Journal of Historical Sociology

Published by Wiley
Online ISSN: 1467-6443
Print ISSN: 0952-1909
In 1862 His Honor, Justice Johnston, issued his instructions to the jury of the New Zealand Supreme Court for two simultaneous rape trials – the alleged rape of a European woman by two Māori men, and an alleged “assault with intent to commit a rape” of a Māori woman by a European man. This article argues that those instructions should be read within an historiographical critique of British colonial expansion, print capitalism and violence. Drawing on feminist postcolonial theorizing the question posed here, is, “What is the historical, ideological context for a newspaper reporting of the possible rape of a Māori woman in 1862?
Over the course of the last 125 years the sport of Gaelic football in Ireland has undergone a sportization and civilizing process as the rules governing the sport became stricter and players developed greater levels of self-control. However, the civilizing of Gaelic football was a particularly fragile and uneven process. The growing social desire to diminish displays of violence was moderated by ambivalence towards violence. Gradually the external social controls on players increased and, greater and more stable levels of internalization occurred reflected by more advanced levels of player self-restraint in the control of violence. At the same time the threshold of shame toward displays of violence advanced. This transformation was shaped by lengthening chains of social interdependencies in Ireland.
Our intent is to investigate the nature of capitalist patriarchy by writing women workers back into the story of the Black Country Strike. Conventional accounts of this important conflict in the British midlands have depicted the outcome as a “victory for the workpeople,” but such claims have failed to capture how gender hierarchies and cross-class allegiances produced this “victory.” Specifically, we argue that unquestioned assumptions about the subordinate status of women provided the point of agreement around which working-class men, their union, and their employers worked out their (class) differences, resulting in both the preservation of capitalism and the reassertion of male superiority and authority.
There has long been ambivalence in the LGBT movement and related research as to the meaning of gay identity in relation to marriage. The article explores changing homonormative discourses of marriage and married men within the Swedish gay press from the mid 1950s to the mid 1980s. Expressions of the changes are a shift in language and in views of extramarital relationships, openness, and gay male identity. As a result of the shift, “married men,” including both “married homosexuals” and “bisexuals,” came to be distinguished from “gays.”
In the mid-1970s, following a series of police raids on prostitution inside downtown nightclubs, a community of approximately 200 sex workers moved into Vancouver's West End neighborhood, where a small stroll had operated since the early 1970s. This paper examines the contributions made by three male-to-female (MTF) transsexuals of color to the culture of on-street prostitution in the West End. The trans women's stories address themes of fashion, working conditions, money, community formation, violence, and resistance to well-organized anti-prostitution forces. These recollections enable me to bridge and enrich trans history and prostitution history – two fields of inquiry that have under-represented the participation of trans women in the sex industry across the urban West. Acutely familiar with the hazards inherent in a criminalized, stigmatized trade, trans sex workers in the West End manufactured efficacious strategies of harm reduction, income generation, safety planning, and community building. Eschewing the label of “victim”, they leveraged their physical size and style, charisma, contempt towards pimps, earning capacity, and seniority as the first workers on the stroll to assume leadership within the broader constituency of “hookers on Davie Street”. I discover that their short-lived outdoor brothel culture offered only a temporary bulwark against the inevitability of eviction via legal injunction in July 1984, and the subsequent rise in lethal violence against all prostitutes in Vancouver, including MTF transsexuals.
Canada began to fortify its flour and bread with vitamin B when it entered the Second World War. The decision was informed by the biology of vitamin B and therefore I suggest that the complexity of this political maneuver can best be understood by considering the specificity of the biochemistry of vitamin B. In this paper I will show that the specific biology of vitamin B allowed the Canadian government the possibility of a healthier population under wartime conditions but also allowed the government a variety of means by which to develop and organize food processing practices to this end.
