Researchers consistently find that the experience of disability in childhood can influence future life trajectories, particularly with regard to economic and educational outcomes. However, relatively little research has been conducted to explore the effect of disability on other dimensions of the transition to adulthood: namely, its effect on family-formation outcomes. This study uses data from waves I and IV of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health in order to assess the effect of various types of disabilities on the likelihood and timing of entry into a first marriage. Both bivariate and multivariate models show that individuals who have a disabling condition have a lower chance of entry into a first marriage than do individuals who do not have a disability. However, further analysis reveals that not all types of disabilities have the same effect on the chances of marriage-individuals with learning disabilities and those with multiple disabilities are at a significantly lower hazard of entry into a first marriage than are their peers without disabilities.
This is the author's final draft of the paper published as International Journal of Sociology, 2008, 38 (2), pp. 54-62. Copyright M.E. Sharpe. The final version is available from http://mesharpe.metapress.com/app/home/contribution.asp?referrer=parent&backto=issue,5,7;journal,7,24;linkingpublicationresults,1:110910,1. Doi: 10.2753/IJS0020-7659380204 The Italian antiracist movement is a composite political entity that has expressed the views, concerns, and political protests of various institutionalized and noninstitutionalized constituencies. In recent years, this movement has mainly taken a defensive stand because in the mind of many Italians "race" is associated with migration, which, in turn, is associated with crime, ethnic rivalry, and illegality. The movement has focused on affirming the primacy of human rights and individual responsibility in the face of a political system that has often yielded to negative stereotypes in order to exploit emerging political opportunities for the populist right. In addition, the movement has been active in particular policy fields where racial discrimination is more likely to occur, such as housing policy, education, sports, health policy, and practices in the job market. This article reviews the role and impact of the main actors of the antiracist movement in terms of its structure and composition, its campaigns, and its activities. It argues that facing hostile public opinion, and interpreting the grievances of socially and politically weak groups of recently arrived migrants, it has learned to rely on the generalist associational resources of the leftist and Catholic conscience constituencies. It has formed a broad and articulated antiexclusionary advocacy coalition.
This article considers how youth and antiracist mobilizations in the United Kingdom following the change in government from Conservative to Labour in 1997 ushered in a new legislative framework concerning equal opportunities and antidiscrimination. It discusses how young antiracists have responded to changing circumstances, by highlighting the part that they have played in recentering antiracism from a peripheral concern to its current position of received wisdom against a backdrop of shifting political and cultural terrain in post 2000 Britain.
Describes current challenges to the traditional view of sociologists that black families are characterized by pathologies of illegitimacy, matriarchy, family disorganization and low male aspiration. Discusses emerging positive approaches, including a broad relativistic reinterpretation of Afro-Americans. (SF)
This study examines the impact of armed conflict on male and female adult cardiovascular disease mortality. This is an indirect health consequence of war that has not been given enough attention in social science research. The depletion of resources, access to health care, and general disruption to everyday life during times of armed conflict create excess stress and burdens, which increase deaths caused by cardiovascular disease. I use a variety of data to measure demographic, developmental, and conflict-related outcomes. I find that all types of armed conflict increase the cardiovascular disease mortality rates among both females and males across countries and over time. Master of Science;
Wildlife is a critical component of protected areas worldwide. It can serve not only as a primary attraction or an enjoyable part of the visitor experience but also as a source of conflict. Managing wildlife in this context requires a broadbased approach that can account for the myriad factors underlying conservation effectiveness, including the nature of people's relationships with wildlife. These relationships stem from the cognitive foundation that shapes human behavior toward wildlife. Our theory of wildlife value orientations contends that, at an individual level, broad cultural ideals or value orientations form the basis for more specific cognitions that in turn drive individual action. We extend this cognitive hierarchy framework to account for the role of societal forces that give rise to cultural values and their orientations over time. Using empirical data from two cases, we surview this micro-macro approach and explore its implications for protected-area management. First, data from a nineteen-state study conducted in 2004 via mail survey in the United States show how two contrasting orientations—domination and mutualism—produce different attitudes and behaviors toward wildlife. Hierarchical linear modeling of these data supports a societal-level shift from domination to mutualism in response to modernization. Second, a 2007-8 exploratory application of our approach in ten European countries provides further evidence of the role of value orientations in shaping individual response to wildlife issues. Together, these studies highlight the importance of multilevel models for exploring the social aspects of wildlife and protected-area management.
