India Quarterly A Journal of International Affairs

This article investigates how a Pakistan–terrorism nexus originated and then became solidified and embedded into Indian security perspectives. From the First Kashmir War in 1947–1948 to the 26 November 2008 Mumbai attacks, it has been the repeated behaviour of Pakistan towards India, and the nature of their major national and sub-national conflicts, which has led to this nexus. Central to its formation has been the repeated military strategy of initial infiltrations by irregular troops followed by the use of conventional troops—an approach employed by Pakistan in 1947, 1965 and 1999. Pakistan’s concurrent support of various insurgencies and terrorism against India has compounded this association, and entrenched the contemporary Pakistan–terrorism nexus within India’s (foreign and domestic) security perspectives. Given its persistent resonance within both Pakistani strategic behaviour and Indian elite mindsets, the article finds that the Pakistan–terrorism nexus will remain as a durable and critical lynchpin within South Asian security dynamics.

GALAL EL-RASHIDI: The Arabs and the World of the Seventies. Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1977, xii, 142p. Rs. 35.

The success of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia made Lenin and his successors not only the rulers of the Soviet Union but also mentors of the international communist movement. Inevitably, the question of communist attitude to nationalist movements in the colonial world, and in the post-world War II period, to the new nationalist regimes of the ex-colonial states had to be decided by the Soviet leaders from time to time. This policy naturally changed over the years. The article seeks to analyse the relative influence of ideology and Soviet State interests on the policies enunciated over the years.

Ahmed, Ishtiaq, The Punjab Bloodied, Partitioned and Cleansed: Unravelling the 1947 Tragedy through Secret British Reports and First-person Accounts (New Delhi: Rupa & Co., 2011/Oxford University Press, 2012). Pp. 759/592. Price `995/PKR 2100.

This article focuses on the pre-history of the Non-Aligned Movement and of the friendship between Pandit Nehru and Tito from Yugoslavia. It explores the various levels of contacts between Indians and Yugoslavs in the second half of the 1940s, among communists, diplomats, United Nations delegation members and participants of a Yugoslav trade delegation to South Asia. Special attention is given to the question of why Yugoslavia was a rather uninteresting or even hostile country to India in the years immediately after the end of World War II, but grew to be an attractive partner in the aftermath of Tito's break with Stalin, when the country tried to survive between the Anglo–American and Soviet blocs.

This article addresses the evolution of Iran's oil revenues during the last three decades. Iran's oil revenues increased substantially due to 1974 oil shocks. So much so, the oil revenues became the main source of government export revenues for the investigated decades. However, there are a number of factors which have affected Iran's oil revenues such as world supply and demand, oil price fluctuations, country's production capacities, Iran-Iraq war, U.S-led sanctions and domestic consumption. The mentioned factors contributed to the performance of Iran's oil sector in GDP in post-revolution era.

Since the beginnings of development assistance to Third World countries during the post-World War II period, there have been some philosophical changes in the theory and practice of development aid programmes. Western development aid (i.e., of the United States and West European countries), can be classified into two main conceptual types. These include economic growth as development objective and economic growth with an increased quality of life as development objective. The first two decades of development assistance 1950–1970 focused on economic growth objectives with increased production. The period, 1970–1980 concentrated on redistributive measures to improve the quality of life of the rural poor, the provision of basic needs, creation of employment opportunities, and the implementation of policy measures to reduce relative inequality and absolute poverty. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the changes in the theory and practice of Western aid programmes in Third World countries from 1945–1979. We will look into the underlying international causes that contributed to these changes. We will also review the evolution of aid to Third World countries for the last thirty years by examing the economic, political and social background for the changes in development assistance from urban to rural development programmes and from an emphasis in increasing production to that of redistribution with growth. These problems are discussed in the hight of their relevance for policy-onented rescoorch in Third World Comtnes.

WEST ASIA: JOEL S. MIGDAL, (Ed.): Palestinian Society and Politics.

This article discusses the performance of the economy during the 1990s. Iran had to deal with restoring and sustaining economic growth; bringing about an increase in per capita income in spite of rapid population growth; expanding employment opportunities and promoting price stability. In the long-run, there was a need to change the nature of the economy and diversify away from heavy reliance on oil. In response to these challenges, the government launched an economic liberalisation programme. However, this article argues that the economic liberalisation plan could not overcome the internal and external imbalances that the economy was afflicted with. During the 1990s, inflation intensified and government foreign debt rose to high levels; and the main features of the Iranian economy such as oil and import dependency remained more or less unaffected. Thus, the measures adopted by the government were only able to partially correct the effects of macro imbalances.