This paper brings historical perspectives to bear on the ambivalent and contradictory position of adoption in Australian public policy. It examines the divergent histories of Australian domestic and intercountry adoption (ICA) since the mid-1970s and the impact of these histories on adoption policy in Australia. It identifies tendencies in contemporary ICA to repeat elements of pre-reform era domestic adoption. In particular, it is argued that the resistance of ICA to the move to openness in local adoption has been an unacknowledged driver of ICA for many Australian families. We offer corrective readings of the rise of ICA in relation to domestic adoption and conclude by offering alternatives for adoption policy which better align the two kinds of adoption, focusing on the needs of children, as distinct from the desires of adults.
This article explores the significance of sports and physical exercise in the turn-of-the-century culture and society of the U.S. It depicts how physical fitness became a decisive feature of collective and individual self-perception and was understood as being at the core of a successful shaping of both the self and of the American body politic. I concentrate in particular on paradigms and strategies of human resources management to exemplify the overarching significance of physical fitness as it established itself at the heart of the USA's enterprise culture that began to emerge in the later nineteenth century. American peculiarities will be considered, alongside ties and allusions to European, and particularly British, developments.
Over the last four decades, cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) has become the medical, legal and media standard for behaviour in the face of sudden death. The key therapeutic techniques of CPR: mouth–to–mouth ventilation, external–cardiac–compressions and defibrillation – with their origins in the eighteenth century, strange peregrinations in the nineteenth, and consolidation in the twentieth – are central to what may be seen as a newly dominant form of deathbed ritual.
This paper examines the Afro-Brazilian afoxé as a form of cultural struggle that critically contests narratives and practices that reproduce racial inequality in contemporary Brazil. Through their afoxé in the interior of São Paulo, the Orùnmilá Cultural Center mobilizes Afro-Brazilian knowledge and cultural practices to challenge culturalist treatments of Afro-Brazilian "difference" in the management and representation of carnaval. I explore how such treatments reflect broader state-orchestrated attempts to undermine black anti-racism and the implementation of substantive policies to address racial inequality in various spheres, including education and culture. The afoxé and the Orùnmilá Center's broader work constitute an important, contemporary means through which black organizations in Brazil make visible and vocal public claims for representation and self-determination. Such work pushes policy-makers and academics to reinterpret the terms of black inclusion vis-à-vis subaltern or "other" cultures, historical experiences, perspectives, and participation in societal transformation.
This paper demonstrates some of the ways in which culture affects house form by considering the premise that increased privatised living leads to increased demarcation of private living space. Historical data from England and Japan make it evident that Japanese privatised living was family-centred as compared with English home-centredness, and was reflected in observable differences in the evolution of house forms. While supporting the premise that cultural values influence house forms, the paper concludes that the original framework is too simple, but can be developed to accommodate data from different cultures.
Alan J. Kidd. The "liberal state": civil society and social welfare in nineteenth-century England. Journal of Historical Sociology, 2002, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 114-119. Published by and copyright Wiley-Blackwell Publishing. The definitive version of this article is available from
Eighteenth-century Scottish legal procedures to investigate the mental capacity of an individual to manage his or her own affairs are examined to discover the relative significance of different professional and lay groups in identifying disabilities. The role of medical men, lawyers and non-professionals is set in the context of contemporary social and political priorities in order to question simple models of medicalisation. A substantial body of empirical evidence is used to reveal the subtle gradations of power in different domestic, legal and institutional domains.
This paper traces the emergence of the therapeutic use of sunlight in medicine during the first half of the twentieth century. This was a period of considerable flux in medicine with various strands of practice and theory competing. Drawing on two case studies of sunlight therapy, both artificial (actinotherapy) and natural (heliotherapy), in the treatment of rickets and tuberculosis this paper will explore how medicine was constituted within these regimes. The paper will argue that therapeutic and clinical applications of sunlight helped establish an association between sunlight and health but also defined a particular and specific performance of medicine.