This article provide an in-depth examination into how the existence of "informal" work practices, in a particular location, namely, the higher education system in Ukraine impacts the everyday lives of a specific population group, namely, students. The article provides a comprehensive overview of corruption in post-Soviet education systems, suggesting some historical and contemporary reasons for its current scale. In particular, the article focuses on students' experiences of corruption, first, exploring the difficulties that many individuals face when trying to gain access to the higher education system, and second, outlining students' experiences while progressing through the course. The article's concluding section examines the wider outcome of these processes on Ukrainian society as a whole as well as the impacts on individual students.
Little research has been done on the transition fromunemployment to self-employment as influenced by "bridging allowances"(BA) and on the effects of BA on business survival and growth.Because ofincreased levels of unemployment among German workers, the German governmenteased restrictions on bridging allowances that provide subsidies for unemployedworkers to start their own businesses. This article attempts to fill in some of the research gaps, analyzingempirical data from the German Socioeconomic Panel (GSOEP) and from individualGerman firms.Following the literature review, the theoretical aspects ofthe way BA takes effect and the transition to self-employment arediscussed.Institutional arrangements of BA, as well as individualdeterminants, are explored in terms of their influence on the move fromunemployment to self-employment. To analyze the data, an econometric methodology was applied.Resultsindicate that new business formation by the unemployed has no effect on growthof subsidized firms. Therefore, such allowances during the transition haveneither positive nor negative effects on job creation in new firms.Littleempirical evidence exists to support the idea that BA will promote a decline inGerman unemployment rates.Factors that contributed to the overallfindings are discussed, and areas for future research are suggested.(AKP)
During the Soviet period. the structure of wages in all of the Soviet republics was compressed. A central question for the transition in Estonia is whether wage differentials will begin to reflect real differences in human capital and sectorial shifts in production. Thus, wage determinants in Estonia are examined during the early stages of its transition toward a market economy. In addition, wage determinants are tested to determine if there are any differences between the state and nons tate sectors as well as whether wages are higher in the nonstate sector even after controlling for selection bias.
The findings are that while being male positively affects wages in both sectors, being Russian positively affects wages only in the private sector. Higher education has a greater positive impact on wages in the nons tate sector. There is a positive return for working in the nons tate sector, and it actually increases—from 20 to 28 percent—when controlling for selection.
This paper develops a new concept called virus-combat social capital and presents relevant findings from a survey of 3009 Chinese WeChat networkers. Virus-combat social capital is defined by the intensity and extensity of social connectedness under conditions of physical isolation during the COVID-19 pandemic. The survey shows that as compared to their counterparts, Chinese people with higher virus-combat social capital consistently do better in both behavioral responses and measures of quality of life.
This study examines whether and how the lockdown due to the Covid-19 epidemic affected the division of household activities between partners in a sample of dual-earner heterosexual couples in Italy. Although women have been more and more present on the labor market, inequality in household activities remains high, with Italian women doing 86,4% of house chores and childcare tasks. Past research sought an explanation without reaching consensus, notwithstanding the effort to disentangle three main factors: availability of time, availability of resources, or gender roles. The Covid-19 crisis, which forced many couples to stay at home for at least one month and a half, allows assessing the weight of these different factors in the division of household activities. We conducted an online survey, which one partner per couple has been asked to answer (N = 934 cases, 613 of which are workers of the University of Milan). Our results show that the division of household and care activities remains highly gendered for the more unpleasant tasks, while some others, such as cooking, are less gender sensitive. Women have still a greater burden of house chores and childcare, no matter whether they had their income or suffered some loss, and no matter whether they or their partner worked at home or the workplace. Therefore, we conclude that the lockdown provoked by Covid-19 has shown that gender, intended as a social construction, is still a determinant that explains the inequality in household activities. This result is even more important because the Covid-19 related restrictions might in the future impact women’s careers, already hindered by many factors in the Italian labor market, by assigning them an overload of domestic tasks, especially childcare tasks, such as homeschooling, which will partly continue in the coming months.
This study examines nonresident parents' contact with their children in Hungary during the COVID-19 pandemic. We conducted 22 semi-structured interviews with 14 nonresidential fathers, 3 resident mothers and 5 parents who have shared custody arrangements in order to reveal whether this unique situation had any effects on their contact patterns and whether online contact became more widespread during the pandemic. Our results showed that considerable changes occurred in the personal contact between nonresidents parents and their children due to the direct and indirect effects of the pandemic, such as changes in working conditions and online education. Online communication became a substitute in cases where personal contact was suspended.
