"In this article, we [explore] the relationship between informal economic activities and recent immigrants in the Netherlands.... We will give an overview of important trends on both the demand and the supply side of entrepreneurial activities in the informal economy. We argue that the potential for informal economic activities by immigrants in large Dutch cities has been growing since the early 1980s. After having outlined this analytical framework, we examine some recent evidence on informal economic activities by immigrants in the Netherlands, especially in the bakeries sector, before concluding the discussion."
This paper summarises a research program on the new immigrant second generation initiated in the early 1990s and completed in 2006. The four field waves of the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS) are described and the main theoretical models emerging from it are presented and graphically summarised. After considering critical views of this theory, we present the most recent results from this longitudinal research program in the forum of quantitative models predicting downward assimilation in early adulthood and qualitative interviews identifying ways to escape it by disadvantaged children of immigrants. Quantitative results strongly support the predicted effects of exogenous variables identified by segmented assimilation theory and identify the intervening factors during adolescence that mediate their influence on adult outcomes. Qualitative evidence gathered during the last stage of the study points to three factors that can lead to exceptional educational achievement among disadvantaged youths. All three indicate the positive influence of selective acculturation. Implications of these findings for theory and policy are discussed.
Given improvements in the transport infrastructure and the end of travel restrictions characteristic of the apartheid period, there could be a reasonable expectation that male risk behaviour in sexual relations would be reduced as rural–urban connections were enhanced. Using the example of Limpopo Province, South Africa, this research draws on an existing demographic surveillance system and a specialised survey to test the hypothesis. We find that male risk behaviour and lack of awareness of risks have not altered significantly and that there are potentially explosive possibilities for the spread of HIV/AIDS to and from Limpopo Province. There have to be enhanced measures to bring the labour market closer to rural settings to arrest this phenomenon.
"This article addresses the issue of Albanian immigration to Greece, underlines its special character and discusses the problems arising from the Greek immigration policy which, so far, has focused on short-term, inefficient and sometimes conflicting solutions. This article also delineates the current situation of Albanian immigrants, who constitute the largest group amongst all immigrants in Greece and who are largely undocumented. It examines the controversial issue of Albanian criminality, and the social construction of negative stereotypes through prejudicial representations of Albanians by the Greek media."
This article presents data on the employment situation of non‐European Union immigrants in Spain. This type of economic migration is heterogeneous by country of origin and level of education. Once in Spain, the majority of immigrants (most of them Moroccan) find work in domestic service (mainly women), hotel and restaurant services, the building industry and retail trade. Migrants in agriculture work in irregular situations and under worse labour conditions than all other migrants. All migrants experience difficulty in obtaining residence and labour permits. The net effect of legislation has been the construction of a category of illegal immigrants.
"Using data on undocumented immigrants in the city of Rotterdam, it is argued that peculiarities of the Dutch housing market, especially the large degree of decommodification of the housing stock, lead to a specific housing situation and housing career of illegal immigrants.... The housing situation of undocumented immigrants in Rotterdam clearly shows how formal arrangements create conditions for informal practices.... A comparison between Dutch and U.S. data shows that differences in formal arrangements have substantial effects on the potential of ethnic solidarity within immigrant communities."
This study analyses the antecedents of exclusionist political attitudes towards Palestinian citizens of Israel among Israeli immigrants from the former Soviet Union in comparison to Old Jewish Israelis (OJI). A large-scale study of exclusionist political attitudes was conducted in the face of ongoing terrorism in Israel through telephone surveys carried out in September 2003 with 641 OJI and 131 immigrants. The main goal of the survey was to estimate the influence of perceived loss and gain of resources-as a consequence of terror-on attitudes towards Palestinian Israelis, while controlling for other relevant predictors of exclusionism-i.e. authoritarianism or threat perception. Findings obtained via interaction analyses and structural equation modelling show that a) immigrants display higher levels of exclusionist political attitudes towards Palestinian citizens of Israel than OJI; b) loss of resources, authoritarianism, and hawkish (rightist) worldviews predict exclusionist political attitudes among both immigrants and non-immigrants; c) failure to undergo post-traumatic growth (resource gain) in response to terrorism (e.g. finding meaning in life, becoming closer to others) is a significant predictor of exclusionist political attitudes only among immigrants.