Tharoor, Shashi, Pax Indica: India and the World of the 21st Century (New Delhi: Penguin Books India, 2012). Pp. 456, Price ₹799.

This article argues that American involvement, that is, intervention, in the Third World is predicated upon a distinctly discernible pattern and policy. The two recent cases of U.S. intervention – in Panama in December 1989 and in the Persian-Gulf in January 1991 – illustrate my point. In each instance, the U.S. invasion was justified as a moral and patriotic mission in defense of freedom, justice, and national interests against villainous enemies, whereas actually, on both occasions, the superior American firepower helped the U.S. military-industrial interests take firmer hold on the targeted territories. These episodes repeat the earlier ones since World War II in confirming the fact that American political messianism supported by the American military harked back to the Western imperialism of the nineteenth century.

The impact of globalisation on services is increasingly receiving the attention of researchers and policy-makers alike, as services have emerged as the single largest contributor to economic growth and employment. The present examines the processes of globalisation and their impact on the service sector, in particular on the IT-enabled services. Over the past decade or so, low-wage countries such as India have developed vibrant, export-oriented software and IT service industries, which admittedly have both positive and negative implications. On the positive side, globalisation tends to force down the price of services in high cost areas, increase output and improve service quality. On the negative side, there is dislocation from increased competition as uncompetitive firms lose market-share and their employees are laid-off. India is the most prominent off-shore location in the TT sector. Depending on the statistical source one is using, its share of global off-shore outsourcing business is estimated at 70 to 90 per cent. Its service portfolio focuses on a range of activities - application development, taking over the entire IT infrastructure or individual business support services (Business Process Outsourcing - BPO), and call centre services. As India's major trading partner, North America accounts for the lion's share - two thirds - of the subcontinent's software and IT-based services exports. Software and service export firms in India are growing at 20 to 25 per cent per year according to the best statistics available; and each of the three leading Indian software firms (InfoSys, TCS, and Wipro) already employs over 40,000 people. India has made substantial inroads in applications development, where it has captured 16.4 per cent of the world market. India's recent boom in outsourcing of IT services has further facilitated declining costs of international communication and transportation, which points to the wide range of economic opportunities existing in the service businesses. By 2008, the global market for IT-enabled services alone will exceed US $1,000 billion, and India's export of IT services will exceed $50 billion which is double the country's total export of goods and services in 2000.

The analysis of the Indian economy, since the structural reform to dismantle the mixed economic planning and to establish market economy, is presented here with clear analysis regarding growth of the macro economy, the real economy and the social impacts in terms of employment. The picture was quite dismal until the short-term portfolio investments from abroad was introduced about 4 years ago.The recent upsurge of growth is this the result of these short-term foreign investments which has created a bubble, which is about to burst

In the post-World War II period “national security” has become the most important concept commanding respect among policy-makers and demanding crippling-silence on the part of the national community. It is not necessary here to examine the reasons ¹ , for this commandeering position given to the concept of national security, but in an objective sense, foreign affairs of any nation in the ultimate analysis is conducted to secure national security. In this sense national security essentially denotes a nation's determination to preserve at any cost some of its interests. Foremost are : territorial integrity, political independence and fundamental governmental institutions. ² In the contemporary world it is also a well established fact that the military, diplomatic and economic aspects of a nation's foreign affairs are inseperably interlinked with one another. While foreign policy aims at serving national interest through peaceful diplomatic means, military policy aims at preparedness to protect national interest in case foreign policy fails. The foreign policy of a nation has also to take into consideration economic states involved in a particular policy consideration. This is particularly true for a super power like the United States. Hence, in a sense, it is appropriate to term the combination of foreign and military policies of a nation as national security policy. Who makes national security policy in the United States? What are the special features of national security policy-making process? It is proposed to answer these questions in this paper with special reference to the Reagan Administration.

