Despite the strict regulations that prohibited the representation of 'all forms of sexual perversion [. . .] including homosexuality' (Article 3, Norms of Censorship 1963), a number of Spanish films of the 1960s managed to include gay characters, thus developing pioneering portrayals of homosexual men, unusual even in other industries of the time. This article studies the little-known representation of the homosexual as a sad man in Spanish film narratives. After revealing the presence of these characters in a number of popular films, it focuses on Luis Delgado's Diferente (1962). It argues that these representations, which have been exceptional in Spanish queer culture, deserve to be included within a longer western narrative tradition of homosexuality as a blameworthy tragedy. In order to do so, I refer to Richard Dyer's work on the construction of the stereotype of the homosexual as a sad man.
What is usually regarded as the reactionary, pro-regime popular cinema of the 1960s and early 1970s has done well recently on Spanish public television. Ratings and nostalgia levels have been high for a series of old Francoist commercial films which sought to wrestle with Spain's problematic adaptation to consumer capitalism and modern attitudes towards sex and sexual identities. In general, however, academic criticism has tended to avoid or ignore this kind of material, preferring to focus instead on the more serious, socially-engaged cinema of the nuevo cine espaol. In this paper, I wish to reconsider the field of Spain's commercial cinema of the period and within it the sleazy comedia ertica or comedia sexy ibrica, before offering a short case study of No desears al vecino del quinto. The latter will deal briefly with narrative structure and closure as well as the comic interplay between gay and straight identities.
Out of a desire to prompt a reconsideration of Spanish nationalism and regionalism in the post-Francoist period, this article seeks to use the example of Madrid to expose the inadequacies of the widely accepted centre-periphery model that is often used to explain geographical identity formation in the period after 1975. Contrary to this model, which posits regional identities forming in response to a strong national centre, an examination of Madrid finds no evidence of a unified national identity, or Spanishness, articulated in the capital during this period. At the same time, there is evidence to suggest that the local and regional administrations of Madrid articulated their own regionalist project between 1979 and 1986, which implies a more global process that escapes the constraints of the centre-periphery model of identity formation and points to the creation of a multiple, or postmodern, democratic identity after the dictatorship.
With the Spanish general election approaching, this article considers the political lessons for social democratic parties to be drawn from the PSOE's experience in government and argues that its strategy has been based on contrasting approaches in the economic and non-economic policy areas. Continuity has characterised the PSOE's economic policy orientation, as it has broadly maintained the policy inherited from the previous PP government. In contrast, the PSOE has put in place a number of innovative reforms in areas beyond the economic policy arena, particularly with respect to policy on civil and gender rights. This combination has allowed the government under Rodrguez Zapatero to prioritise macroeconomic stability whilst at the same time distinguishing itself from previous PSOE and PP governments via a package of reforms which, it argues, has formed the basis of a distinctive national social democratic agenda founded on economic efficiency, social justice and individual freedoms.
Over recent years Spain has acquired a reputation for water management (Garrido and Llamas 2007); it is therefore not surprising that Zaragoza should have won the bid to host Expo 2008, with the theme Agua y desarrollo sostenible. After exploring Zaragoza's credentials as host for such an event, and in particular one with the theme of water and sustainable development, this article reviews other landmark events hosted in Spain, and the attractions and potential advantages to be derived from holding such events. It focuses on Zaragoza's strategic geographical position, and the city's role as a catalyst for economic development in Aragn and beyond, before asking to what extent Zaragoza achieved the desired aims of urban renewal and the raising of environmental awareness. It highlights some of the controversy surrounding the exhibition and invites readers to contribute to the Open Forum, particularly on the economic and environmental aspects.
This article studies two competing discourses of one of the most emblematic events of recent Spanish history: the failed 23 February 1981 coup d'etat. It maintains that through the recourse to the metaphors of therapy and rite of passage, the dominant discourse (disseminated by an ample majority of the Spanish press) interpreted the coup and its consequences as a moment of redemption in which Spain had left behind its Francoist past. This interpretation will be contrasted with the conceptualisation of the coup offered by the divergent discourse (as disseminated by Avui), for which the coup partially triumphed in its political consequences and therefore constituted not a moment of redemption of Spanish democracy but rather a moment in which the fledgling Spanish democracy was derailed.