This is a study of the values of migrants. We examine processes of selection-how values affect migration-and adaptation-how migration influences value changes. Empirical analyses use a unique collection of data that combines detailed information on values from a representative sample of non-migrants in Nepal with a representative sample of Nepali migrants living in the Persian Gulf. Results suggest that migrants were selected from those who were more materialistic, less committed to religion and more family-oriented. In terms of adaptation, our results are consistent with the idea that migrants become more religious, less committed to historical Nepali values, and change ideas about family-orientation in mixed ways. Thus, we find that value adaptations of migrants are complex processes that could have immense impacts on ideational diffusion around the world.
One of the central questions with respect to migration and the informal labour market is which comes first: the de‐regulation of working relations or the availability of new sources of cheap and docile labour. Today the notion is spreading that the growth of unemployment and low waged precarious jobs in an informal or shadow economy is a direct function of the ‘influx’ of new ‘illegal’ migrants. This article illustrates how policies to control foreign entry are ambivalent. Despite the avowed principle of not being a country of immigration, continuous exceptions have been made to permit the restricted access of temporary workers. The major patterns for the ‘new’ migration were set by foreign and guestworker policies adopted during post‐war reconstruction. New programmes were initiated in connection with the asylum compromise and the transformations in Germany and Eastern Europe.This article demonstrates that the main forces bringing about restructuring and deregulation were put into place in the mid‐1980s independently of a new source of undocumented foreigners. Transformations in the economy comprised a number of factors including technological change, growth of the service sector, increase of part time labour, an increase in temporary and precarious jobs and growing unemployment. These changes were already in process in 1991 when borders of Eastern Europe were beginning to open.
"As three mass legalisations have revealed, migrants in Italy were predominantly staying on without a permit and without being entitled to pursue regular work. It was further uncovered that many legal migrants carried out unregistered work in agriculture, building, housekeeping, street trading, small manufacturing firms and within urban services.... Migratory chains transmit an image of Italy being a country where it is easy to stay and to earn an income, even in the absence of a permit to stay and the presence of a significant underground economy means that Italy exerts a particular pull effect on those migrants more prone to accepting irregular conditions."
Becoming a citizen is a component of a larger process of immigrant incorporation into U.S. society. It is most often treated as an individual-level choice, associated with such personal characteristics as the duration of residence in the U.S., age, education, and language acquisition. This study uses microdata from Census 2000 in conjunction with other measures to examine aspects of the community and policy context that influence the choices made by individuals. The results confirm previous research on the effects of individual-level characteristics on attaining citizenship. There is also strong evidence of collective influences: both the varied political histories of immigrant groups in their home country and the political and community environment that they encounter in the U.S. have significant impacts on their propensity of naturalization.
"Population migrations in Israel simultaneously move in two opposite directions: while the initial distribution of new immigrants is primarily focused on big cities of the country's central core, the existing population of these centres tends to move outward, to small settlements where housing is more readily available. The effect of housing construction on population migrations appears to be delayed and tends to become visible with the passage of time. The initial low attractiveness of urban settlements in peripheral districts of the country to the new immigrants is mainly caused by [the] small size of the population in the settlements and an inferior state of urban development rather than by a lack of new housing or the harsh climatic conditions of these areas."
"Germany is today, along with the USA and Russia, one of the three most important immigration countries worldwide. The authors examine how the immigrant population of Germany has risen despite the fact that the German government has sought to restrict it. They analyse six major streams of migration: refugees and expellees who came immediately after World War II, German resettlers from Eastern Europe (¿Aussiedler'), emigration of (West) Germans, migration between East and West Germany, foreign labour migrants and asylum seekers. The dynamics of immigration within each of these channels was remarkably different. As far as absorption and integration are concerned the authors argue that different groups of immigrants should be treated more equally."
"This article demonstrates how Portugal, despite appearing to be a country which would be [an] unattractive country to immigrants, is rapidly becoming a country of immigration. The existence and extent of opportunities for immigrants in Portugal is assessed with this objective in mind. On the basis of an analysis of the country's labour market, the immigrants' economic profiles and the Portuguese informal economy--and the interaction of these factors--it is concluded that the Portuguese economy is currently generating labour demands which the immigrants are satisfying. In some cases they complement and in others they substitute for the domestic labour force."
