in free indirect thought representations
in fiction. It argues that the insights of Banfield’s (1982) no-narrator approach to free indirect style can be accommodated in a relevance theoretic framework. The
result is an account in which the author’s act of revealing a character’s thoughts communicates a guarantee of optimal relevance – a guarantee which justifies the
effort which the reader invests in deriving meta-representations of those thoughts from the evidence which the author provides. However, the reward for this effort
is a meta-representation of a character’s thoughts which is unmediated by the thoughts of the author who is responsible for producing the text. Using examples
from fiction, I show that within this framework, the use of procedurally encoded discourse markers and interjections contribute to this sense of immediacy by
imposing constraints on interpretation which leave the reader with the responsibility for deriving his own interpretations of a character’s thoughts and thought
Peranakan Javanese (PNJ) is a relatively undescribed variety of Javanese spoken primarily by ethnic Chinese native speakers of Javanese in the city of Semarang in Central Java (Indonesia). PNJ makes a structural distinction between auxiliaries and main verbs. Auxiliaries are unique in that they undergo optional head movement to C. Not only do single auxiliaries move to C, as in familiar languages, but sequences of two or three auxiliaries can move to C as well. Significantly, the order of the moved auxiliaries is always the same as the order in their unmoved position. The distribution of auxiliaries in PNJ is predicted if a ‘tucking in’ (Richards 1997) analysis of head movement similar to that of Collins (2002) is adopted. The PNJ facts are of special interest not only because they are an example of an additional language/construction that shows the distribution expected on the basis of ‘tucking in’, but also because PNJ provides evidence that helps to distinguish between a head movement analysis and the ‘standard’ version of the remnant movement analysis, in which adverbs occupy fixed positions in the clause. It is quite difficult to distinguish between these approaches empirically, so the PNJ auxiliary facts are important in this regard.
This study investigates whether children learning Irish as a first language show a preference for one or other of the two mechanisms for relative clause formation used in the adult language (movement and binding), and what details of the grammar of Irish relative clauses children are sensitive to. Our results suggest that Irish-speaking children have acquired both a movement and a binding mechanism for relativization by age five, and that they additionally have a non-movement mechanism for forming subject relatives, one that is not licensed in adult Irish. The data is discussed in the context of other studies of relativization in child language, cross-linguistic evidence and the computation of binding structures in language production and processing.
This paper investigates the intonational phrasing of three types of parenthetical insertions non-restrictive relative clauses (NRRCs), full sentences, and comment clauses (CCs) in actual spoken language. It draws on a large set of data from a corpus of spoken British English. Its aim is twofold: first, it evaluates the correctness of previous claims about the intonational phrasing of parentheticals, specifically the assumption that parentheticals are phrased in a separate intonation domain; second, it discusses the implications of the intonational phrasing of parentheticals for prosodic theory. The results of the data analysis are as follows. First, the longer types of interpolations but not CCs are by default phrased separately. Second, both the temporal and the tonal structure of the host may be affected by the parenthetical. Third, CCs lend themselves more readily to the restructuring of intonational phrases such that they are phrased in one domain together with material from the host. Fourth, the prosodic results cannot be explained in syntactic accounts which do not allow for a syntactic relation between parenthetical and host. Fifth, the interface constraints on intonational phrasing apply to parentheticals. Sixth, the intonational phrasing of parentheticals supports the assumption of a post-syntactic, phonological component of the grammar at which restructuring applies.
One of the milestones in typological studies is Berlin & Kay's (1969) account of basic colour terms, which has produced a steady stream of research of various types. Berlin & Kay summarized their work as follows.
In sum, our two major findings indicate that the referents for the basic color terms of all languages appear to be drawn from a set of eleven universal perceptual categories, and these categories become encoded in the history of a given language in a partially fixed order (1969: 4–5).
Recent developments in syntactic theory suggest that phrase structure is crosslinguistically more uniform than assumed so far, and that the order spec-headcomplement may be the only permissible one. The present article takes issue with this view, showing that the derivation of final complementizers from initial ones by means of IP-raising faces serious difficulties. The discussion focuses on Bengali and similar languages which may be called 'hybrid' because both orders, IP-C as well as C-IP, are attested. Five arguments are raised which indicate that these orders are not derivationally connected. The discussion bears results which may also be of interest for linguistic typology, language change and acquisition.
Frisian is well known for the fact that it has a very rich inventory of vowels and diphthongs. In addition to nine short vowels and their long counterparts, it also has schwa, five falling diphthongs which end in a high vowel, and six centralizing diphthongs, some of which alternate with what traditionally are called rising diphthongs (cf. Zantema, 1984), the so-called breaking.
The present paper shows that Right-Dislocation (RD) in Japanese shares a number of characteristics with scrambling, but nonetheless cannot be identified as rightward scrambling. The proposed solution to this apparent contradiction is that there is no direct syntactic movement of the right-dislocated phrase. Rather, the right-dislocated phrase is a remnant of an extra clause which is deleted (or sluiced) after scrambling. It is therefore concluded that RD involves leftward movement (scrambling) and that its rightward effect is only apparent. The proposed analysis is supported by a number of facts that have not previously been reported, including the distribution of adverbs, pronominal coreference, anaphor binding, idiom interpretations and wh-questions. The proposed analysis is also consistent with Kayne’s (1994) proposal that there are no rightward movement processes in syntax.