In the era of regional international relations and more interdependence, organisations like the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) can play a meaningful role in international level as well as regional in years to come. The recent summit of the BRICS reiterates that more cooperation is needed at various levels. In Delhi declaration, it is called for a more representative international financial architecture, with an increase in the voice and representation of developing countries and the establishment and improvement of a just international monetary system that can serve the interests of all countries and support the development of emerging and developing economies. Moreover, these economies having experienced broad-based growth are now significant contributors to global recovery. This is true. One must acknowledge the fact that the roles of the BRICS countries are composed of various political systems, various subcontinent, but in the changed context, all these countries are coming under the purview of the ‘developing countries’ in broader terms. That makes the BRICS beyond the regional boundaries to set a benchmark in the regional cooperation. China’s permanent status in the United Nations makes the BRICS more strategically oriented and pragmatic aspects of foreign policy engagement in the twenty-first century. The political leadership and vision is equally important with economic engagement. The four major theories of the international relations (IR) are striking in this respect which includes liberalism, realism, constructivism and Marxism. Theoretical framework relevant to regionalism in focusing on IR theories is also analysed in this article. The main argument of the article is that there is no prescribed regional model and BRICS has to tune to the member countries’ regional and political frameworks to engage with. Therefore, the framework of analysis is more or less critical about the Western engagement and it is region focused.

Public policy research organisations or think tanks have played a critical role in the policymaking process and have served as catalyst of ideas, innovations and actions. They fill a void between the academic world, on the one hand, and the realm of government on the other. The ones that emerged in the first decades of the twentieth century were committed to bringing scientific expertise to bear on public policy issues. The advancement of knowledge for the purpose of improving governmental decision making was their main priority. However, new partisan think tanks have become more committed to influencing policy than to improving it. In fact, the intense competition between think tanks for influence in the marketplace of ideas had led some scholars to treat policy research institutions as another type of interest group committed to influencing public policy. Similarly, to provide greater expertise to decision makers, interest groups develop more resources to conducting research. While think tanks have many features in common with interest groups, they are different from each others. Accordingly, this article tries to outline a number of criteria to define characteristics of policy research institutes.

Soviet intervention in Afghanistan clearly indicates the strategic implications of its location. The political instability in the region (rise of fundamentalism in Iran, Iran-Iraq War and so on) has added to this significance. Be that as it may, Afghanistan's situation can be expressed in terms of its susceptibility to external pressures and intense factionalism within the land-locked state's dynamic populations. This latter aspect had divided the country several times over. Afghan foreign policy, therefore, has been viewed in this perspective. The present article reviews the stated facts to highlight the geographical significance of the location and its impact on the foreign policy. Introduction of the armed forces in national politics (this formed an important element in the country's politics right from the beginning) has been the most conspicuous development; it determined the who's and what's of the government. Traditional pressure groups, despite retaining some of their old hold on the society, had given way to radical groups or factions, armed forces and insurgent elements. These penetrated various strata of the Afghan society. Since 1963, when political liberalisation and participation was introduced, disruptive tendencies gradually impinged on the state's activities. Generally, this was evident between 1963–73 and was particularly so after the 1973 coup, when the Monarchy was replaced by a republican regime under Daud. Both, the Armed Forces and the Communist Party were involved but were sidelined once power was secured. This change did not bring the expected transformations in the patterns of administration. The change was only in name and power was still concentrated with Daud who began to implement his own policies that emerged between 1953–63. The period of his first stint in power coincided wiih an aggravation of problems, political and economic, caused by a closure of transit facilities. However, this pause was fully exploited by the radical parties who gradually brought the dominant elements of the Armed Forces under their influence, so that, they were able to deliver a coup d'etat under the leadership of Tarakki in April 1978. The new regime was not able to maintain effective control over the political situation that for the next twenty months brought internal political instability to its height and compelled the Soviet Union to move (this was perhaps to protect its vulnerable southern underbelly). The period from April 1978 onwards, saw active non-cooperation, large scale desertions from the Armed Forces and a deterioration of the economy. In addition, open opposition by the religious groups and insurgent elements presented a political picture that has been so vividly illustrated by Afghan political history. Intense factionalism and infighting within the regime saw Amin replacing the moderate Tarakki in September 1979. This led to a worsening of the political situation with the state at war with itself. This compelled the Soviet Union to move into Afghanistan. In a short but bloody war, Amin was disposed and a government under Karmal was established with Soviet support ¹ . These developments then, clearly suggest the need to review the background of the patterns and problems of the foreign policy of Afghanistan as determined and identified by its locational characteristics.

The principle of the elimination of racism and racial discrimination, of which apartheid is an institutionalised form, has become one of the cornerstones of the international community's concerns. As the community's watchdog, the United Nations has accorded, a high priority to this principle. Article 56 of the United Nations Charter stipulates thatbn ‘all members pledge themselves to take joint action in cooperation with the Organisation for the achievement of the purposes set forth in Article 55’, which includes ‘universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.’ Equally, the concern of the international community has been evident in the progressive evolution of the General Assembly's recommendations, resolutions and decisions, of the relevant international instruments, of its policy of sanctions, albeit by no means satisfactory, and the prominence this principle receives in various UN organs and activities, in particular the programmes undertaken under the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination.