We investigate the difference that immigrant enclaves make for the residential contexts of Latino families in the U.S. We argue that enclaves may no longer function simply as temporary way stations, the classic depiction of them, because of the compromised legal status of many Latinos. We examine this role with an innovative method that uses publicly available census tabulations (from the 2000 Census in our case) to develop HLM models, in which race/ethnicity and income are controlled at the family level, along with neighbourhood context and metropolitan characteristics. Comparing Latino residential patterns to those of whites and blacks reveals the large neighbourhood disadvantages of Latinos, which except for greater exposure to whites are on the order of those suffered by African Americans. We find that Hispanic families improve their residential situations as their incomes go up and usually also when they live in suburbs. But residence outside of immigrant enclaves produces the largest positive changes. The enclaves are a fundamentally different kind of residential space, in which the potential for neighbourhood improvement is modest.
The rapid growth of the Hispanic population in the United States, particularly those of the second generation, who have automatic rights of citizenship, could be expected to result in increased influence and representation in politics for this group. We show that the effect of a sheer growth in numbers at the national level is diminished by several factors: low probabilities of naturalisation by Hispanic immigrants; non-participation in voting, especially by the US-born generations; and concentration of growth in Congressional Districts that already have Hispanic Representatives. It is a challenge for public policy to reduce the lag between population growth and political representation.
We find that family separation during migration has a negative impact on the educational success of immigrant children in U.S. schools. Children separated from parents during migration are more likely to be behind others their age in school, are more likely to repeat a grade, and are more likely to drop out of high school. The negative impact of separation during migration on educational success is largest for Latin American immigrants, for children separated from their mothers (as opposed to fathers), for those whose parents have lived in the United States illegally, and for those who were separated from their parents at older ages and reunited with parents as teenagers.
Economists studying the economic behaviour of immigrants have tended to avoid serious interdisciplinary work. I argue that when presented with a particular set of research questions that lend themselves to a utility maximisation framework, an economist will be able to pursue interdisciplinary work. I further argue that the necessary if not sufficient ingredient for true economic collaborative research has been met in the field of citizenship acquisition. I review the existing empirical research on citizenship acquisition and its economic impacts to support this argument.
Examining the multiple ways in which migration relates to social change is a daunting task. It requires, first of all, defining what social change is and, secondarily, delimiting the scope of analysis to certain types of migration and not others. The greatest dangers that I envision in this enterprise are, first, getting lost in generalities of the “social change is ubiquitous” kind and, second, attempting to cover so much terrain as to lose sight of analytic priorities and of major, as opposed to secondary, causal linkages. I seek to avoid these dangers by discussing first the concept of social change, second identifying the types of migration to be considered, and third examining the major factors that link one to another. I conclude the paper with four theoretical and methodological considerations suggested by the analysis that may guide future work in this field.
In this paper we study determinants of relative poverty among immigrants and natives in Denmark and Sweden during the 1980s and 1990s. Denmark and Sweden share the same properties in a range of labour market and welfare state characteristics. At the same time they differ very much in cyclical profiles and immigration experiences during recent decades. Both countries have followed the same principles regarding immigration policy, i.e. immigration from low income countries has been restricted to tied movers and refugees. We use 60 percent of the median in the distribution of equivalent disposable as poverty line. Data comes from two large panels based on administrative data. We find that immigrants have higher poverty rates than natives in both countries and that this difference has clearly increased in both countries. The paper reports results based on running probability models of poverty incidence. Explanatory variables include measures of years since immigration, demographic characteristics, and variables measuring country of origin. We conclude that a significant part of the difference in aggregate immigrant poverty rates reflect differences in composition by country of origin and differences in the structure of benefits to families with children.
This paper has a doubting, though friendly, look at the hypotheses of "second generation decline" and "segmented assimilation" that have framed the emerging research agenda on the new second generation. We begin with a review of the basic approach, outlining the logic of argument, and specifying the central contentions. We then head toward the past, in search of material that will illuminate both the parallels and points of distinction between the immigrant children who grew up in the first half of the 20th century and those who will move into adulthood during the century to come. Last, we return to the present, inquiring both into the characteristics of those children of immigrants who might find themselves at risk, and the precise source of any such peril.