This article begins by examining in general terms the remaking of European films by Hollywood and considers the reasons for the growth in this cultural phenomenon. It goes onto argue that analysis of this process has much to tell us about intertextuality: how texts are read and transformed. Focusing on Vanilla Sky (US 2002), the Hollywood remake by Cameron Crowe of Alejandro Amenbar's film, Abre los ojos (Spain 1997), it explores the similarities and differences between the two films. In addition, it also considers the extent to which a filmic remake like Vanilla Sky might be read as a self-conscious reflection on the processes which are at the very heart of intertextuality as we understand it.
Despite its obvious interest and potential for concern, empirical research on the cheating phenomenon among university students has almost exclusively been carried out in the United States, usually covering only a few universities in a given region. Little is known about cheating in European universities, let alone the Iberian Peninsula. In this article we aim to contribute towards filling this gap by presenting evidence of this illicit behaviour in Portugal and Spain. Based on a survey of undergraduate students on Economics and Management courses, we conclude that there is a pervasive culture of cheating in these two countries, reaching relatively high levels in universities. Using econometric techniques, which control for a wide set of variables likely to influence a student's propensity to cheat, we found that Spanish students are relatively more prone to breaching the academic code of conduct than their Portuguese counterparts, and that the implementation of Honour Codes by universities constitute a promising approach in curbing cheating in academia.
The following article sets out to examine the activities, achievements and shortcomings of the two leading green actors in the Andalusian political field, Ecologistas en Accin Andaluca (EA-A) and Los Verdes de Andaluca (LVA). Its main aim is to explore and compare the position, strategies and efficacy of both groups at a regional level; a secondary aim is to use this regional case study to explore the achievements and shortcomings of Spanish ecologistas at a national level. The decision to carry out a regional case study has made it feasible to provide a level of detail which would have been quite impossible if aiming to compare green parties and movements at national level: the study demonstrates that both actors (EA-A and LVA ) have contributed to the greening of Andaluca, showing how relatively small groups can influence policy outcomes.
The 1997 inauguration of the Guggenheim Museum Bilbao heralded the definitive reconversion of Bilbao's depressed, post-industrial landscape into a European cultural center and tourist hotspot. In the midst of Bilbao's civic beautification project, director Daniel Calparsoro released his first feature film, Leap into the Void (Salto al vaco), shot in the city's most impoverished community. The film's raw, gritty camera-work, coloured filters, and careful manipulation of waste and wreckage in the cinematic image render its story of urban decay tragically beautiful. Likewise, Frank Gehry's design for the Guggenheim Museum Bilbao now hailed as a marvel of postmodern architecture won the museum commission's approval precisely because it integrated and re-created the city's industrial ruins in a more gratifying spectacle of assymetrical metallic curves. This aesthetic of industrial ruins promoted by Bilbao's civic committee sheds light on the meaning and context of Leap into the Void. Conversely, a careful review of the film will come to question the ideological implications of Gehry's chic repackaging of the past.
The phenomenon of immigration into Portugal, particularly from ex-colonial possessions in Africa, is examined in relation to the migrant's differential insertions in both the formal and informal labour markets. The article focuses upon the differences within, and between, the Cape Verdean, Guinea-Bissauan, and Mozambican communities. Investigation shows that, in general, Lusophone-African immigrants occupy the lower echelons of the occupational pyramid working mainly in the manual labouring sectors of the host economy. However, growing numbers have now established niche roles in more skilled and professional arenas, and this has allowed some members of particular national groupings to become more upwardly mobile. As a result, the formal/informal (or dual) nature of the Portuguese immigrant labour market is shown to be an important feature of the national economy, and one that is unlikely to change given the escalation of legal foreign residence and the inherent difficulties of accessing reliable data on illegal immigration.
This article analyses the relationship between Spanish business and the state in the context of aid-for-trade. It argues that decision-making in this area is dominated by a cohesive network of actors drawn from the state, business and peak business organizations. Due to its power and influence, the aid-for-trade policy network has ensured since the 1970s that a significant proportion of Spanish aid has been allocated on the basis of commercial rather than development criteria. This has been achieved in the face of criticism from both domestic and international sources. Although forced to cede ground on some issues, the high level of cohesion that characterizes the aid-for-trade policy network has enabled it to successfully resist challenges to its role at the heart of Spanish aid initiatives.