Does an infectious disease have one, singular pathogenic cause, or many interacting causes? In the discipline of medical microbiology, there is no definitive theoretical answer to this question: there, the conditions of aetiological possibility exist in a curious tension. Ever since the late 19th century, the “germ theory of disease”–“one disease, one cause”– has co-existed with a much less well known theory of “multifactorality”–“one disease, many interacting causes”. And yet, in practice, it is always a singular and never a multifactorial aetiology that emerges once the pathogenic world is brought into the field of medical perception. This paper seeks to understand why. Performing a detailed, genealogical reading of the 2003 severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak, it foregrounds a set of links that connect the practical diagnostic tools at work within contemporary, 21st century laboratories to the philosophical assumptions at work within late-19th century understandings of the “germ theory of disease”.
This paper is concerned with the commodification of the risk of death which occurred with the development of life insurance and with the role of the medical examination in making life insurance a viable commodity. Using British and Australian data, it shows how the medical profession and the medical examination were crucial to nineteenth century life insurance institutions in the calculation of the value of human lives. Life insurance institutions combined a developing ideology of health with the knowledge of health statistics and applied both for a developing institutional finance market. The calculation and preservation of the value of individual human lives by the pooling of risks on selected lives is the service which life insurance sells and which underpins finance capital. The knowledge developed from health and morbidity statistics was a process both of social surveillance and of market-oriented monitoring for economic risk-reduction. At the level of the individual the necessity for life insurance was the dissolution of traditional community and familial support as industrial capitalism developed.
Abstract The Medieval English state had been studied by historians largely on its own terms and from its own records, enriched by an occasional reference to continental comparisons and contrasts. This will no doubt remain the primary approach; but it can be usefully supplemented by also looking at the English state through its impact on other ‘Celtic’ countries in the rest of Britain and Ireland which it brought, either permanently or temporarily, within the ambit of its power. English rule in Wales, Ireland and, briefly, Scotland can thereby serve as a mirror in which one may see refracted some of the essential qualities and mentalités of the English state itself—notably its increasingly self-consiously English character in terms of its own identity and institutions and the growing assumption that there should be a good measure of governmental uniformity and bureaucratic answerability in the lands which it had annexed. English rule in the ‘Celtic’ countries also brings into sharp focus how dependent the medieval English state was for its operation on an effective relationship between state and society; the failure to replicate that relationship substantially in Wales and Ireland showed that there was more to successful political integration than military might and governmental uniformity.
This essay examines existing sociological explanations of the development of the central surveillance of citizens in the light of the English experience, and finds them wanting. Sociologists see the state using surveillance for the benefit of capitalist elites, to reimpose social control over the “society of strangers” created by industrialisation. But surveillance pre-dated industrialisation, and the development of information gathering by state elites had more to do with their own need to preserve their position both within the English polity, and international geo-politics.
Abstract This article describes rates and modes of intergenerational social mobility among the middle sort of people, using data derived from analysis of a sample of British autobiographical texts from the period 1600–1750. It adduces evidence indicating a strong propensity for social reproduction between generations within the group, and accounts for this propensity by looking at the ways in which individuals pursued careers throughout their lifetimes. The article shows how a network of social associations comprised largely of family and effective kin was the decisive factor in making a career, and how the basic framework of this network rarely extended beyond a person's native social-cultural milieu. I conclude that because the network was so limited, there was little opportunity for significant social mobility among the middle sort in early modern Britain.
Abstract While most scholars recognize the relationship between the Scottish Kirk and the establishment of Ulster and Irish Presbyterianism in the seventeenth-century, few studies have examined the specific institutional and social ties, including the communities of the imagination, of the ministers who served in Ireland during that time. Moreover, few studies have considered the reverse flow of ministers to Scotland from Ireland and how their experiences in Ulster (the nine northern-most counties in Ireland) impacted the political landscape in south-western Scotland. This study addresses those voids in the literature.