Two diametrically opposite views hare been advanced on the subject of sanctions against South Africa. One supports sanctions on the ground that, 1. sanctions will facilitate the end of apartheid and 2. timely imposition of sanctions can avoid an all-out racial blood-bath in Southern Africa. India's Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi has been the foremost advocate of this argument. In his address at the Harare Summit of the Non-aligned Movement, 2–6 September 1986, he reiterated that‘sanctions could yet bring a relatively peaceful transition to racial equality and majority rule. Else, unprecedented violence would mow down a multitude of the finest flowers of South Africa.‘1 Opposing this view others argue that, 1. sanctions are immoral; 2. they will hurt South Africa's blacks more than the whites and 3. that at any rate sanctions are impracticable. The champ ionof this “no-sanction-business” is Britain's Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, who observed towards the close of the Commonwealth Meeting that sanctions would only harm the blacks and frontline states and so she would not like to be accused of causing‘greater hardship to the people of South Africa.’2 Mrs Thatcher also warned that imposition of sanctions would hurt the British economy as well as render some 250,000 British workers jobless. In addition to giving a new angle to the sanction debate, she obviously picked up this theme to impress the British voters.

A group of Indian parliamentarians, cutting across party lines, organised on 24–25 July 1986 a two-day national seminar on “Parliamentarians Action for Removal of Apartheid.” The seminar constituted yet another milestone in underscoring India's unflinching commitment to stand firmly united with the African countries in their fight against the pernicious system of apartheid and the removal of the remaining remnants of colonialism that still persist in parts of Southern Africa. It is because of India's principled stand and considerable sacrifice in this respect, and the unwavering appreciation of that standby the African leadership, that ever since their independence India and African countries have forged the most cordial and constructive political ties. Apart from sharing common ideals of the Non-aligned Movement, they have often expressed common concern on crucial world issues such as peace moves and nuclear disarmament, security and development issues, “South-South” cooperation and the establishment of the New International Economic Order. But, despite close political understanding, their economic relations have yet to develop sufficient depth to register a sustained forward thrust to record a lasting impact on the global production structure. India's trade with African states, for instance, has shown an uneven pattern for the last two decades and a half, and depicted a falling trend in recent years.

South Africa in the post-1994 era has experienced phenomenal growth in foreign tourism. The Tourism White Paper (1996) had noted that South Africa missed its tourism opportunity because of the country’s troubled past. The rapid economic growth experienced by the BRICS countries has changed the face of international tourism. The tourism destinations have moved from developed to developing countries. In this context, the article highlights that South Africa enjoys 2.6 per cent of the lucrative Indian outbound tourism market. This market share has the potential to be increased. India has been added to South African Tourism’s (SAT’s) Core Markets List. A longitudinal analysis from foreign arrivals indicates two things, one, that India remains the top Asian foreign arrivals country, represented by 71,587 arrivals in 2010, and two, that India remains resilient to hold to its number one spot in Asian foreign arrivals to South Africa. South Africa must gear itself up to encourage the trend.

With 54 independent nations that constitute more than a quarter of the membership of the UN, Africa collectively will have more political clout and gradually emerge as an important voice on important global issues. India’s historical ties with Africa are old but the future realities demand a re-orientation of India’s policy towards the continent. Africa is strategically and geopolitically important for India. East African seaboard, from the Horn of Africa to South Africa, falls within India’s maritime strategic neighbourhood. Therefore, there is geo-strategic compulsion for collaboration between India and Africa to maintain the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace to promote trade and enhance mutual security concerns. The growing insecurity in the Indian Ocean region only underlines this aspect. Besides, Africa would increasingly become an important source for oil and minerals and other raw materials for the growing needs of the rapidly expanding Indian economy. At the same time, developing African economies could become important markets for India’s capital and consumer goods. Also, the presence of a large Indian diaspora in Africa adds a special dimension to India–Africa relationship. It is important therefore to revisit India’s foreign policy priorities towards Africa which this article attempts.