Since unification, the debate about Germany's poor economic performance has focused on supply-side weaknesses, and the associated reform agenda sought to make low-skill labour markets more flexible. We question this diagnosis using three lines of argument. First, effective restructuring of the supply side in the core advanced industries was carried out by the private sector using institutions of the coordinated economy, including unions, works councils and blockholder owners. Second, the implementation of orthodox labour market and welfare state reforms created a flexible labour market at the lower end. Third, low growth and high unemployment are largely accounted for by the persistent weakness of domestic aggregate demand, rather than by the failure to reform the supply side. Strong growth in recent years reflects the successful restructuring of the core economy. To explain these developments, we identify the external pressures on companies in the context of increased global competition, the continuing value of the institutions of the coordinated market economy to the private sector and the constraints imposed on the use of stabilizing macroeconomic policy by these institutions. We also suggest how changes in political coalitions allowed orthodox labour market reforms to be implemented in a consensus political system.
The article deals with issues of migration and migrant rights in Germany. Even if many scholars have elucidated with convincing clarity that Western nation-states can improve migrants' rights due to the autonomy of the legal system, this paper's focus is to point out the vulnerability of that legal process. The political and judicial regulation of migration in Germany over the last forty years shows that the discretionary power of the authorities regarding non-nationals is much stronger than for nationals. And because of the transformation of the former welfare states into 'competition states', migration policies are now likely to be subsumed under the principle of competitive advantage. In this study I reaffirm that the judicial improvement of migrant rights should be primarily understood in terms of the nation-state, and refer to general political and economic conditions that the courts can not (or will not) disregard in their decision-making process.
The article takes up current scholarly and policy discussions on mass media and minority participation in Western Europe, where the prerogative of letting minorities 'speak in their own voice' occupies a central place. The article presents the mass media activities of Turkish Alevi migrants at a local open-access television station in Berlin, and problematises the notion of 'voice' with regard to cultural representations in their programmes and Internet publications. It is argued that Alevi media productions employ a range of representational strategies that can be understood only if their transnational context is taken into account. Confronting hegemonic discourses tied to two different nation-states which ascribe diverging negative meanings to Alevi Muslims, media producers are shown to exploit this divergence in their attempts to construct positive images of Alevilik.
In this analysis we compare the living arrangements and receipt of Supplemental Security Income (SSI) among older, non-institutionalised adults in five Asian and three Hispanic-origin groups in the United States. Living arrangements and SSI serve as indicators of structural incorporation and our primary objective is to identify the role of nativity (native versus foreign-born) and citizenship status (non-citizen versus naturalised citizen) on living arrangements and SSI receipt. We are also interested in identifying differences among these eight groups. In order to do so, we employ a combined sample from the 3 per cent 1990 United States Public Use Sample (PUMS) and a 5 per cent sample of individuals over 65 (PUMS-O) to achieve adequate coverage. The data reveal great diversity among the eight groups, but also reveal substantial similarity between naturalised citizens, that is, those who are foreign-born but who have become citizens, and the native-born. Our findings suggest that the process of structural incorporation is well under way among the naturalised foreign-born, and that it is important to differentiate between citizens and non-citizens in developing immigration and welfare policy. It is also increasingly clear that in the US context we must begin to differentiate among Asian-origin groups in the same way that we do among Hispanic groups in social scientific research.
This paper uses data gathered from the Family Resources Survey to examine ethnic differences in economic wellbeing in Britain. It argues that, although a focus on ethnic variation in income levels is useful, a more comprehensive picture of ethnic economic diversity can be obtained by also taking into account general levels of wealth and assets. This is particularly important in order to obtain a better understanding of how ethnic economic advantages and disadvantages build up over the life-course. It also encourages more attention to be paid to how wealth is accumulated and transferred within families and between generations. The research findings show a complex picture of ethnic economic diversity with some ethnic groups (White, Chinese and Indian) over-represented in the doubly advantaged, asset-rich and income-rich category and a larger number of groups (Black-African, Black-Other, Pakistani and Bangladeshi) who were doubly disadvantaged (being both asset- and income-poor). The paper concludes that the short-term economic position of families in both groups has longer-term consequences in terms of the potential for ethnic economic divisions to intensify.
This article deals with asymmetrical relations on borders between current and future EU member states which may be seen as axes of several asymmetries. During the times of the Iron Curtain, these asymmetries could stay latent. Now, with more and more border liberalisation, old and new inequalities are re-surfacing, which might lead to future conflict. Our results, based on excerpts from interviews in which the informants formulated these asymmetries in different ways, show that there are various domains of asymmetries. People on both sides of the borders concerned use different perspectives to look at these asymmetrical relations and have several strategies for coping with them.