This article explores the relationship between language and identity in the context of post-war European migration as it relates to a group of Spaniards who settled permanently in Hampshire and Dorset between 1950 and 1974. Using oral history testimonies and data extracted from Spanish migrant periodicals published in the United Kingdom during the 1970s and early 1980s, the article focuses on the tension between the maintenance of the Spanish mother tongue and the acquisition of English, the majority language of the host country, arguing that a considerable language shift towards English has taken place, which may only now begin to be reversed given the increasing popularity that the Spanish language and Hispanic cultures are currently enjoying in Anglo-speaking cultural contexts.
This article analyses the socio-political phenomenon of the recovery of historical memory in Spain. The way that the transition to democracy developed included what is now called the Spanish model of impunity, the main consequence of which is that the victims of the Francoist repression
received neither due recognition nor moral, juridical or economic reparations. The article studies the elements that have intervened in this process during the last five years: the normalization of the history of the Spanish Civil War and Francoist repression; the birth and consolidation of
the associative movement for Memory; and the adoption of institutional measures to compensate the victims. Lastly, from a historiographical perspective, the text raises the issue of the increasing political and media manipulation of the Memory phenomenon.
The Museum of the History of Catalonia (MHC), opened in 1996, houses a permanent exhibition that takes the visitor through the story of Catalonia from pre-history to 1980, as well as temporary exhibitions. It was conceived as a political project with a clear nation-building function, devised by the ruling centre-right Catalanist coalition Convergncia i Uni as a way of teaching Catalans a different version of their history from the one that had come to them from the Spanish state, especially under the Franco regime. The article analyses the structure and content of the Museum's permanent exhibition, as well as some of the debates that have surrounded it, in the light of work by Tony Bennett and others on the evolution of the role of museums in state- and nation-building since the nineteenth century. The analysis shows how the nationalist ideology of CiU shaped the design and functions of the MHC in the period up to 2003.
Spanish couples have found new ways of organising their productive and reproductive lives within the domestic sphere. The increasing role of women in the labour market provides the basis for these new domestic structures, yet few social policies have been advanced to create greater compatibility between the worlds of work and home. Mothers of the new generation have to think of strategies to reconcile their labour and family life, with the employment of domestic service emerging as one of the most significant alternatives in recent years. On the other hand, immigration has suffered many changes, the most important being its increase and its feminisation. This is the result of the transformations experienced by the countries of origin of the migrants, including free-movers from the European Union, as well as the consequence of the creation of a new demand for workers in the receiver countries. Female employers and domestic employees meet each other in one home that of the working Spanish mother now characterised by ethnic or cultural diversity and the permanent negotiation of individual, familial and group identities. The article analyses the discourse of working mothers who employ domestic service to care for their children, as well as the discourse of female migrant/immigrant domestic workers from Eastern Europe, North Africa and Latin America.
Mass migration is having a dramatic effect on established minority groups in territories/regions/countries within larger pluri-nation states, especially where linguistic normalization policies are protecting national minority languages. Catalonia is one such case. With language recognized as the symbol of many of Spain's historical and current identity crises (Mar-Molinero 1996), the recent mass migration of Spanish-speaking Latin American immigrants to Catalonia adds a new postcolonial twist to an already complex language-national identity dynamic. A spectrum of national identification that has been historically dominated by essentialist and dual Catalan/Spanish national identities is now opening up to new national identities: entrenched essentialist Latin American identities, appropriated identities and multiple/hybrid identities associated with third space (Bhabha 1994). This article presents data from a four-year ethnographic study of the languages and identities of Latinos in Barcelona. The data both confirm and problematize a range of theoretical perspectives on language, migration and national identity formation.
This article discusses the situation in Spain, the region of Catalonia and, more specifically, the Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB), which has been leading the way in introducing the changes proposed by the Bologna Process. This process has involved changing various aspects of teaching and learning practices and implementing the European Credit Transfer System (ECTS). The new practices are now being extended to other universities all over Spain. This process has been very controversial with demonstrations by students at UAB and other Spanish universities. This article considers student experiences of the Bologna Process.