Socialism has collapsed. The ideology is in utter chaos in eastern Europe. The Soviet Union is in none too happy condition either. Sharp edges of the ideological conflict between the two global systems have been blunted. Disarray was a gradual process which culminated in the events of 1989 in East Europe. Many have argued that there is no room any more for socialist thrust as the system had failed to deliver the goods. The bipolarisation of the world appears to be gradually fading. Meanwhile the market forces demonstrated their world wide application. President Gorbachev's thought process embodied in the concepts like ‘glasnost’ and ‘perestroika’ unleased a revolutionary wave whose ripples reached far and wide. The declining Socialist surge had in turn led to increasing boost to the ideals like political pluralism. The pertinent point is whether the euphoria generated in the west by the sudden and unexpected turn of events in the eastern block of countries is really suggestive of the collapse of socialist thought and all that went with it. However, this writer believes that all is not over; what has happened is that only a particular variant of socialism has lost its luster. May be socialism in its extreme form has run amuck. It was the failure of its rapid ideological phase, its totalitarian and bureaucratic bungling. At initial stages of Socialism in Russia and China and Eastern Europe it was a triumphant march. It eliminated feudalism, created more equal society and a basic industrial structure next only to United States. But it encountered situations that Marx and Lenin did not forsee. Any ideology that moves away from its central moorings can be counter-productive.

In 2002 at the inaugural Summit of the African Union (AU) held in Durban, South Africa, the African Heads of State and Government committed themselves to adhere to international standards on democracy, good governance (political, economic and corporate), peace, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. They also agreed to hold each other accountable through African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The present paper examines whether the APRM constitutes a viable peer review mechanism; and, if not, how it can be strengthened?

Indian settlements in Africa are a well-known fact. Studies have been made about their presence and problems. Similarly, there are some African settlements in India. Their presence was first noted by T.H. Esquire as far back as 1926.1 However, so far their presence was noted as a novelty or only in Census Reports. Recently some studies about their social and economic activity have been published. There are some African settlements in Gujarat as Gujarat has had a long tradition of trade with the eastern coast of Africa. The total population of these Africans in Gujarat is nearly five thousand; 3000 of them stay in Saurashtra.2 In the Junagadh District of Saurashtra a small hamlet Jambur, ensconced on the fringe of the Gir Forest between the rivers Saraswati and Karkari, is inhabited entirely (population 500) by Africans.3 Other than this the Africans are settled in mixed areas of Broach, Kutch and Ahmedabad district in Gujarat.

Chauhan, Anil, Aftermath of a Nuclear Attack: A Case Study of Post-strike Operations (New Delhi: Pentagon Press, 2010). Pp. ix + 203, Price INR 545.

Myanmar, earlier known as Burma, is on the cusp of a transition—a process that has to pass through formidable challenges and whose outcome is still quite uncertain. Five decades of military misrule have turned Myanmar that at one time used to be the richest into the poorest in South-east Asia and in a state of decline with an abysmal record in political, economic and social spheres. To recover from that decline, the country will need good governance, political reconciliation between the government and the opposition, between various ethnic groups and the government and the removal of long years of neglect of their aspirations and empowerment, between those opposition groups that remained within the country and the exiled groups, and finally, the goodwill and support of the international community. Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s democratic leader, has joined the political process and has become the leader of the opposition in the army-dominated parliament. She also faces formidable challenges, as she has to reconcile the wide expectations of people who still consider her as a political activist fighting for the cause and the imperatives of being a constructive politician who has no other option other than pragmatic reconciliation. Relations with China are one issue that will also impinge on future of democracy in the country.

When analysed in terms of the exacting norms of international-relations theories such as neo-realism, constructivism and liberalism, India's foreign policy over the past six decades comes across as contradictory and incoherent. These infelicities, internal inconsistencies and sparks of idealism give Indian policy, as a whole, an appearance of a mystical otherness, as distinguished from the hard-nosed realism currently in favour. This article questions this impression of Indian exceptionalism. It attempts to understand its inner logic in terms of an analytical tool box, which combines the key explanatory factors of the leading schools of international politics and adds some further assumptions specific to the Indian context and culture. The article draws on the insights of this hybrid model to examine the evolution of India's foreign policy from Independence to the present day, starting with the foundational years under the stewardship of Jawaharlal Nehru and his successors, the ambivalent relationship with the United States leading to the current nuclear deal. On the basis of the insights gleaned from this retrospective, the article makes a case for a fresh evaluation of the original concept of non-alignment in the light of the state of contemporary international politics, and visualize it as a suitable norm for the orderly conduct of politics in the world we live in.

