Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger

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Aapo Takala: A Curious Harpour in Helle. An Edition of the Commentary on the Orpheus Metre of De consolatione philosophiae in Manuscript Thott 304 2º The article presents an edition of the commentary on the Orpheus Metre in Ms. Thott 304 2º. The manuscript is located at the Royal Library in Copenhagen and it contains an English verse translation of Boethius’s De consolatione philosophiae and an accompanying prose commentary. The manuscript, the translation, and the commentary are rare examples of literary culture in late medieval England. The manuscript can be dated to the early fifteenth century and it probably is the copy made specifically for the patron of the translation, the noblewoman Elizabeth Berkeley. In the sixteenth century it was used as exemplar for a printed edition of the translation: the printer’s markings can still be seen in the manuscript. The commentary is the most comprehensive medieval English commentary on De consolatione philosophiae, and only extant in this manuscript and in the sixteenth-century printed edition. The manuscript has previously been studied in a handful of articles and one Master’s thesis. Thus far, there has been no extensive research on the commentary. In addition to the edition, the article includes a discussion of the manuscript’s background and an overview of previous research on it.
 
Otto Sperling (the younger, 1634–1715), the learned Danish historian and numismatist left an unfinished catalogue of 1,399 learned women from all countries and periods of world history – a so-called gynæceum. At his death Sperling’s manuscripts and papers remained with his colleagues, and most of them were included in the collections of The Royal Library in Copenhagen in 1721. However, the gynæceum together with Sperling’s bulky correspondence with numerous European scholars remained in the private collection of Hans Gram, the Chief Librarian of the Royal Library, and not until after his death in 1748 were they included in the Old Royal Collection; the gynæceum was kept under the title of Collectanea de foeminis doctis as GKS 2110 a-b 4o and bound in two volumes during the middle of the 19th century. Some loose papers closely related to Sperling’s project were later included in the New Royal Collection as NKS 596 4o as Adversaria ad foeminas doctas. Sperling’s gynæceum was the largest of his time, and colleagues at large urged him to publish it, which he had considered doing as early as 1688 (mentioned by Morhof in his Polyhistor). However, it seems that Sperling continued to collect more and more learned women rather than turning to the final editing process of his Collectanea. The planned biographical dictionary thus remained unpublished, but its international fame stimulated at least six Danish scholars to publish gynæcea of more limited, Danish-Norwegian scope. In modern times, Sperling’s magnum opus has raised little interest. The author of the present paper gives a general introduction to the two manuscripts, focusing on the kinds of ‘learnedness’ of the women collected by Sperling, on his working methods, and on the many types of sources he used, including small autobiographies solicited by Sperling from contemporary learned women. Besides a case-study of a ‘typical’ biography (Isabella Andreini), particular attention is given to Sperling’s treatment of the Danish-Norwegian learned women of his Collectanea.
 
During the 10th and 11th century Ottonian and Salian queens and empresses became more influential than ever before in the East-Frankish and German Empire. Evidence of female participation in governance is documented by the large number of interventions in royal charters, in addition to the designation of the empress as consors regni, as the co-partner in the reign. However, female rulers were not accepted on an equal footing with male rulers. Agobard of Lyon described already in the 9th century the empress as an essential assistant to the ruler, helping him in ruling and managing the court and empire.. At the beginning of the 11th century, Wipo, a writer at the royal court, denoted queen Gisela as necessaria comes, an indispensable companion of Conrad II. In her role as necessaria comes she was first and foremost the wife who proved to be an eminently efficient counsellor. To her 11th century contemporaries, a queen not only had the right but also the duty to be involved in ruling. However, she could not legally claim her share in power.
 