Hacia 1922 la líder anarquista Federica Montseny comenóz a publicar novelas breves románticas en varios periódicos anarquistas. Fueron casi cincuenta escritos en los que dejó plasmada la misión social de todo escritor anarquista: diagnosticar los males de la sociedad, denunciar dicha realidad que no suele ser muy justa para la clase trabajadora y, por último, promover soluciones a largo plazo mediante una pedagogía social o una especie de propedéutica capaz de enseñar a la clase proletaria cōmo defenderse física y moralmente de los ataques de la clase burguesa, para así lograr una sociedad mās justa en todas las esferas de la vida. El propōsito de este trabajo serā analizar cōmo Montseny gestionō esa misiōn social en el caso concreto de las mujeres a través de estos temas: enaltecimiento de la maternidad consciente, defensa de la libertad (sexual) e independencia de las mujeres, separaciōn sexo/amor, control de la natalidad, incorporaciōn de la mujer al mundo laboral, denuncia de la doble moral hombre/mujer en torno a la virginidad, etcétera. También veremos que aparecen dos grandes estereotipos o arquetipos humanos en dichas novelas - que obedecen a lo que se ha llamado sexualidad de clase, ambos enfrentados en la lucha de clases de dos mundos antagōnicos: el del burgués (libertino, desocupado, despia-dado) y el de la mujer proletaria (dōbil, indefensa, sana y sobre todo, pobre pero honrada).
Gibraltar, with its strategic position as a gateway to the Mediterranean, was also a centre for Axis espionage and sabotage during the Second World War. Although Franco proclaimed Spain's neutrality during the war, British intelligence revealed numerous examples of Spanish cooperation with both the Germans and Italians to carry out espionage activities and acts of sabotage against British interests in Gibraltar. This intelligence provided the basis for ongoing British diplomatic protests to the Spanish authorities, who denied Spanish involvement and gave token promises of remedial action. While British intelligence may not have eliminated belligerent activity, it clearly proved that Franco had not honoured his word: Spain was not neutral during the Second World War.
This article aims to examine those images of Spain and Spaniards which were dominant in Great Britain during the Spanish Civil War, 193639. Its basic conclusion is that these images corresponded to two large sets of stereotypes bequeathed by history (the Black Legend of the sixteenth century and Romantic Myth of the nineteenth century) and were used as appropriate by both supporters of the Republic and of Franco in their respective propaganda battles.
The role of immigration on the crafting of Catalan national identity has, in general terms, been underestimated. Despite the arrival of as many as three million immigrants into Catalan society during the course of the twentieth century, this phenomenon and its contribution to the reinforcement and survival of Catalan cultural uniqueness has not been recognized. This article argues that without immigration, Catalonia would potentially have suffered economic decadence, cultural irrelevance and political non-existence. The author seeks to construct a theoretical model of analysis of the immigrant's status dilution and the benefits of transforming immigration in a `place of memory' for the Catalan national identity.
This is the text of the speech given by the president of the Generalitat de Catalunya as a keynote lecture. After outlining the features of the current economic crisis and the palliative action taken by the Catalan government, as part of the idea of effecting a change in the growth model, the speech tackles issue of identities in multiethnic and multicultural societies, the relations between the Catalan and Castilian languages, immigration into Catalonia and Catalonia's contribution to the world.
This article analyses gender relations during the first two decades of the Francoist regime in Spain through the portrayal and treatment of sexual assault by film-makers and censors. Based on the study of 200 films produced during the 1940s and 1950s, this article aims to discover the frequency, mode and utility with which sexual assaults are addressed in Francoist cinema, with a particular emphasis on the way in which these crimes affected the fictional female victims. This study aims to understand how these issues were addressed in a medium as popular and as seemingly innocent as cinema and to also have a better understanding of the conceptualization of women during this period in Spain.
When discussing memory in Spain, historians are really addressing their appraisal of the successive political regimes in the country since 1931. This is how we see the Second Republic (19311939), Civil War (19361939), Franco's dictatorship (19391975) and the constitutional monarchy (since 1977). According to some historians, the source of our, supposedly, feeble democracy and historical amnesia could be traced to the defeat of the Republic in 1939 which put Spain in a different path in respect to anti-Fascist Europe. Following their argument, the Left that resurfaced with democracy in 1977 and particularly the Socialist Party was not at the same level of anti-Fascism and Republicanism that the one defeated in the war. Cowed, it agreed to its structural, permanent submission to the conditions for the restoration of democracy imposed by the heirs of Francoism. Among those conditions missed was forgetting and making society forget (Pacto de Olvido), the repression carried out by the dictatorship and forgiving the criminals. On the other side, those who defend that there was no pact to forget, tends to have fewer problems with the quality of present day democracy and the polices of compensation of victims implemented by the Socialist Party when in power between 1982 and 1996. But what do ordinary Spaniards think of all this memory War? And why? This article not only discusses these issues it also proposes venues to use the tragedy of the Civil War to promote historical knowledge among the general population. Finally, it argues that the experiences of the past and the democratic values of Contemporary Spain could be used to promote tolerance and understanding in other countries.