This article is based on a nation-wide postal questionnaire survey of the experiences and views of Finnish police officers, border-guards, social workers, employment agency personnel and teachers in their work with people of foreign background, and their attitudes towards immigrants and immigration in general. The data were analysed by factor and variance analysis. The results show that the attitudes of the authorities were, above all, related to their specific type of work and to the experiences they had had of immigrants as clients, which varied according to the occupation of these authorities. The experiences of teachers, social workers and employment agency personnel were mainly positive, whereas the majority of the police officers and border-guards estimated their experiences to be negative (or neutral).The most negative views were expressed by police officers and border-guards and the most positive by social workers and Swedish-speaking teachers.
This article addresses the European Union's claim to establish transnational spaces through co-operation across its internal borders. Focusing on the Dutch-German borderland as an example, people's practices towards this border and their perceptions of it are introduced. It is underscored that these practices are influenced by popular representations, which (re)produce bounded spaces and the barrier effect of the border, thus making it difficult to imagine a transnational space. This observation is complemented by the phenomenon that--due to a housing shortage in the Netherlands--Dutch people have recently begun to move to German places directly on the border, although they maintain their jobs in the Netherlands. Concentrating specifically on one of these German villages, Kranenburg, the emergence of a community of transmigrants is highlighted in order to reflect upon the question of whether this form of frequent short-distance border crossing fosters a European transnational sphere.
The international mobility of professionals and graduates is one of the most dynamic transnational types of movement and represents an increasingly large component of global migration streams. The global competition for talent, the expansion of the knowledge economy and the increasing globalisation of markets and companies contribute to the increased importance of these mobility flows. Yet academic debates persist around who and what is meant by 'highly skilled'. This paper highlights the importance of social context and immigrant agency in the assessment of skills and human capital. It draws attention to the substantial difference between 'highly skilled' and 'highly qualified' immigrants. The analysis presents original empirical data collected in 2005 through an online survey (N=133) and 54 semi-structured interviews with East European professionals and graduates living and working in London. It argues that the social aspects of skills are essential components of skill construction, especially in the changing social contexts of migration. It concludes that being skilled is an outcome of negotiations around the value and the value-attached significance of employable human capital. The negotiators are, on the one hand, the highly qualified migrants themselves and their ways of self-representation of the value of their credentials, knowledge, skills and abilities; on the other hand, they are the employers and their ways of perception, assessment and judgement of employable human capital.
The broadly-defined field of ethnic politics in today's Russia is characterised by a complex and frequently intertwined web of ethnic claims and contentious issues that span entry, equity and exit, all set against a background of the attempted construction of a new overarching idea of the national community. This article focuses on the state approach to issues of equity and exit. More specifically, it describes and analyses the current attempts to deconstruct the Soviet legacy and build a new policy approach to deal with the so-called nationalities', and on the concomitant struggle to elaborate a new civic conception of the national community, as these efforts are manifested at the official level of constitutional provisions, laws and policy documents but also in the writings of some Russian scholars. Such endeavours culminated in June 1996 with the adoption of the policy document entitled Conception of the State National Policy of the Federation of Russia' and of the National-Cultural Autonomy' Act. The parallel processes of restructuring the institutional and policy approach to ethnocultural diversity and of building a new conception of the national community are the two very interconnected sides of the ambitious and difficult goal of establishing what we call the multicultural constitutional patriotism' project. The article shows and argues that such a process, though in principle valuable, is inherently controversial and contradictory due to two factors: the inherited ethno-federalism and the ambiguous and ambivalent position of ethnic Russians and their identity in such a project.
This paper focuses on responses to the viewing of television news channels during and after 11 September 2001 by a sample of Indian viewers in Bombay and British-Asian viewers in South-East England. Viewers' perceptions of neutrality, bias, reliability and vested interests within news channels and organisations are discussed, alongside the manner in which issues of gender, age and religion impact on the meanings made from and imputed to the news coverage of the attacks on America and Afghanistan. As well as considering the ways in which multilingual and sometimes transnational families experience television news in the contemporary arena, the paper addresses questions about the political significance and social impact of news broadcasts within communities with pre-existing beliefs and world views. We argue that the ways in which many so-called 'international' news channels covered issues of blame, evidence and retribution with regard to the Twin Tower and Pentagon attacks raised levels of tension, increased communal dislikes and reinforced pre-existing animosities against Muslim communities across the world.