An important factor of international economic relations today is that the developed market economy countries produce much more food than they need for their own consumption while the developing nations have to import food-grains at heavy cost from the former to feed their growing population. The cereal imports of all developing countries in 1978/79—1979/80 amounted to 86.2 million tonnes. Of this only 9.2 million tonnes was received in food aid from the developed countries; ¹ the rest had to be paid for. Food imports thus imposed a big strain on the external payments account of the developing countries. That, however, is not the only or even the major problem in the distribution of world food supplies between the developed North and the poor South. Because of their poverty, the average daily energy in-take per person in the latter group of countries in 1974–76 was 2180 Kcal compared to 3315 Kcal in the former. Out of the total population of 2259 million (excluding China) in developing countries, 435 million or over 19 per cent were undernourished. ² At the root of the low levels of food consumption and undernourishment in these countries, lay the poor performance of agriculture. As against 5.4 tonnes per hectare in the developed countries, the average yield of paddy in the developing countries in 1974–76 was 1.9 tonnes and that of wheat 1.9 and 1.3 tonnes respectively. ³ The close association between under development, backward agriculture and under-nourishment of a large section of the population needs to be noted.

Have words lost all their meaning and have men's minds lost all anchorage? For this surely is the way to madness, and the great men who control our destinies are dangerous self-centred lunatics, who are so full of their conceit and pride of power that they will rather rain death and destruction all over the world than give up their petty opinions and think and act aright.1

The paper primarily focuses the procedures of poverty alleviation in rural India. It has been discussed under two heads such as direct and indirect measures. Indirect measures mostly focus the achievement of economic growth and thus, alleviate rural poverty indirectly. The factors that have been discussed under this measure are agricultural growth, rural non-farm sector, rural infrastructure, governance, women empowerment, population growth and Public Distribution System (PDS). Direct measure, on the contrary, focuses sectoral and direct employment programmes that highlight the alleviation of rural poverty directly. These direct measures are discussed here in the form of self-employment, wage-employment and infrastructural development programmes. It finally concludes that there is need of strong governance along with participation of private sector, panchayats, Non Government Organisations (NGOs), Self-Help Groups (SHGs) and Community Based Organisations (CBOs) to implement the above measures effectively for alleviating rural poverty in the Indian economy.

Jawaharlal Nehru's keen sense of history and his intense nationalism played a key role in the evolution of his world-view which pioneered to give new direction to international politics in the post-Indian independence period. This world-view had developed gradually but formidably over a span of half a century entailing and synchronising the turmoil at the national and global level and finally leaving a profound impact on Nehru's mind.1 The vulnerable Western colonial domination of the world; the gripping struggle between the fascist and the liberal forces within the West itself and the confrontational poise between the Communist Soviet Union and the non-Communist Western countries were all considered to be the basic issues by Nehru, on the outcome of which would emerge a new world order. Nehru was ambitious enough to envisage top grading of India in the comity of nations following elimination of its colonial subjugation as a part of the well construed basis of the new order and it rhymed perfectly with the broad contours of his world vision.

“I had been instructed to implement a policy that satisfies the definition of genocide, a deliberate policy that has effectively killed well over a million individuals, children and adults.” (Dennis Halliday, UN Humanitarian Coordinator in Iraq, 1997–98). “More than one million Iraqis have died −500,000 of them children as a direct consequence of economic sanctions. As many as 12% of the children surveyed in Baghdad are wasted, 28% stunted, and 29% underweight”. (Morbidity and Mortality among Iraqi Children, 1990–98, FAO, December 1999).

This analysis compares Indian and US perceptions of Bollywood. It is the first to provide such a comparison. Overall, the authors found that both Indian and US perceptions of Bollywood are positive and negative. On some dimensions, Indian and US perceptions differ sharply from each other; on other dimensions, a few similarities become apparent. Overall, Indian perceptions of Bollywood are both negative and positive. While their concept of Bollywood is perceived as demeaning, stereotyping of the Muslim culture, and alienating economically and culturally marginalised audiences, it is also recognised as treasuring India’s national identity, portrayal of women in some circles (e.g., alcoholics attempting to become accepted into the chic and alluring society), Hindi traditional lifestyles, and lighthearted humor. While the Bollywood phenomenon has permeated many cultures worldwide, these cultures still differ in the way they perceive this rising Indian movie industry. Not only does this analysis serve to demonstrate many lessons in cross-cultural understanding; it also corroborates the fact that Bollywood embodies an emerging socio-economic current of globalisation. It is one of the largest movie industries in the world, producing about 1,000 movies a year, and it has heavily influenced Hollywood and other Western movie markets.