The revisionism of the last decade with regard to the Spanish Civil War is closely related to the emergence of extensive research on Francoist violence and a huge social mobilisation around the recovery of historical memory. The aim of the revisionists is to counteract the effects of this mobilisation, whose purpose is the construction of an alternative memory of the Civil War as well as the social recognition of and dignity for Franco's victims. The phenomenon of revisionism is handicapping the already complex relationship between history and memory, because it has favoured the emergence of another or new collective memory impregnated with Francoist nostalgia, which at the same time is making it easier to use the past as a weapon to stir up present political tensions using stereotypical and simplistic discourse. To understand the traumatic past, historians need to be aware of the limits of these collective memories since they tend to obscure the complexities of the past.
Se pretende argumentar que el vuelco electoral del 14 de marzo de 2004 fue consecuencia de dos tendencias convergentes. Por una parte, el segundo mandato de José María Aznar (2000-2004), durante el cual el PP gozó de mayoría absoluta en el Parlamento, estuvo marcado por una sucesión de enfrentamientos con la opinión pública que fueron haciendo crecer el malestar entre los ciudadanos y caer la valoración del gobierno. Por otra parte, en ese mismo período se había ido consolidando la credibilidad del PSOE como alternativa electoral, tras el drástico cambio de su dirección como consecuencia del desastre electoral sufrido por el partido en las elecciones generales de 2000. En ese doble contexto, el impacto de los atentados del 11 de marzo fue incrementar la participación, invirtiendo la desmovilización del electorado de centro-izquierda que se había producido en aquellas elecciones, y actualizar los agravios frente al gobierno que se habían acumulado en años anteriores.
Since the 1980s, there has been a steady recovery of the Jacobean pilgrimage involving thousands of people travelling on foot along the routes followed by medieval pilgrims who made the journey to Santiago de Compostela. The aim of this article is to explore the global and local variables that intervene in this revival, as well as the range of social groups and actors that provide the institutional framework for the ritual practices of the pilgrims. This article analyses the secular transformation of the Jacobean pilgrimage paying particular attention to the extension of the Pilgrim's Way to Cape Finisterre, where the transformation reaches its maximum expression and pilgrims ritualise the achievement of their goal in the contemplation of the sun setting over the Atlantic Ocean at Land's End.
Este trabajo aborda, desde la perspectiva del anlisis cualitativo de contenido, el reality televisivo espaol Curso del 63, cuya primera temporada fue emitida en el otoo de 2009, por el canal privado Antena 3 en horario de mxima audiencia. El estudio propone una aproximacin a sus modalidades discursivas sobre el pasado, en oposicin a otros formatos tradicionales de representacin histrica en la pequea pantalla, como las series de ficcin o los telefilmes. Para ello, relaciona dicho programa con diferentes extensiones sobre la evocacin de lo colectivo en televisin (la memoria cosmopolita y nacional), y subraya los rasgos distintivos que puede mantener el espacio ante otras ofertas equiparables, espaolas o europeas. Finalmente, discute el grado de historicidad de este producto.
This paper examines the magnitude and consequences of children's placements in institutions and disappearances during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco. The article analyses the nature of these disappearances, arguing that their origins were to be found in the regeneration of the Spanish race as defined by Antonio Vallejo Ngera. The article explores the different strategies implemented by the Francoist state and the Falange in order to ensure the annihilation of dissidence in the immediate postwar period, and to consolidate the dominance of the State the victors by segregating, institutionalising and re-educating the children of the vanquished of the Spanish Civil War.
This article discusses the access of women to Portuguese newspapers against the background of a more general debate over the role of the media in the (re)production of gender inequalities in western societies. On one hand, we stress the qualitative and quantitative developments of women's participation as journalists in newspapers, by comparing the results of previous investigation in the Portuguese context with the statistics of our own research and with the statistics provided by the last Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) and by The International Federation of Journalists. In addition, we show how gender inequalities are manifested and (re)produced in and by newspaper texts and images, by combining Critical Discourse Analysis and visual social semiotics and by comparing our results with the ones provided by the GMMP. We analyse relevant structural written and visual categories and their implications in terms of gender ideologies and inequalities in one daily edition of Portuguese quality newspapers.