This article will examine the development of the early Quaker movement in England during the 1650s, and by focusing on one north Lancashire parish, Cartmel, will seek to answer the question: why did people convert to a religious movement that undermined traditional communal worship, and which required a very public separation from one's neighbours? Disillusionment at the slow pace of religious reform, both nationally and locally, during the late 1640s and early 1650s will be highlighted as an explanation as to why a minority of inhabitants enduring a particular set of religious circumstances may have found Quakerism an attractive faith.
Abstract  The development of the modern state in the eighteenth century had a material as well as a socio-political dimension. The 1730s saw the domination of neo-Palladianism in the Office of Works and the establishment of a prominent and permanent administrative centre whose style made an architectural statement about the conduct of Walpole's government. The nature of this statement is only comprehensible when viewed in the context of contemporary political debate. William Kent's Treasury invoked antique Rome in order to emphasise the government's competence and assert the independence of its officers from patronage and their commitment to the common good.
Abstract In The Pristine Culture of Capitalism, Ellen Wood argues that the English urban landscape is characterised by lack of elegance, absence of charm and neglect of public services. She traces the origins of this impoverishment to the eradication of pre-industrial capitalist urban culture in the eighteenth century. The paper investigates the claim that English urban culture underwent a significant transformation in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth century. A concern with the public magnificence of London as a means of representing the wealth and power of England is characteristic of eighteenth century treatise on urban improvement. The most influential of which, John Gwynn's London and Westminster Improved, published in 1766, draws upon the spatial linkage of economy, government and power typical of mercantilist thought. The paper argues that as the principles and practices of mercantilism were displaced by the spread of industrial capitalism and the liberal state, a concern with grandeur, elegance and embellishment in urban form was subordinated to the provision of the physical and social infrastructure necessary for the reproduction of labour.
Abstract  This article provides an analysis of the cultural and political factors that shaped Danish nationalism in the late eighteenth and nineteenth century. Throughout the analysis of the development of Danish nationalism, parallels are drawn to nationalism in late eighteenth and nineteenth century Britain. Finally, consideration is given to the question of whether studies of nationalism can contribute to an understanding of national states’ attitudes towards and willingness to engage in international cooperation.
Abstract In colonial orders the most impoverished and least powerful subordinates had few opportunities to store their images of the past in forms traditionally used by historians. In this essay I explore historical interpretations of the 1763 Berbice slave rebellion presented in three rituals, the majority of whose participants are impoverished residents of rural Guyanese communities. I contrast the issues addressed in these images with those addressed in accounts of the rebellion presented in colonial and post-colonial accounts written by the colonizers and the colonized. The focus of my description and analysis is the relation between historical accounts and the social identities of those who produce them.
Abstract The following attempts to clarify the origins and character of the “movement” toward Catholic emancipation in the British empire by examining the negotiation of two early relief measures, the Quebec Act (1774) and the Irish Catholic Relief Act (1778), from an institutional perspective. It explores how institutions structuring Anglo-Quebec and Anglo-Irish political relations affected policy outcomes in each case, and what influence the Quebec case had on the Irish act four years later. While the Quebec Act offered a response to the Catholic question that was to assist supporters of the Irish bill, both were hard won against the inertia of institutional precedent. Neither act was accompanied by indications that greater freedoms were forthcoming. An institutional analysis thus challenges leading approaches that can represent the “movement” toward Catholic emancipation as more spontaneous and less contested than is sustained by actual events.
Abstract Nationalisms do not form at the expense of all previous solidarities and identities. Often nationalisms are instead based upon foundations laid by class, ethnicity, gender, or other identities. Nationalists stress identities which reinforce the unity they seek and simultaneously deny those that threaten that unity. An important part of this process consists of singling out foreigners as radically different ‘others.’The national identity constructed in late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century Guerrero, Mexico, stressed opposition to newly-defined foreigners and was intertwined with class, ethnic, religious, and political solidarities.