The COVID-19 global pandemic has forced governments to adopt strategies to limit the spread of the virus in the first half of 2020. Under comprehensive lockdown and quarantine measures, social life and interpersonal contacts have changed drastically. We explore the extent to which people have adjusted their daily contacts in Taiwan, where the spread of the coronavirus has been minimal and only some potential virus carriers were ordered to quarantine at home. To compare contact patterns across time and between groups, we used longitudinal online surveys and 30-day web-based contact diaries to collect data from a quarantined and a never-quarantined group of people between late March and early May in 2020. Based on individual survey data (N = 298) and diary records (N = 42,102), we first assess the extent and mode of contacts among all participants against a representative sample of Taiwan that was part of the 2017 module of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP), filtering for age and education to make the groups compatible. Then we evaluate how the daily contacts of the quarantined group (N = 140) differed between shortly before quarantine and during quarantine, and between during quarantine and after quarantine. We also compare between the quarantined group, using only after quarantine data, and the never-quarantined group (N = 158). Preliminary findings indicate some major differences and shed new light on how a contact-based approach to social network studies may help pinpoint precise changes in social interactions under complex circumstances during a pandemic.
This article reports two analyses of changes in social mobility in Hungary during the period from the 1930s through the 1980s. The first analysis is based on retrospective life-history data from merged files from the 1973 and 1983 Hungarian social mobility surveys. It reveals the ways in which Hungarian intergenerational social mobility changed across single years of time and birth cohorts. The patterns of change reflect the effects of historical changes in social policy far more clearly than cross-sectional data aggregated over cohorts. The second analysis, based on career histories in the 1983 survey, reports changes in mobility into the Hungarian elite, showing that persons of privileged class backgrounds suffered diminished opportunities during the 1950s but, to some extent, regained positions thereafter.
This article summarizes the main findings reported in this issue of IJS. The patterns of relative magnitudes of class divisions differed between objective measures of social distances among classes and measures of class differences in attitudes toward egalitarianism. However, the patterns of divisions were quite similar across various dimensions of objective social distances; and they were similar across socialist countries. In general, substantial socialist–capitalist differences in objective class distances were not apparent, but socialist–capitalist differences in attitudes toward egalitarianism were striking.
Studies on gender and migration have focused on how and why men and women migrate. While women often migrate for family reunification, they increasingly do so for their own work and economic opportunities. Studies on women’s migration flows are rare; those that exist neglect increasingly prominent migration dynamics within Global South. Addressing this gap, we map understudied women’s migration flows within Asian sub-regions from 1960–2000. Building on qualitative studies, we consider what these quantitative flows suggest about women’s migration, and their involvement in reproductive labor–care, domestic, and entertainment work, and marriage migration–in the context of bilateral migration policies. We find high volume flows, even if not feminized, are directed primarily from countries in South and Southeast Asia to countries in West Asia, East Asia, and Southeast Asia. We find strong evidence that within Asia, transnational migration has become increasingly feminized and diversified since the 1960s. Variations in women’s migration flows, among countries and over time, suggest a growing demand for women migrants. Mapping these regional flows provides a more comprehensive understanding of women’s migration within the Global South. Our findings reaffirm, complicate, and deepen accounts about labor exportation and migration policies that support a transnational reproductive labor economy.
Valid estimates of the number of international forced migrants are needed to develop better humanitarian planning, an accurate historical record, and the development of early warning models. Building on earlier work of the authors, this article addresses the’problems of constructing valid cross-national annual time-series estimates of refugees and internal displacement by systematically comparing the official estimates of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and the U.S. Committee for Refugees. Despite a less than 15 percent exact number match between these two sources, we show that by using range estimates and externally confirmed substitute values plus filling in missing years in annual series of standing refugee populations, a relatively valid set of annual time-series estimates can be constructed. We also provide an introduction to the Global Forced Migration data set, which is available for secondary analysis.
Protest and rebellion are often assumed to be qualitatively distinct strategies of civil contention with the former prevailing in developed democracies and the latter in socially polarized, dependent less developed countries. Confirmatory factor analysis of civil contention in a global cross-national sample of countries finds significant overlap between protest and rebellion. Regression shows that protest and rebellion also share common origins in terms of political opportunities created by elite divisions, repression, and democratization and military dependence in semiperipheral countries. Large decentralized states and foreign investment spur protest while weak “anocratic” regimes spur rebellion. We find no evidence that collective grievances stemming from economic stagnation and social polarization contribute to civil contention.