Historically throughout Spain, the gitano (Gypsy) culture has been met with racism, discrimination and persecution. In recent years, however, there have been increasing efforts to integrate gitanos into mainstream Spanish society. However, little attention has been paid to the progress in La Corua in Galicia. While gitano numbers do not match those in other parts of Spain, in La Corua over the last 30 years, increasingly the gypsy population has been associated with illicit drug markets, crime and damaging drug use. In the face of protest from the local non-gypsy community, the local council has adopted coercive measures to relocate the gitanos throughout different areas of the city centre in an effort to integrate them into mainstream Spanish society. However, there is still clear division between the local community and the gitanos, and the level to which they are integrated in the local non-gypsy community is not clear. This article explores these issues in detail and offers some preliminary findings from ethnographic research that is being undertaken in La Corua.
This article deals with an aspect of the neglect that the work experiences of and films made by women have been subject to in Spanish historiography on cinema. It focuses on Josefina Molina's neglect despite the fact that one of her works could be considered a key text of the Transition. This analysis provides a partial critique of canon-making, an exercise that should be questioned and never taken for granted.
This article examines the tension between two competing interpretations of the transition to democracy in the Spanish State. It will investigate the strategies used by the `official' discourse, as expressed in El País, aiming to achieve a closure with the past along the lines of an epic, and thus to legitimize the present status quo. It will also look into the `divergent' interpretation of the Catalan daily Avui for which there are two different transitions to democracy: the one already completed by Catalonia even before the death of Franco and the other carried out by the rest of Spain, which has not been completed as yet. Through its use of a `reality' discourse Avui aims at (1) downplaying the `mythical' passage to democracy of the official discourse; and (2) reinforcing the Catalan `historical memory' which demands a recognition of the role of Catalans in the process of democratization in Spain and their long-standing democratic credentials which other Spaniards are constructed as still lacking.
This article analyses three Spanish films made during the 1990's by three male filmmakers: Ay, Carmela (1990) by Carlos Saura, Land and Freedom, (1995) by Ken Loach and Libertarias, (1996) by Vicente Aranda. The three films are set during the Spanish Civil War and are concerned with the rewriting of recent Spanish history. The article focuses on the representation of female characters in these films. The three films echo the rapidly changing roles of women in Republican Spain in 193738 and they attempt to portray female characters as subjects and not objects. Nonetheless, this article argues that not all three films succeed in depicting women as discourse-mastering subjects: while Loach only uses the female characters as an instrument to document Spanish history, Aranda further places gender issues at the heart of his film. However, it is Saura who actually manages to represent a strong and independent female character as a subject with a discourse of her own.
This article presents a critical perspective on Galician ethnographic museums as a mechanism for the representation of cultural identities. It argues that the legislation pertaining to ethnographic museums can be seen, in part, as constituting a definition of identities. It also discusses the models of and for the creation of museums known as ethnographic, the official recognition of this type of museum in Galicia, and the corresponding construction of a hegemonic image of Galician identities. Finally, the article considers the process of producing and consuming ideas about Galician self-identity in ethnographic museums.
Despite some recent studies addressing the Europeanization of political parties, we know very little about the relationship between national political parties and transnational party federations. By contrast, the framework for analysis developed in this article considers the active role of national parties in transnational politics and the specific nature of transnational party federations. This model is then applied to the Partido Popular and the European People's Party, of which the first has been a member since 1991. It shows that, between the foundation of the Partido Popular in 1989 and 2004, when it lost power at the national level, there have been mutual patterns of Europeanization but concrete indications of Europeanization in partygovernment relations are lacking. It is therefore still far from constituting a Europeanized party.
Both the best narratives as well as the most competent literary historiography have gone down the path of complexity to understand the past on the basis of the present. The inevitable result is not only a multiplication of nuances but also the development of a basic conviction: that the detailed knowledge of the careers and biographies of many novelists, poets, journalists or essayists is still insufficient given the proliferation of private materials (letters, diaries). A reading of these works in this new light makes historical revisionism a necessary means for the democratic cleansing of contemporary society. Simplification or sectarianism, even in the treatment of exile, is the trade mark of left-wing and right-wing revisionism, obstinately misinformed but very popular. Combating it with a job well done is yet another debt owed by academic historiography.