This introductory article sets out the theoretical and methodological framework of a research project into news-viewing in multilingual families and households in the UK on and after 11 September 2001 upon which the articles in this special issue are based. Viewing the attacks of 11 September 2001 and their aftermath on television triggered deep emotional responses in viewers. Many people experienced a sense of trauma; these events forced viewers to think about the unthinkable—violent and painful death at the hands of terrorists—and the consequences of continuing Muslim–Western political tensions. In thinking through the causes, meanings and consequences of these events, viewers offered accounts of other ‘ground zeros’. They compared and contrasted coverage on a range of channels such as BBC, Al-Jazeera and CNN, and actively sought alternative news sources because of perceived bias in Western reporting. The research examines the extent to which different patterns of news consumption reinforce or relativise understandings of terrorism and political violence.
In this article we analyse the change in unfavourable attitudes towards foreigners among the (West) German public over a period of two decades. Applying pooled survey data from 1980 to 2000, we found an overall trend towards less resistance to the social integration of foreigners, only interrupted by a minor increase between 1994 and 1996. We tested hypotheses derived from Ethnic Group Conflict Theory with regard to individual and contextual determinants of the resistance to the social integration of foreigners. National statistics were applied to indicate the societal context at the time of survey measurement (period characteristics) and during the adolescent years of respondents (cohort characteristics). Resistance to the social integration of foreigners was particularly strong among people with lower education, manual workers, the petty bourgeoisie and the unemployed. Furthermore, older respondents as well as those who were confronted with high unemployment during their adolescent years showed stronger resistance. With regard to period characteristics, we found that stronger resistance to the social integration of foreigners was not related to higher levels of unemployment and foreign immigration, but instead to recent increases in unemployment and foreign immigration. This suggests that it is not the actual level of ethnic competition, but the increasing level of ethnic competition that boosts negative attitudes toward foreigners
In Autumn 2005, France witnessed the most important urban riots in its contemporary history. What exactly happened? Through the study of press dispatches and government communiques, I first present a detailed summary of the three weeks of rioting by analysing their birth and development. Second, utilising interviews conducted with rioters and inhabitants of two 'quartiers sensibles' (deprived neighbourhoods), I attempt to understand the motivations of the rioters and perceptions of them by other categories of the populations of these neighbourhoods. I then investigate the social geography of the riots and highlight those characteristics of the 'zones urbaines sensibles' (deprived urban areas) which have been addressed within the contexts of security and city politics over the last quarter of a century. Finally, I discuss the political and social significance of these riots and their possible extension in the future.
Migration scholars commonly assume that employment of low-wage foreign workers is a universal feature of labour markets in wealthy countries. However, several wealthy countries have very few foreign workers proportional to their labour force. Existing theories of international labour migration are not well equipped to explain these anomalies. This paper summarises the challenge presented by 'negative cases' of labour migration and explores an explanation for the minimal presence of foreign workers in Finland, where they amount to less than 1 per cent of the labour force. Most Western governments prefer not to allow employers to import low-level workers, but many do not succeed in transforming this preference into actual policy. Finland is able to do so because of an activist economic policy that results in a reduced prevalence of low-level jobs. This policy is supported by a mode of governance that constrains opportunities for employers to play a dominant role in policy-making. Another supporting condition is the presence of a highly organised labour movement.
This article analyses the governance of Islam in contemporary Spain. Rather than presuming the existence of a singular and all-encompassing ‘Spanish model’ of religious governance, I focus on the critical role of actual practices of modelling in shaping the institutions and organisations implicated in the regulation of Islam, as well as the concrete strategies that have guided policies of Muslim accommodation. Modelling practices, I argue, have been particularly significant in Spain due to its late transition to democracy and the absence of viable frameworks for regulating religious diversity from within its own past. In determining which frameworks to use as models for religious governance, public actors have been influenced by a variety of factors, including (i) their respective political and social agendas; (ii) the professional networks, organisational fields and other means of knowledge circulation through which they have gained exposure to exogenous models; and (iii) religious, cultural, linguistic and historical factors that have made certain models more accessible or attractive than others. Given that these factors have varied at different levels of government, so too have practices of modelling influential in the development of national and sub-national approaches to governing Islam.