During the 200-odd years, since the circumnavigation of the Antarctica by-Captain James Cook (1772–1775), international interest in the continent has grown to such an extent that the frozen Antarctica is now at the centre of a heated political debate. The prophecy of Captain Cook that the world would derive no profit out of it, seems to be proving wrong. Antarctica has now ceased to be merely the most significant ‘natural laboratory’ and the site of important scientific experiments, it has become, under the Antarctic Treaty of 1959, a subject of ‘innovative political experiment’ in multilateral administration.¹ The surrounding oceans, where seals and whales were once-recklessly exploited, today harbour a new and fast growing fishery of immense potential,² while the prospect of offshore oil and gas exploitation lies on the horizon. With the tantalising speculations regarding the existence of more than hundred onland minerals in Antarctica (including gold, copper, lithium and uranium), it is only natural that an increasing number of states should' take interest in this so far unnoticed mine.

In the post-9/11 world, the current US counterterrorism efforts in the Af-Pak region and the terror attacks on Indian cities have prompted India and the US to cooperate more closely on counterterrorism concerns. However, this counterterrorism cooperation is not commensurate with the comprehensive Indo-US strategic partnership. This apparent lack of cooperation plays out in their approach toward terrorism and bureaucratic impasse. India and the US need to make use of the trust and confidence that they have built in their bilateral relationship, readjust their perspectives on the threat of terrorism, understand each other’s core national security interests that shape their respective anti-terrorism goals, and make counterterrorism an important module in their ‘strategic partnership’ to tackle terrorism at the domestic, regional and global levels.

A comparative study of India's relations with the two Super Powers, the US and the USSR provides a very complex and interesting model in the relations between nations. On the one hand it would appear rather paradoxical that two large and genuine democracies of the world, India and the United States should have but an ordinary relationship devoid of any deep and enduring rapport. At the people-to-people level there exists one might say, an abundance of goodwill and warmth for one another; yet at the state-to-state level there appears to be a lack of understanding and support for each other's position in vital spheres of activity. On the other hand, inspite of their ideological differences, relations between India and the Soviet Union have turned out to be friendly and enduring. The paradox deserves a closer study.

Since 2004, with the new premierships of Manmohan Singh, in India, and Abdullah Badawi, in Malaysia, India and Malaysia have been playing active roles in decision-making on many issues, regionally through regional blocks. Despite these positive developments, the area where there is a pressing need for the two countries to discuss and act upon concerns environmental security, mainly freshwater scarcity and security. Both India and Malaysia face worrying proportions of freshwater shortages, due to a number of reasons, including increasing individual consumption, industrialisation and poor agricultural practices. This article discusses how both India and Malaysia, as well as their roles in four regional organisations, can recognise the problem of freshwater scarcity and security and propose solutions for adaptation and mitigation. The theoretical framework within which this discussion is couched in is liberalism.

Post World War-II era has witnessed great upheavals of far-reaching social, political and economic consequences, overtaking almost all regions of the World. This changed the very context of international relations in these areas. West Asian region dominated by conservative monarchies under varying degrees of western colonial influences, could not escape this all pervading currents of change especially since the late 40s and early 50s. A series of developments in a quick succession changed the very patterns of relationships in the region and shook the very foundations of the conservative regimes there.1 One of the prominent regime that felt threatned and survived by successfully responding to the situation, is the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the most potent threat that it had to confront with was the post 1952 revolution in Egypt.

Laruelle, Marlène and Peyrouse, Sébastien (Eds), Mapping Central Asia: Indian Perceptions and Strategies (Surrey and Burlington: Ashgate, 2011). Pp. 262. Price £55.00.

Central Asia is becoming an increasingly attractive destination for foreign direct investment (FDI). Although a first wave of foreign investments targeted Central and Eastern Europe in the early 1990s, followed by a second one to South-east Europe in the early 2000s, FDI is now moving even further eastward towards Central Asia. The Central Asian countries are all relatively small landlocked economies and need to promote trade and investment which enable them to closely integrate into the international economic order to achieve sustainable economic development. The level of intra-regional trade in Central Asia is low and their trade is concentrated in few commodities and hence the possibilities of setting up joint ventures emerges so that instead of exporting and importing the same product, one country may decide to set up a joint venture in the partner country (with a more favourable investment climate and cost advantage) to buy back the same in the home country. The track record of FDI in Central Asia demonstrates the urgent need to strengthen good governance, transparency, stability and the fair application of the rule of law in the region. Therefore, this article seeks to examine the prospects and challenges of regional investment cooperation and provide some of the measures to enhance the effectiveness of bilateral investment treaties and double tax avoidance treaties among the Central Asian countries.