Erik Petersen: Fontes Fontium. Birger Munk Olsen and the Study of the Latin Classical Authors up to 1200 In this presentation, the basic intentions, definitions and overwhelmingly rich results of professor Birger Munk Olsen’s magisterial opus magnum L’Étude des auteurs classiques latins aux XIe et XIIe siècles are briefly described. The first volume of L’Étude was published in 1982, the sixth and latest volume (= tome IV. 2) in 2014. BMO includes 57 authors from the end of the third century B.C. to the beginning of the fourth A.D. in his catalogue of Latin classical manuscripts copied in the 9th to the 12th centuries. The rationale for including the 9th and 10th centuries is that readers in the 11th and 12th centuries were still using books copied in the previous centuries. BMO also makes references to manuscripts copied before 800, the period covered by E. A. Lowe in Codices Latini Antiquiores. Since Bernhard Bischoff’s Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts, mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen had not yet been published, the truly pioneering effort of BMO is related to his meticulous descriptions of the huge number of classical manuscripts copied in the period from the Carolingian Renaissance to the Renaissance of the 12th Century. His catalogue of individual manuscripts is followed, in vol. III. 1, by an equally detailed catalogue of the Latin classics in the libraries of the Middle Ages, based primarily on information collected in individual manuscripts and in a variety of medieval book lists and inventories. The two most recent volumes, La réception de la littérature classique. Travaux philologiques (IV. 1), and La réception de la littérature classique. Manuscrits et textes (IV. 2) are dedicated to broader issues of copying, reading and using texts and manuscripts, in a more synthetic manner than in the previous volumes. Still they draw upon BMO’s myriads of observations of details in the manuscripts and the experience of a long life in the company of the people who produced the books and used them.Denmark’s role in preserving and promoting classical literature during the Middle Ages was of little significance and less glory. During the Carolingian Renaissance Vikings were known to steal or destroy books rather than to read them. In the 12th century they had become less belligerent, perhaps, but still not very adaptive to classical literature. Of the 33 codices in the Royal Library included in EACL, 32 arrived in Copenhagen in the Early Enlightenment or later and had not been copied or studied in Denmark in the Middle Ages. Saxo Grammaticus marks a turning point, well-read in and dependent on classical authors as he was, but he completed his Gesta Danorum in the early years of the 13th century. However, he is known to have used a Justinus codex copied before the turn of the century, preserved in the Royal Library as GKS 450 2º. It was probably brought to Denmark from France by Archbishop Absalon, who lent it to Saxo and bequeathed it to the Cistercian monastery at Sorø. It remains a remarkable fact that the Justinus codex is the only extant manuscript of a Latin classical author recorded as being in Denmark before 1200. With the results of years of concentrated, hardcore research assembled in his L’Étude des auteurs classiques latins aux XIe et XIIe siècles Birger Munk Olsen has more than amply compensated for the meagre attention paid to the classics in early medieval Denmark. To the immense benefit of the scholarly community he has laid a new foundation for the study of the Latin classical authors, their transmission, use and history, which will surely prove indispensable for generations.
 
Thomas Riis: The murder of King Erik VIn November 1286 King Erik V of Denmark was murdered, but still today the murderer remains unknown. In literature the marshal Stig Andersen is the person who is most frequently mentioned as the possible murderer; with nine more he was accused and convicted for the murder. Historians agree that the trial was unfair, but no consensus has been found as to the identity of the murderer. In literature Stig wanted revenge, because the king had seduced his wife, but this explication has not been borne out by the sources. A murder for political reasons cannot be excluded, for this reason the article tries for the first time to reconstruct the political groupings during the reign of Erik V. As most royal charters mention a number of witnesses to the act and to the setting up of the charter, we can see which persons belong to the king’s entourage.Moreover, the systematic study of Eric V’s charters allows us to distinguish phases of his reign characterized by certain policies. Perhaps because of the conflict between king and archbishop in the 1250s, his father Christopher I had fairly often convoked the parliament, and when in 1266 Erik came of age, he continued this practice, at least for some years. His mother Margaret, who had been one of Denmark’s leaders during Erik’s minority, was made Lady of Estonia, which meant that she continued to play a political role. Like her late husband Christopher I, she wanted to continue the strong central government of Valdemar II (1202–1241), thus in the 1270s the parliament was convoked only in 1276. In order to invite its members to recognize the king’s two year old son Erik as heir apparent, the government proposed a statute with rules for the relations between the feudal lords (king, bishops, secular magnates) and their vassals, but it fell in parliament. Further, the marshal Stig refused to recognize the little prince as future king, because his father was still alive. Stig had to leave the government for some years, and with the new seneschal Peder Nielsen Hoseøl from 1279 the partisans of a strong government strengthened their hold on political affairs. Some years later opposition appeared to have grown, and in 1281, Stig Andersen was back in his former office as marshal. This was not enough to satisfy the opposition; in 1282, the Queen Mother left the government and statutes were voted, which laid down the rules for future political collaboration. Parliament should be convoked once a year, and a habeas corpus clause was introduced. The question of public finance forms a trend in Danish politics since the middle of the thirteenth century. Ecclesiastical exemptions from royal taxes and other duties had become so extensive that from a government point of view they had become a political problem. To this came further two questions, which Erik V’s government had inherited from its predecessors. Valdemar II had provided for his younger sons by the creation of fiefs: the duchies of Schleswig and of Blekinge, the county of North Halland. Legally, the feudal lord was not obliged to give the fief to the vassal’s heir, but obviously, the descendants wanted to take over their father’s or grandfather’s fief. In the end, it was a question whether or not the government was strong enough to withdraw the fiefs.A further problem was the inheritance of Erik V’s cousins, the four daughters of his uncle Erik IV (1241–1250). It was obvious that the four princesses had a right to the inheritance after their father, but the government tried to prevent or at least to limit the payment of their inheritance as far as possible. In this it had been successful in the 1260s and 1270s; probably the proposed (but fallen) statute of 1276, Stig Andersen’s reappointment as marshal in 1281, the elimination of the Queen Mother from government, the statutes of 1282 should all be seen as attempts to accommodate the opposition without yielding in the important questions of the fiefs and the princesses’ inheritance. Seneschal Peder’s government also gave a limited political influence to the heirs of some of the vassals. Its restrictive policy could not be maintained, a new government was formed that was to lead a policy of fulfilment; in 1283–1284 the descendants of the vassals were infeft with the duchies of Schleswig and South Halland (in stead of Blekinge) and the county of North Halland. In 1284 a jury recognized the four princesses’ right to their paternal inheritance.On the whole, the years between 1283 and 1286 were characterized by the cooperation between the king, the government and the parliament, but in November 1286 the king was murdered.A new government was formed under the former seneschal Peder; in it none of the leading members of the previous government had a seat. With nine others Stig Andersen was accused and convicted as murderers of Erik V.The alleged murderers appear to have supported the previous government and for this reason it is very unlikely that they should have killed the king with whom they had led the policy of fulfilment. For its opponents this must have been considered a most dangerous sale of the state’s interests; could the king be removed, a minority government would have to be formed and with the right persons in office one could return to the policy led before 1282. Consequently the motif of the murder was the abandonment of the fulfilment policy and the return to the restrictive policy. Its protagonist was the seneschal Peder Nielsen Hoseøl; probably, then, he was the instigator of Erik V’s murder.
 