Abstract In this paper Foucaultian theory is deployed to elucidate the significance of philanthropy as a channel of power through which artisanal culture was transformed. It is my contention that in the period 1797–1817 the transformative effects of war, government taxation policy and ‘trade adventurers’ upon London's artisanal culture were reinforced by the discourse and practice of philanthropy. In order to illustrate the transformative power effects of philanthropy two significant moments in the historical sociology of metropolitan artisanal culture are examined; the 1797 and 1817 crises in the clock and watch trade.
Abstract  This article examines the process through which the varied and fluid relationships between English East India Company servants and Indians in the eighteenth-century transformed into rigidly racist ones in the nineteenth. At the outset, the Company's position in India was precarious and impossible to sustain without intensive help from various Indian elites and experts. Relationships created through these collaborative ties were often (but not always) accompanied by prejudice. Prejudice was frequently expressed as mistrust on the part of the Company servants who complained about Indians' untrustworthiness. Yet for decades prejudice was only one possible modality for relationships between Company servants and Indians; relational fluidity was the default. However, the steps that the Company took on to solve their “mistrust dilemma”– namely, codification of Indian knowledge and modification of Indian institutions in terms of their staffing and methods – set in motion processes that eventually eliminated relational fluidity and replaced it with prejudice as a binding social norm, thus creating a rigidly racist regime.
The argument begins with the widely accepted proposition that science and technology had a crucial part to play in the legitimisation of Western colonialisms in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It then sets out to examine the implications of this in terms of the interaction of science, technology and the commodity production of cane sugar in Asia’s largest and best-known sugar colony — the Netherlands Indies (Indonesian) island of Java. It demonstrates that cane sugar in Java was indeed the site of technological revolution and of a scientific approach to production which Western contemporaries saw as asserting their superiority over, and justifying their domination of, the East. From a broadly postcolonial perspective, the colonial binaries inherent in discourse of this kind were a good deal more ambiguous than its contemporary practitioners were inclined to allow. Indeed, a discourse which seems otherwise to have been Manichaean in the severity of its social distinctions, was significantly subverted by the collateral existence of fissures within the apparent monolith of an industrial structure based on Western technology and science. That structure was not self-sustaining, and although it was possible to marginalise the once-dominant Asian element in the industry, Java sugar nonetheless had to accommodate within its managerial and technical structure large numbers of people of part-European, part-Asian ethnic background. It did this by accepting a colonial construction of the European which was particular to Java, and which embraced large numbers of Eurasians as well as Dutch expatriates. The language of difference, inherent in the notion of a Manichaean divide, rested, in short, on a kind of discursive counterfeit, which was an indispensable condition for the persistence of scientific and technological production.
Abstract During the post-independence period, North American authors of travel narratives engaged in a double construction of “South America”: the othering typical of other travel narratives and the ordering of the diversity of the region's societies, economies and polities according to gender, racial, and class categories. Describing social and institutional landscapes, authors projected preoccupations common to the expansive cultures of North America into “South America.” Unable to homogenize the Other or naturalize the landscape, travellers used the space of the narrative to reflect upon the nature and future of “America”.
Abstract Acute and protracted intra-professional conflict was a dominant feature of the period of medical reform. The traditional tripartite professional structure of physicians, surgeons and apothecaries was breaking down, evolving into a bipartite division between elite hospital consultants and general practitioners. The paper explores the hypothesis that rival professional interests were expressed in the different configurations of knowledge on which competing claims to status and authority were based. Where the elite either held aloof or invoked the civilised ‘gentlemanly’ science of John Hunter, the general practitioner was more disposed to embrace the more radical ‘democratic’ sciences such as phrenology and the new morphology.
Abstract This article examines English prisons in the light of debates among historians about centralisation in the nineteenth century. The author argues that central state influence over prisons grew substantially from the 1830s onwards and that this was in line with the general view of administrative change advanced by such diverse writers as David Roberts and Philip Corrigan. However, the establishment of a central command structure under the 1877 Prisons Act was an extreme outcome which can only in part be explained by reference to general trends between 1820 and 1877. The takeover was also the result of manoeuvres by highly placed civil servants, intense pressure from particular interest groups, and guarantees given by the Conservative Party leadership to such groups.