Although Spain's much-debated and long-awaited national water plan, the Plan Hidrolgico Nacional (PHN), was finally approved by the Cortes on 20 June 2001, it is clear that the Partido Popular's (PP) battle is far from won: the plan's critics continue to work unremittingly to try to prevent some of the controversial aspects of the PHN from being implemented and their unremitting efforts may succeed in derailing the Spanish government's flagship scheme.
In less than a decade, immigration has forced itself to the top of the political agenda in Spain. It now vies with Basque terrorism and unemployment as the issue that most concerns the Spanish public. Formerly a labour exporter, Spain is now a receiver society targeted by migrants from North and sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Asia and Eastern Europe. Immigration presents multi-faceted problems and challenges, encompassing changing identities and cultural diversity, demography and population change, racism and discrimination, foreign policy, human rights, and labour market integration among others. This article focuses on the tensions generated by the restriction and exclusion policies that have dominated the government's immigration management on the one hand, and the needs of the economy and employers on the other.
This article argues that the way in which women are portrayed in Portuguese fado-singing can be shown to bear a significant relation to some important aspects of twentieth-century Portuguese cultural and political history. These include the reports that the Virgin Mary appeared before three children near the village of Fátima in Portugal and the ensuing development of a great Catholic pilgrimage centre at that location. Also to be considered is the establishment of the Estado Novo, the `New State', the regime that, mainly under the leadership of Salazar, would govern Portugal for over forty years, during which time there were good Church-State relations. Fado became a regime-encouraged entertainment and was elevated to Portugal's national song. This article seeks to explain a particular image of woman that occurs in fado lyrics, in the context of the devotion to Our Lady of Fátima and theEstado Novo's general policy.
Taking the work Citizenship, Nationality and Ethnicity by the sociologist T. K. Oommen as a base text, the article considers various definitions of nation and nationhood, plus the distinction between nation and state, in an attempt to redefine the status of Gibraltar and thereby enable the discussions between Britain and Spain over the future of the territory to move forward. The main body of the article consists of an analysis of the results of a survey of Gibraltarians to see how they perceive their own identity. On the basis of this analysis, and taking Oommen's fundamental definition involving territory and language that a nation is a community in communication in its homeland', the conclusion is reached that it is possible to define Gibraltar as a nation. It is argued that if such a status does nothing more, it should at least give Gibraltarians the right to determine their own destiny.
The chaos and disruption of warfare makes exceedingly heavy demands on those responsible for organizing hospital care for the wounded. A most unlikely context in which to find a nurse worthy to be regarded as following in the tradition of Florence Nightingale is General Franco's victorious Nationalist army in the Spanish Civil War. The name of Mercedes Mil Nolla is unknown outside Spain and no longer well-known in her own country, but her contributions to hospital design, administration and nurse training were considerable, particularly considering the perils which she personally had to overcome in the turmoil of that dreadful conflict. Unlike Florence Nightingale, she has left nothing in the way of written work, but her life was almost as extraordinary, and lived in equally extraordinary times. Possibly a little severe in character, she nevertheless professed an admirably humane attitude to military medical care.
Lucia Graves discusses the process of writing A Woman Unknown, her memoir about the years she lived in Spain from 1946 to the 1990s and the social changes she witnessed during that time. In this article she discusses the structure of her book, the link between memory and emotion, and how she selected her memories to fit into the various themes covered, or vice versa. She writes about her use of poetry and song to give support to her recollections, the need for research for accuracy, and how various real-life characters are used as prototypes to represent different types of Spanish women, illustrating events that have taken place over the years. The article also touches on the subjects of bicultural upbringing, identity and translation, on her own personal attachment to Spain - and Catalonia - and her view of Spain both as an `outsider' and an `insider'.
This article's aim is to analyse the transformations in political Catalanism that took place during the Franco dictatorship (193975). The two pre-Civil War forces of Catalanism, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya and the Lliga Regionalista, lost their hegemony during the course of the dictatorship. At the regime's end, new forces emerged in Catalonia and, in the terrain of nationalism, Convergncia i Uni became representative of the changes in Catalan political culture that occurred under Franco. By looking closely at the Catalan nationalist opposition to Franco, we will see how this transformation came about.