The Central Asian Republics (CARs) constitute one of the most important strategic links in various forms to almost all regions of the world by virtue of occupying the heart of Asian Continent. Being highly volatile and also becoming as hub of terrorism, Central Asia urgently needs attention from countries like India for regional political stability and economic progress.

Migration is emerging as an important source of threat to the peace and security of Central Asia. This is happening, notwithstanding the fact that this region is receiving substantial amount of external remittance. Apart from lack of economic opportunities, existence of blurred boundaries, emergence of authoritarian regimes with a tilt towards strong ‘ethnic state’ as well as the alienation of substantial number of population are contributing to the process of flow of illegal migration. This results in loss of young population, growing ethno-nationalistic conflict, spurt in religious terrorism, proliferation of narco-trafficking as well as HIV/AIDS in this region. These above-mentioned threats are generating a lot of ‘insecurity’ in Central Asia. The best way to meet the challenges posed by migration is to ensure ‘sustainable security’ in this region by adopting a broader approach ranging from cooperation among the states of this region so also to ensure human security at the ground level.

The problem of environmental degradation affecting ecological balance in South Asia has its roots in several factors particularly socio-economic backwardness, lack of popular participation in policy formation and lack of collective effort at national as well as regional level. A corrective to this situation would be proper utilisation of the forum of SAARC and also developing partnership among public, industry and government for achieving sustainable development assuring human well-being.

The strategic importance of West Asia lies in its geography and an essential natural resource, namely petroleum. The importance of petroleum for world’s economy, and hence the importance of West Asia, has received extensive attention at the hands of analysts and scholars. Petroleum is the single most valuable commodity in world commerce, an indispensable item in time of peace and of critical strategic importance in time of war. India has a big stake in the region. Energy is the most obvious case in point. 70 per cent of India’s imported energy needs come from West Asia and this dependence will only increase as the Indian economy continues to grow at 8 per cent or more. The proposed pipeline with Iran thus makes good economically strategic sense as does the Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan–India pipeline. India would certainly wish the Indian community to live in West Asia in conditions of dignity and self-respect, for which efforts continue to be made and in which the governments in the region are being more and more cooperative. India’s non-oil economic relations with the region are also expanding to mutual benefit. This is true also of Israel. Thus, India’s national interests are directly linked to peace and stability in West Asia.

Islamic fundamentalism is a multifarious movement with diverse manifestations, components, and contextual historical and societal conditions. While the radical Islamists, for instance, seek to impose change from above through holy wars, others pursue a bottom-up approach to bring about the re-Islamisation of the society through extensive networks of social activity. Regardless of their particularistic properties, all Islamist groups, however, share a common goal of establishing an Islamic order (nizam Islami) for the actualisation of Muslim life. The fundamentalists may not have registered considerable success in electoral terms, but they continue to dominate political discourse because their message is capable of attracting a broad spectrum of society. On the basis of a broad understanding of Islamic fundamentalism as a religio-political movement, this article attempts a comparative study of the phenomenon in Pakistan and Bangladesh, two leading Muslim states of South Asia. By examining the historical and social context, internal political developments including the role of state in promoting religious agenda and the varying impact of extraneous factors, the article argues that while Islamic fundamentalism in Bangladesh is containable, accomplishing it in Pakistan will be difficult because of the state appropriation of Islam in political discourse guaranteeing the movement’s staying power.

Destradi, Sandra, India’s Foreign and Security Policy in South Asia: Regional Power Strategies (London: Routledge, 2012). Pp. x + 200, Price ₹7,344.

Agricultural and rural development and the eradication of hunger and malnutrition are among the chief aims of the international development strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. In realising these aims the major focus has to be on achievement of national and collective self-sufficiency in food in developing countries. This international concern for agricultural and rural development in developing countries and securing adequate supplies of food for the peoples of these countries to eradicate hunger and endemic malnutrition among them, is of particular interest to South Asia which is the most populated and one of the poorest geographical regions of the world.

Kaul, Man Mohini and Shekhar, Vibhanshu (Eds), India and New Zealand in a Rising Asia: Issues and Perspectives (New Delhi: Pentagon Press, 2012). Pp. xiv + 201, Price INR 895. ISBN 9788182746527.

Study on the peaceful uses of atomic energy. Discusses social and political implications of atomic energy.