JCMS Journal of Common Market Studies

Published by Wiley
Online ISSN: 1468-5965
Print ISSN: 0021-9886
Publications
"Of the 14.1 million resident aliens living in the European Union (EU), 4.9 million are nationals of EU Member States residing in other Member States.... These resident alien EU nationals present a problem for maintaining democratic inclusiveness while EU Member States undergo integration....I explore this paradox of political integration by focusing on intra-EU migration and the Maastricht Treaty's attempted solution of European citizenship."
 
The author examines the implications for the immigrant population of the European Community's plans for closer union in 1992. "After considering the positions that European institutions have taken regarding non-citizens' political rights in the EC, I trace the development of an active immigrant political role at the European level since the early 1970s."
 
"The purpose of this paper is to present empirical evidence on the national economic effects of international migratory flows involving member countries of the European Communities (EC). Although these countries as a group constituted an area of net immigration in the post war period, some member states have been important sources of emigration (Greece, Italy, Ireland) as have been the two applicant countries (Portugal, Spain)." The benefits and costs of this migration are examined for both sending and receiving countries, and some conclusions are drawn in the final section.
 
"Immigration is one of the more controversial areas in the history of European integration. Whilst northern European countries have been constructing elaborate compromises in the European Union (EU) Treaties and in the Schengen group, southern European countries have been trying to construct their own immigration policies. Little attention has been paid in the literature to the relationship between these two phenomena: it is suggested here that southern countries have found it expedient to fit in with EU and Schengen arrangements, even though these appear impossible to implement. This contradiction is seen as intrinsic to the overall relations of Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece to the EU."
 
The objective of this article is to account for the varying, and sometimes puzzling, outcomes of the past three Treaty revisions of EU/EC visa, asylum and immigration policy. The article focuses on decision rules and the institutional set-up of these policies, subjecting the results of the Intergovernmental Conference negotiations leading to the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice and the Constitutional Treaty to causal analysis. The article maintains that four factors can explain the various Treaty outcomes: (i) functional pressures; (ii) the role of supranational institutions; (iii) socialization, deliberation and learning processes; and (iv) countervailing forces. Copyright (c) 2008 The Author(s). Journal compilation (c) 2008 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
 
This article examines empirically whether Iraq and the fifth enlargement affected EU voting cohesion at the UN General Assembly 2000-05. It poses the question of whether the entrants' willingness to co-operate might have ameliorated the expected adverse effects of Iraq and an increase in the number of new members. Copyright (c) 2009 The Author(s). Journal compilation (c) 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
 
The article assesses the negotiations of the Treaty of Amsterdam (signed in 1997; entry into force in 1999) against the background of the European Union's evolving Community Method.
 
Rejecting the predominant view that 9/11 encouraged a 'securitization' of migration control, this article argues that political discourse and practice in Europe have remained surprisingly unaffected by the terrorism threat. This finding challenges the critical securities literature, implying the need for a more differentiated theory of the political system and organizational interests. Copyright (c) 2007 The Author(s); Journal compilation (c) 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
 
This article considers whether the most recent phase of European foreign policy-making, since the atrocity of 11 September, has exposed fatal flaws in the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), or whether it is too soon for dismissive judgements. It asks to what extent Member States have fallen back on their own resources, and to what extent there are signs of regrouping, so as to take the CFSP on to the next stage. It examines the main substantive challenges which have preoccupied Europe since 11 September, some of the key foreign policy issues which predated but then became complicated by it, and finally the more structural issues such as the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the Convention on constitutional reform, and enlargement. It concludes that the current crisis is not rendering European foreign policy redundant, and that there continues to be the will, if not always the capacity, to produce collective action. Copyright Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2004.
 
This article confirms the validity of the hypothesis that national interests were the driving force behind the process and outcome of negotiations for the EU's next financial perspective for 2007-13. The hypothesis is tested by comparing hypothetical coalitions based on quantified national interests (partial net budgetary balances) and the actual (documented) coalitions. Based on these results, the article also discusses implications of the 'net balances problem' for the 2008/09 EU budget review. Copyright (c) 2010 The Author(s). Journal compilation (c) 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
 
Finland's 'European policy' prior to the sudden disintegration of the Soviet Union was based on the search for an accommodation between the economic imperative of access, along with Norway and Sweden, to crucial Western export markets and the political imperative of preserving the credibility of its 'neutrality' and special relationship with the Kremlin. During the Cold War the political imperative was necessarily paramount. However, within three months of the demise of the USSR, Finland applied to join the EU and at a referendum on 16 October 1994 registered the highest pro-accession vote of the three Nordic applicants. The article is a portrait of that decision. It is argued that for many Finns - especially for a younger generation that was significantly more 'pro-European' than in Sweden and Nonvay - the 'membership dividend' was perceived principally in expressive terms. It would tie Finland to a bloc of West European democracies to which it had belonged by dint of its politico-economic system since independence in 1917. Copyright 1995 BPL.
 