Mobility studies emerged from a postmodern moment in which global ‘flows’ of capital, people and objects were increasingly noted and celebrated. Within this new scholarship, categories of migrancy are all seen through the same analytical lens. This article and Regimes of Mobility: Imaginaries and Relationalities of Power, the special issue of JEMS it introduces, build on, as well as critique, past and present studies of mobility. In so doing, this issue challenges conceptual orientations built on binaries of difference that have impeded analyses of the interrelationship between mobility and stasis. These include methodological nationalism, which counterpoises concepts of internal and international movement and native and foreigner, and consequently normalises stasis. Instead, the issue offers a regimes of mobility framework that addresses the relationships between mobility and immobility, localisation and transnational connection, experiences and imaginaries of migration, and rootedness and cosmopolitan openness. The introduction highlights how, within this framework and its emphasis on social fields of differential power, the contributors to this collection ethnographically explore the disparities, inequalities, racialised representations and national mythscapes that facilitate and legitimate differential mobility and fixity. Although the authors examine nation-state building processes, their analysis is not confined by national boundaries.
This paper uses a case study of activists in London's Arab communities to address the marginalisation of certain groups in academic analyses of 'race' and ethnicity. Theorisation of 'race' has become increasingly sophisticated, emphasising the fluidity of racial identities and the contextual specificity of racial ideologies and racialised practices. Yet very few empirical analyses of 'race' stray from the rigid categories of 'race' and ethnicity found in censuses and other official sources. The implication is that only certain groups 'count' as 'racial' and should be analysed in terms of 'race'. Using evidence gathered from intensive interviews with Arab community activists, this paper attempts to challenge rigid conceptions of 'race' and, in so doing, to move discussions of 'racial politics' beyond standard black-white dichotomies.
Immigrants move not only from one country to another, but also to different ways of living and different kinds of housing systems. Based on the studies among households with Pakistani, Tamil and Somali background in Oslo, this article explores how immigrants adapt to the housing market. The result is a typology of cross-cultural adaptation, developed from the experiences of the households. Behaviours are interpreted as expressions of how people link structures and resources from their cultural belonging with perceived constraints and opportunities in new contexts. The type of adaptive behaviour is shown to have consequences for how immigrants perform in the housing market in their new place of residence. Those who manage to apply previous knowledge to openings and options in the new housing system are in a favourable position.
Across the subjects of economics, sociology and demography, much has been written about the difficulties faced by immigrants. However, much less attention has been paid to the re-adjustment challenges migrants face on their return. In this paper, we examine whether and the extent to which a group of returned migrants experience higher degrees of social isolation and loneliness compared to compatriots who never lived abroad. The data used are from the first wave of the Irish Longitudinal Study on Ageing (TILDA). We find that social isolation is a significant feature of the lives of return migrants.
This article explores the influence of ethnicity and immigration on the likelihood of young adults' co-residence with parents and other relatives using the 2006 Canadian census. It shows that both ethnicity and immigration affect co-residence with parents as well as with other relatives. The highest levels of co-residence are found among Southern Europeans, Asians and Latinos and among the second generation. However, South Asians exhibit the highest percentage of young adults who have already started their own family but still live with parents or relatives. Our analysis further shows that despite the importance of ethnicity as a predictor of living arrangements, its effect declines the longer the youth's family has been living in Canada.
This paper analyses differences in rural and urban origin in visits from natives and the occurrence of interethnic marriages of Turkish immigrants in six European countries. We argue that values and human capital explain the relationship between rural-urban origin and contact with natives. The value-based hypothesis stipulates that differences in contact with natives are due to values and predispositions that correlate with people's rural and urban origin. The human capital hypothesis predicts that variation between rural and urban origin can be ascribed to differences in human capital accumulation. Using the Six Country Immigrant Incorporation Comparative Survey (SCIICS), the results show that Turkish immigrants with a rural origin have fewer visits from natives and are less likely to intermarry. Furthermore, educational attainment, destination country language proficiency, religious identification and identification with the origin culture explain a substantial part of the rural origin effect. However, also when accounting for values and human capital, we find a significant direct effect of rural origin, suggesting that rural and urban immigrants build social relations differently.