The Master and Servant Act was a law that allowed the use of penal sanction against workers for breach of contract in nineteenth century Britain. For scholars who believe that wage laborers under capitalism are free from “extra-economic” coercion, this law was an anomaly. One explanation suggests technological backwardness during the early stages of capitalism as the cause. In this paper I will challenge this account and offer an alternative explanation. As the British Empire expanded, the same law was enacted in many British colonies. If it was the process of capitalist production that rendered the Master and Servant Act necessary, this explanation should also apply to the British colonies. By focusing on Hong Kong, I show that this was not the case. Instead, I show that the use of judiciary coercion could be explained by Bourdieu's notions of doxa, habitus and field.
Abstract Why is India treated as the standing menace to the public health of the world? Is it something peculiar to Indian tradition which prevents India from enjoying the fruits of universal modernity? Or perhaps, is it the emergence of institutions and of other politically organized subjections in a history of colonialism which endowed India with a brand of colonial modernity? By using the cholera epidemic of 1832 and the efforts to rebuild and restructure everyday life in Europe and in India, this essay attempts to answer such questions. It is in the aftermath of the epidemic that various ideological positions are clarified, with the result that bourgeois culture demonstrates its limit in colonialism.
Abstract Infanticide, as a historical issue, has been embedded in analytical contexts that marginalize the phenomenon in ways that resonate with the ‘original’ marginalizations at the moment of historical occurrence. By building on the 'social reproduction’ model of demographic behaviour - following Viazzo and others - and by examining archival evidence from household inventories, court files and gynaecological hospital records to focus on a particularly revealing Austrian infanticide case, we can argue that householders in post-1750 Austria, losing control over inheritance to an interventionist state, resorted to extreme measures, including infanticide, to balance their 'social reproduction’ accounts and protect their patrimonies. In the process there emerged both private and public languages that suppressed a conscious awareness of these dire but ‘necessary’ acts.
Abstract Analysis of the early Swedish women's movement shows that its accomplishments were shaped more by structural and political changes under way in Sweden at the time, than by specific feminist demands. My claim is that the gains of Swedish feminists largely accrued from efforts on the part of political state leaders to incorporate women as a constituent group during a period of increasing class conflict. Many of the Swedish social reforms which promoted gender equality were derived from the goals of politicians to modulate class tensions and increase their political base of support. This helps account for the fact that the gains won, while considerable, often had little to do with the project of the feminist movement.
Abstract Taking one's own life is a moral and political transgression: it is taboo. As suicide is a special death that has warranted a panoply of sanctions, inscriptions and taboos across many cultures (Retterstol, 1993), suicide has come to play a crucial part in the formulation of social order in many political philosophies, including liberalism. The task of this article is to outline ways in which this making of political order can unfold in a liberal political context. Taking New Zealand as a particularly powerful case study, the discussion cuts a genealogical track through cultural practices of suicide regulation to make the case for a different way of understanding the political place of suicide in liberalism. Conventionally given the role of litmus test for liberal freedom, cultural practices of suicide regulation in New Zealand are shown to inscribe and enact particular ways of being free. Relays between colonial, social and advanced liberal modes of calculation and the criminally suicidal, the suicidally mad and those at risk of suicide are all shown to install a mode of power worked through links, networks and alliances that “govern persons in accordance with freedom” (Rose, 1999: 12). This genealogy sets out to dis-quieten the assumption that suicide is a litmus test for liberal freedom. It is better to think of New Zealand's attempts to regulate suicide as in the service of governing through freedom.
Abstract The agricultural colony founded at Mettray, France, in 1839 rapidly acquired an international reputation as an exemplar of the ‘family system’ of moral training, in which inmates were dispersed into separate ‘houses’ rather than being concentrated in large buildings. Many foreign visitors portrayed Mettray as a place where the fruits of the new reformatory science had been realised in practice. The paper aims to show how the Mettray model came to play a critical role within debates over the treatment of criminal children and juvenile paupers in Britain between 1840 and 1880.
