"Of the 14.1 million resident aliens living in the European Union (EU), 4.9 million are nationals of EU Member States residing in other Member States.... These resident alien EU nationals present a problem for maintaining democratic inclusiveness while EU Member States undergo integration....I explore this paradox of political integration by focusing on intra-EU migration and the Maastricht Treaty's attempted solution of European citizenship."
The author examines the implications for the immigrant population of the European Community's plans for closer union in 1992. "After considering the positions that European institutions have taken regarding non-citizens' political rights in the EC, I trace the development of an active immigrant political role at the European level since the early 1970s."
"The purpose of this paper is to present empirical evidence on the national economic effects of international migratory flows involving member countries of the European Communities (EC). Although these countries as a group constituted an area of net immigration in the post war period, some member states have been important sources of emigration (Greece, Italy, Ireland) as have been the two applicant countries (Portugal, Spain)." The benefits and costs of this migration are examined for both sending and receiving countries, and some conclusions are drawn in the final section.
"Immigration is one of the more controversial areas in the history of European integration. Whilst northern European countries have been constructing elaborate compromises in the European Union (EU) Treaties and in the Schengen group, southern European countries have been trying to construct their own immigration policies. Little attention has been paid in the literature to the relationship between these two phenomena: it is suggested here that southern countries have found it expedient to fit in with EU and Schengen arrangements, even though these appear impossible to implement. This contradiction is seen as intrinsic to the overall relations of Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece to the EU."
The objective of this article is to account for the varying, and sometimes puzzling, outcomes of the past three Treaty revisions of EU/EC visa, asylum and immigration policy. The article focuses on decision rules and the institutional set-up of these policies, subjecting the results of the Intergovernmental Conference negotiations leading to the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice and the Constitutional Treaty to causal analysis. The article maintains that four factors can explain the various Treaty outcomes: (i) functional pressures; (ii) the role of supranational institutions; (iii) socialization, deliberation and learning processes; and (iv) countervailing forces. Copyright (c) 2008 The Author(s). Journal compilation (c) 2008 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
This article examines empirically whether Iraq and the fifth enlargement affected EU voting cohesion at the UN General Assembly 2000-05. It poses the question of whether the entrants' willingness to co-operate might have ameliorated the expected adverse effects of Iraq and an increase in the number of new members. Copyright (c) 2009 The Author(s). Journal compilation (c) 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
The article assesses the negotiations of the Treaty of Amsterdam (signed in 1997; entry into force in 1999) against the background of the European Union's evolving Community Method.
This article considers whether the most recent phase of European foreign policy-making, since the atrocity of 11 September, has exposed fatal flaws in the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), or whether it is too soon for dismissive judgements. It asks to what extent Member States have fallen back on their own resources, and to what extent there are signs of regrouping, so as to take the CFSP on to the next stage. It examines the main substantive challenges which have preoccupied Europe since 11 September, some of the key foreign policy issues which predated but then became complicated by it, and finally the more structural issues such as the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the Convention on constitutional reform, and enlargement. It concludes that the current crisis is not rendering European foreign policy redundant, and that there continues to be the will, if not always the capacity, to produce collective action. Copyright Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2004.
Rejecting the predominant view that 9/11 encouraged a 'securitization' of migration control, this article argues that political discourse and practice in Europe have remained surprisingly unaffected by the terrorism threat. This finding challenges the critical securities literature, implying the need for a more differentiated theory of the political system and organizational interests. Copyright (c) 2007 The Author(s); Journal compilation (c) 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
This article confirms the validity of the hypothesis that national interests were the driving force behind the process and outcome of negotiations for the EU's next financial perspective for 2007-13. The hypothesis is tested by comparing hypothetical coalitions based on quantified national interests (partial net budgetary balances) and the actual (documented) coalitions. Based on these results, the article also discusses implications of the 'net balances problem' for the 2008/09 EU budget review. Copyright (c) 2010 The Author(s). Journal compilation (c) 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
Finland's 'European policy' prior to the sudden disintegration of the Soviet Union was based on the search for an accommodation between the economic imperative of access, along with Norway and Sweden, to crucial Western export markets and the political imperative of preserving the credibility of its 'neutrality' and special relationship with the Kremlin. During the Cold War the political imperative was necessarily paramount. However, within three months of the demise of the USSR, Finland applied to join the EU and at a referendum on 16 October 1994 registered the highest pro-accession vote of the three Nordic applicants. The article is a portrait of that decision. It is argued that for many Finns - especially for a younger generation that was significantly more 'pro-European' than in Sweden and Nonvay - the 'membership dividend' was perceived principally in expressive terms. It would tie Finland to a bloc of West European democracies to which it had belonged by dint of its politico-economic system since independence in 1917. Copyright 1995 BPL.
Since 1957, a far-reaching transformation of politics within the Member States, commonly described as Europeanization, is said to have taken place. This article contributes to the literature on this phenomenon by focusing on the impact of integration on the democratic polity - that is, the constellation of institutions, procedures and rules of parliamentary democracy, and the political dynamics that flow from them. The empirical analysis is based on Arend Lijphart's path-breaking research on democracy. I discover that core features of the democratic polity across Europe have proved strikingly resilient in the face of the transformational effects of integration. An exception can be found among the newest democracies in the EU, which exhibit signs of modest convergence. Both of these findings are consistent with institutionalist theory. My conclusions suggest the presence of tangible limits to the reach of integration, and give cause for optimism about the continuing relevance of democratic institutions at the national level.