The main focus of the article is on understanding the role of the state as a key agent of crisis management within the context of an unfolding global financial crisis. This goes against contentions of the diminishing role of the state and the emergence of a political space that could be described as post-national. Drawing on examples from Spain, the article analyses the challenges of crisis management within the context of a high level of regional autonomy and the presence of highly charged arguments for and against decentralization. The article also argues that these debates are embedded into concrete institutional, political and economic processes that in the case of Spain are associated with the highly complex relationships between different levels of government. Building on a distinction between necessary and contingent aspects of crisis management, the article argues that one of the specificities of the Spanish case is the consolidation of a diverse set of ideas associated with the centre-right as one of the unintended consequences of the unfolding crisis and the process of its management by the Spanish state.
The context for much of the study of Spanish cinema has been the auteurist tradition which saw film almost as a natural annex of authorial literary studies. The eccentricities of its personalities from Buuel to Almodvar have combined with an insistence on Spanish cinema's idiosyncrasies to fix difference and marginality as its trademarks. Younger directors - among them Juanma Bajo Ulloa - have ventured further into genres hitherto untouched by Spanish film, in many cases making increasingly commercial films, the reception of which is none the less still informed by the critical lens of auteurism. After briefly reviewing the debates surrounding auteurism and film genres, this article investigates the recent trend towards more genre-based films in Spain, through a textual analysis of Juanma Bajo Ulloa's three films.
This article examines the impact of European integration on Basque politics by analysing the causes, development and implications of a dispute between European Union (EU) and Basque authorities over the permissible scope of Basque taxation prerogatives. It examines three dimensions of the EU's impact on Basque politics: the impact of European integration on Basque legal-constitutional powers; its impact on new opportunities for Basque authorities to form influential strategic alliances with EU authorities; and the effect of the EU on territorial relations within Spain. It concludes by arguing that, in this episode, European integration has not been kind to the Basque Country. The EU's market competition imperative provided a justification for the emasculation of historically and politically significant Basque taxation competencies and there were more obstacles than opportunities for forming influential strategic alliances with EU authorities. Indeed, the main lesson drawn from the case is that despite significant political tensions there are much stronger foundations for strategic cooperation between Basque and Spanish authorities.
One of the most impressive, lasting and least known features of the International Brigades was the contribution of their medical services. Impressive, because not all health professionals take their Hippocratic oath seriously, and the doctors and nurses of the International Brigades not only made the same gestures of courage and solidarity as the other volunteers but also left behind them professional careers that were unforgiving of long absences. Lasting, because the contributions of the various Spanish and foreign doctors, from the Catalans Josep Trueta and Moisès Broggi, the famous Canadian Norman Bethune, the New Zealander Douglas Jolly and the Englishmen Len Crome and Reggie Saxton, were of a colossal importance in the later development of traumatalogical medicine in both war and peacetime. Unknown, for the obvious reason that the tireless abnegation, behind the lines, of ambulance drivers, nurses and doctors have attracted far less attention from journalists, writers and historians than the struggle of front-line combatants. In recent times, there has been a growth of interest in this aspect of the history of the International Brigades, and what follows – a study of two doctors whose work in Spain had a later impact during the Second World War – aims to make a small contribution to that history. Although of widely differing origins, Crome from Russia, Saxton from imperial Britain, they were both typical of volunteers within the Brigades medical services. Their similarities were even more typical – their selfless dedication to the struggle against fascism and their later service in the Second World War. Like other doctors in the Spanish Civil War, Broggi, Trueta, Bethune, Jolly, both made medical advances that would be of considerable use thereafter. This could have been the story of other doctors who were equally courageous, idealistic and professional in their service with the International Brigades. Nonetheless, these two men were both exemplary and representative of so many others. Their stories go some way to giving some notion of the dedication and sacrifice that characterized the men and women of the International Brigades medical services.
This article examines the relationship between the form of fiscal decentralization in Spain and the rise in tensions between the Spanish and Catalan governments during the financial crisis, in particular from mid-2010 to mid-2013. As a profound budgetary crisis unfolded at regional government level in Spain, long-standing disputes over the regional financing system and its methods of redistribution among the seventeen autonomous communities escalated. Most notably, Catalonia, one of the most indebted regions, attributed its financial woes in part to over-redistribution. This is not a straightforward connection, but the lack of clarity regarding both the workings of the regional financing system and the causes of the regions’ varying levels of fiscal (in)compliance reduced accountability and fuelled disputes among central and regional governments, giving both sides scope to offer different interpretations. The smoke and mirrors regarding regional finances combined with the nature of intergovernmental dynamics in Spain contribute to explaining the persistent inability to resolve regional fiscal problems and agree a long-lasting reform of the regional financing system.