Several restrictions on successive cyclic wh -movement appear not to be exclusively linked to general principles of the grammar, but seem to be in some sense lexically determined. It has been pointed out repeatedly that wh -movement of subjects and adjuncts out of complement CPs of factive verbs strongly contrasts with wh -movement of internal arguments out of these CPs (Rouveret, 1980; Kayne, 1981; Zubizarreta, 1982; Adams, 1985): (1) (a) *Who do you regret/understand/forget likes this book? (= Adams, 1985: (4b)) (b) *How did he deeply regret that his son had fixed the car? (c) ?Which article did you regret/understand/forget that I had selected?
When the sizes of language families of the world, measured by the number of languages contained in each family, are plotted in descending order on a diagram where the x-axis represents the place of each family in the rank-order (the largest family having rank 1, the next-largest, rank 2, and so on) and the y-axis represents the number of languages in the family determining the rank-ordering, it is seen that the distribution closely approximates a curve defined by the formula y=ax(-b). Such 'power-law' distributions are known to characterize a wide range of social, biological, and physical phenomena and are essentially of a stochastic nature. It is suggested that the apparent power-law distribution of language family sizes is of relevance when evaluating overall classifications of the world's languages, for the analysis of taxonomic structures, for developing hypotheses concerning the prehistory of the world's languages, and for modelling the future extinction of language families. [References: 23]
In this paper we present a detailed new analysis of the English expressions once, twice and thrice. These, we claim, are primarily compound determinatives, analogous in many respects to expressions like someone and somewhere. The new analysis exploits the framework of the Cambridge grammar of the English language (2002) in which the morphological nature of the compound determinative category reflects a fusion of functions, typically determiner (or modifier) and head of NP. We refine the notion of fusion of functions, and show that constructions which employ fusion of functions have properties which clearly distinguish them from superficially similar constructions which employ incorporation or hybridization. The paper therefore provides further evidence for the existence of fusion of functions as a distinct syntactic configuration, and indirectly supports theoretical frameworks which treat functions and categories as distinct primitives.
This article shows how the Japanese negative expression nai ‘not’ changes its scope depending on whether it is overtly head-raised to T or not. In Japanese, overt Neg-head raising takes place when a negative head acts as a functional predicate, devoid of its lexical (i.e. adjectival) properties in an analogous way to the aspectual verbs have and be in English. When the negative head nai undergoes overt head raising, it takes scope over TP. In some cases, however, the scope of negation becomes narrower due to the absence of overt Neg-head raising. The data provide us with empirical evidence showing that overt head raising – the kind of functional predicate raising observed in English and elsewhere in Japanese – is instantiated at the level of syntax, rather than at PF.
This paper first provides an overview of the various senses in which the terms and have been used in 20th-century linguistics. Twelve different senses, related only by family resemblances, are distinguished, grouped into four larger classes: markedness as complexity, as difficulty, as abnormality, and as a multidimensional correlation. In the second part of the paper, it is argued that the term is superfluous, because some of the concepts that it denotes are not helpful, and others are better expressed by more straightforward, less ambiguous terms. In a great many cases, frequency asymmetries can be shown to lead to a direct explanation of observed structural asymmetries, and in other cases additional concrete, substantive factors such as phonetic difficulty and pragmatic inferences can replace reference to an abstract notion of .
The term morphological reversal describes the situation where the members of a morphological opposition switch their functions in some context (as with Hebrew gender marking, where -Ø~-a marks masculine~feminine with adjectives but feminine~masculine with numerals). There is a long tradition of polemic against the notion that morphology can encode systematic reversals, and an equally long tradition of reintroducing them under different names (e.g. polarity, exchange rules or morphosyntactic toggles). An examination of some unjustly neglected examples (number in Nehan, aspect in Tübatulabal, tense in Trique and argument marking in Neo-Aramaic) confirms the existence of morphological reversal, particularly as a mechanism of language change. This is strong evidence for the separateness of morphological paradigms from the features that they encode.
We argue that there is a diachronic process, distinct from phonological erosion, that results in the loss of inflectional morphology that is trapped when a clitic attaches to a host, becoming an affix. This is supported with attested examples from Mainland Scandinavian, Georgian, Spanish, and Greek, as well as shallow, well-accepted reconstructions from Slavic and Georgian. It is further supported by new reconstructions from Zoque (Mixe-Zoquean) and Andi (Northeast Caucasian). For example, in Old Norse the postposed article is a clitic, and there is a case ending between the noun stem and the article: hest-s=in-s . The first s is trapped morphology, and it is subsequently lost: hest-en-s. Similarly, in pre-Georgian, the postposed article traps the ergative case marker, *-n: *k'ac-n=ma-n ; it is subsequently lost: k'ac-man. We argue that the loss of trapped morphology is not sound change or another phonological process, but a morphological process.
Aditi Lahiri (ed.), Analogy, levelling, markedness: principles of change in phonology and morphology (Trends in Linguistics: Studies and Monographs 127). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2000. Pp. viii+385. - - Volume 39 Issue 3 - PATRICK HONEYBONE
LehmannWinfred P. (ed.), Language typology 1985: papers from the linguistic typology symposium, Moscow, 9–13 December 1985. (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, 47.) Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1986. Pp. viii + 209. - Volume 25 Issue 2 - Graham Mallinson
PlankFrans, Morphologische (Ir-)Regularitäten: Aspekte der Wortstrukturtheorie. (Studien zur deutschen Grammatik, 13.) Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag, 1981. Pp. x + 298. - Volume 19 Issue 1 - P. H. Matthews