Since 1957, a far-reaching transformation of politics within the Member States, commonly described as Europeanization, is said to have taken place. This article contributes to the literature on this phenomenon by focusing on the impact of integration on the democratic polity - that is, the constellation of institutions, procedures and rules of parliamentary democracy, and the political dynamics that flow from them. The empirical analysis is based on Arend Lijphart's path-breaking research on democracy. I discover that core features of the democratic polity across Europe have proved strikingly resilient in the face of the transformational effects of integration. An exception can be found among the newest democracies in the EU, which exhibit signs of modest convergence. Both of these findings are consistent with institutionalist theory. My conclusions suggest the presence of tangible limits to the reach of integration, and give cause for optimism about the continuing relevance of democratic institutions at the national level.
 
This article employs original data sets to map the development of EU studies since its inception and to assess that development within the broader context of trends in west European studies. Dissertation and article data are used to chart the contours of three eras of EC/EU studies that have unfolded since 1960. The article addresses the extent to which the transformation of EU studies from boutique to boom field since the 1990s has entailed diversification as well as expansion of the EU scholarly community - a geographic diffusion of expertise and training (accelerated on both sides of the Atlantic by substantial increases in funding for EU research), an increase in attention to EU issues by comparative politics specialists drawn to the study of'an ever closer union', a proliferation of new topical subfields, an increase in the number of journals publishing significant articles on the EU, and a reshaping of the relationship between American and European scholars specializing in EU studies. Copyright 2005 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
 
International Economic Relations of the Western World 1959–1971, edited by Andrew Shonfield. Volume I: ‘Politics and Trade’ by Andrew Shonfield, G. and V. Curzon, T. K. Warley and George Ray, 459 pp.; Volume II: ‘International Monetary Relations’ by Susan Strange, 416 p. London, New York, Toronto; Oxford University Press for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1976. Both volumes 11.50 each.
 
This is the fifth annual progress report relating to the study of multinational enterprises at the Harvard Business School. This report is designed to provide an up-to-date picture of the state of the project without reference to prior annual reports. The project is thought of as the opening phase of an extended effort to understand certain aspects of the operations of the multinational enterprise. The product associated with the project when completed will consist of fourteen doctoral theses; about fifty articles in various journals and publications; and seven books. Among these books is one that synthesizes and extends the work embodied in the other publications of the project. The synthesizing volume is scheduled for publication in September 1971. The various publications are intended to illuminate the problems of the multinational enterprise in the fields of finance, organization, and business-government relationships. At the same time, new light is being shed upon the role of multinational enterprises in international trade, capital movements, and technological transfers. The synthesizing volume also tries to relate the development of multinational enterprises to the structure of nation states, exploring where conflict may exist and adaptation may develop. Another major by-product of the multinational enterprise study, already in existence, is an historical file tracing the development of some 11,000 foreign subsidiaries of U.S. parent companies from 1900 to 1967. These subsidiaries account for about 80 per cent of U.S. foreign direct investment. The file, which is being used extensively for various aspects of the multinational enterprise study, is also being made available to other researchers, both at the Harvard Business School and at other institutions, within the limits imposed by confidentiality commitments.
 
The Norwegian electorate's rejection of European Union (EU) membership in November 1994 is seen here in the context of a struggle lasting 30 years or so within that country over its relations with the European integration process. The membership application by Norway to the EU is placed in the context of previous unfulfilled attempts to join the European Communities (EC), especially that terminated by a referendum in 1972. Relations with the EC since then are described, especially their culmination in the European Economic Area (EM) agreement. The negotiations with the EU are covered, as is the 1994 referendum campaign and its outcome. In the end, the 1994 vote, like that in 1972, reopened the old territorial and cultural cleavages in Norway. Copyright 1995 BPL.
 
Top-cited authors
Simon Hix
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science
Liesbet Hooghe
  • University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill & RSC EUI Florence
Andreas Follesdal
  • University of Oslo
Tanja A. Börzel
  • Freie Universität Berlin
Dermot Hodson
  • Birkbeck, University of London