Fictional treatment of the poor has varied with changing perceptions of their position and role in English society. In part these perceptions have been affected by the social locations of the writers. But this essay argues that a major determinant of the treatment of the poor has been the inheritance of a pastoral tradition of viewing them. Writers have largely worked within this tradition. Only in the 1930s was a determined attempt made to break out of it. This failed, and after the war fiction gradually abandoned its efforts to deal with the poor, preferring to leave that to the newer media of film and television.
Some dimensions of the official documentary system through which England ruled its colonies in the nineteenth century are examined. A shift in the centre of gravity of documentary production from imperium to colony resulting from the development of colonial state administrative capacity is described. Keywords: State.
In this article, ideas central to Adam Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments as well as those of Benthamite reformers are shown to have informed legislative reports and statutes enacted during a period of legal and penal reform in Upper Canada/Canada West. Using newspaper reports, this article discusses the relationship of these themes to narratives of public executions. In the context of an increasingly democratic state in Canada West, sympathetic interaction between the condemned and the community appeared as the foundation of moral lessons to be drawn from the experience of public hangings.
Abstract The expansion of coffee cultivation in Nicaragua in the 1870s unleashed a social revolution. Previously most land was common property: by 1920 throughout the coffee districts land was privately owned. Influential historians of Nicaragua see this as the capitalist transition. This essay argues that instead of forging a rural proletariat, this social revolution created a differentiated peasantry whose access to land depended on relations of patronage. Peasant resistance to land privatization and the political, as opposed to economic, nature of the process are examined. The essay concludes that this revolution was more incongruent than congruent with a capitalist social order. The relevance of this history for contemporary political debates in Nicaragua is explored.
This paper analyzes the roles of the New Orleans police in the slave order, and attempts to delineate the various opportunities for police autonomy. I also consider the laws of slavery that the police were expected to enforce, and the viability of actively enforcing them. I conclude that the police had opportunities to create autonomy for themselves through the reality of slave and city life.
Abstract  Through an analysis of four major riots in New Orleans between 1854 and 1874, this paper examines the central role of local police forces in the violent New Orleans political culture. Through this analysis, the paper questions the extent to which not just exclusion, but political violence, is embedded in American republicanism. From the re-integration of the city in 1852 well into the Jim Crow era, police forces served as party operatives in New Orleans, insuring through violence that their party won majority on the city council or losing their positions, en masse, if they did not. These patterns of mob violence highlight the remarkable extent to which majority approval figured over rule of law in mid-nineteenth century republicanism.
Abstract  As in England, the moral implications of pauperism were significant in the operation of the Scottish Poor Law. While the ways in which kin were distributed reflect patterns of survival embedded in local cultures, those failing to conform to an idealised family model, especially unmarried mothers, were disadvantaged, as contested relief claims indicate. Analysis considers encounters between local Inspectors and applicants using a framework that draws upon perspectives from political, moral, and particularly social economy. The outcomes of negotiation reveal how individual agency was compromised by adaptation to circumstances as much as by official and popular frames of reference.
This article studies the efforts of the Ecuadorian government between 1861 and 1875 to construct a “truly catholic nation”. It examines the implementation and engagement of centralized initiatives of morality and religiosity, and reflects on its implications for the repositioning of state-society boundaries. Specifically, it considers the government's efforts after 1869 to centrally coordinate the institutions of municipal government and Church, and to redeploy them for national moralizing ends. It assesses the substantial achievements and limits of this model for strengthening state power and for disseminating “national” meanings of citizenship and progress.
Abstract Census material is a basic source of information for scholars concerned with many dimensions of Canadian development, yet no systematic examination of census procedures has been undertaken. An overview of the making of the 1861 census of the Canadas is followed by a brief discussion of the reflexive character of census knowledge.
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