This study examines the religion of immigrants who have moved from highly religious nations into a rather secular receiving context, the Netherlands. It is hypothesised that stronger social integration in Dutch society would diminish the religiosity of immigrants, as indicated by three religious variables: affiliation, attitudes, and attendance. In order to examine this idea, the study uses large-scale surveys of four immigrant groups (Turks, Moroccans, Surinamese and Dutch Antilleans) in the Netherlands in 1998 and 2002. The analysis shows that social integration indeed has the predicted negative effect on religiosity.
Depression and post-traumatic stress disorder are frequent diagnoses made of refugee clients by health professionals attempting to deal with patients having settlement difficulties. However, this focus on psychological diagnosis and intervention tends to ignore political, economic, cultural and racial aspects of the settlement experience which affect well-being. This paper reports the findings of two studies of ex-Yugoslav and Horn of Africa refugee settlement experiences in Perth, Western Australia, which demonstrate the links, in the perceptions of refugees at least, between well-being and two closely related factors: employment and 'culture shock'. It reports data from questionnaires, interviews and focus groups with over 200 people from refugee backgrounds*including Bosnians, Croatians, Ethiopians, Eritreans, Sudanese and Somalis*which indicate their perception that post-migration experiences are more important in undermining wellbeing than pre-migration physical and psychological trauma.
How does the migration-development nexus affect conceptualisations of migrant agency that influence current debates about international migration? This paper discusses how treating migration as an ‘enabler’ of development limits how we understand migrants' agency. Although the migration-development paradigm defines migrants as ‘agents of development’, studies using this framework understand agency primarily in economic and financial terms, via migrants' engagement with global remittance flows. We discuss how this approach overemphasises those forms of agency that are functional to calculative measures and large-scale bureaucratic governance while obscuring migrants' capacities to navigate, adapt to and transform host societies. We suggest an alternative approach to understanding the actual diversity of migrants' experiences and practices: drawing from an ethnographic study conducted in Malaysia, we show how temporary labour migrants are able to use various innovative strategies, political technologies and devices in order to adapt to and secure dignified lives in the cities they work and live in. We conclude the paper with an invitation for migration scholars to move beyond the scope of narrow developmental frameworks to produce a more nuanced understanding of contemporary migrants' agency.
Deportability, or a threat of deportation, can be viewed as a technique of discipline employed to make migrant workers efficient and compliant. Under the threat of deportation, migrants accept dangerous, dirty, degrading and difficult jobs for low pay. Deportability also prevents them from challenging their working and living conditions either individually or collectively. Most of the literature on deportability applies to unauthorised migrants. Yet, as illustrated in this article, migrants employed legally on temporary contracts are also disciplined through a threat of deportation. While for unauthorised migrants, it is the receiving state that is the most important actor (re)creating the regime of deportability, for legally employed migrants, other actors––such as employers, the sending states, recruiters and international organisations––assume a more important role in employing the threat of deportation as a disciplinary technique. In this article, we explore how power is reproduced in this disciplinary regime of deportability. We examine migrants' responses to the techniques of discipline that subjugate them. We argue that when migrants adopt calculative and reflexive practices to avoid deportation and secure their own employment, they often end up reproducing the disciplinary power of the deportation regime.
This article explores the experience of Albanian political asylum-seekers in the United States in the broader context of shifting asylum law and procedures. A brief survey of Albanian immigration to the United States is followed by an examination of the long road to residence status. Issues discussed range from motivation to practical considerations of routes to the United States and the process of applying for political asylum; also included is a brief overview of the changes in the system in light of the terrorist attacks of September 2001. The article concludes that the system for Albanians and others is overly litigious, occasionally flawed, often arbitrary and extremely expensive.
Focusing on two immigrant populations and their relationships with their native neighbours in Thessaloniki, Greece, this paper highlights that immigrant–native relations are not only cultural relations but also power configurations unfolding through a symbolic contestation over defining the nation and who belongs to it. In everyday interaction, immigrants' behaviour is judged by natives according to the degree of their compliance to the native norms. Immigrant categories are endowed with different resources in resisting the pressure exerted by the native society. Categories that have more resources in symbolic and substantial terms are less eager to comply, thus appearing more ‘different’ in the eyes of the natives.