Some ten years ago, the German historian Armin Wolf published an article on reigning queens, that is, queens ruling in their own right not as spouse or widow of a king in medieval Europe. Among the women, he dealt with, was the Danish queen Margrete whom he considered representative of a general European pattern according to which women could inherit the throne and under special circumstances remain there. Margrete, however, does not fit into this pattern. She was regent and for a brief period reigning queen of three countries with different traditions and legislation concerning royal succession. The legal foundation of her reign was not inheritance, but a combination of traditional regency for a minor king and exceptional regency for the three kingdoms of Denmark, Norway and Sweden in general. The career of Margrete was founded on a mixture of rules and practices for female exercise of power, which combined with her great political intelligence produced an unusual career. The history of Margrete illustrates well the legal conditions in which gender could offer women advantages as well as disadvantages.
 
Claus Røllum-Larsen: Musikselskabet af 14. Marts 1896. En rekonstruktion og en karakteristik af dets repertoire Med dannelsen af Musikselskabet af 14. Marts 1896 skabte William Behrend, Louis Glass og Gustav Helsted et forum for den ny udenlandske musik. Med sin private karakter og sin kompromisløshed i programlægningen i retning af det “moderne” – som stifterne tilstræbte og så det – gik de videre ad de veje, andre musikforeninger havde betrådt med det formål at bidrage til en udvidelse af koncertrepertoiret. Det var derimod ikke selskabets formål at give de unge komponister mulighed for at få deres egne værker bragt frem. Gennem dels indledninger/foredrag, dels arrangementer for to klaverer og firhændigt klaver gav de optrædende tilhørerne et formodentlig levende indtryk af en række musikværker, hvoraf mange først længe efter fik deres første fremførelser for orkester på dansk grund. Indsatsen for Bruckners musik er særdeles tankevækkende. Den tager sin begyndelse før den første danske opførelse af en Bruckner-symfoni finder sted og er for flere af symfonierne en til to generationer forud for værkernes første danske opførelser. Foruden kompositioner af Wagner og Bruckner, som var de dominerende komponister, opførtes en række værker af ikke mindst franske (Chausson, Debussy, Duparc, Franck) og russiske (Borodin, Čajkovskij, Glasunov, Kjui, Rachmaninov, Rimskij-Korsakov, Skrjabin) – komponister hvoraf flere i øvrigt repræsenterede markante stilistiske alternativer til Wagner og Bruckners centraleuropæiske stil. Men også andre væsentlige værker af komponister uden for det gængse repertoire i Københavns koncertsale programsatte man: Liszts Eine Symphonie zu Dantes Divina Commedia, Mahlers 2. symfoni, Smetanas Trio for klaver, violin og cello op. 9, samt værker – overvejende sange – af Stenhammar, Strauss og Wolf. De medlemmer, som mødte flittigt op til sammenkomsterne, har stiftet bekendtskab med et bredt og udsøgt udvalg af nyere, og ofte helt nye værker med udpræget stilistiske fornyelsestendenser. En sådan musikformidling må betegnes som bemærkelsesværdig om ikke ligefrem enestående – i hvert fald i Danmark.
 
John T. Lauridsen: The government’s recommendations were not voiced in vain. Erik Scavenius’ meeting with the press on 14 September 1942 Erik Scavenius did not hold many major press conferences in his time as Foreign Minister, nor as Prime Minister and Foreign Minister in the period 1940–43. An exception occurred on 14 September 1942, when a great number of issues coincided and led him to hold a large scale meeting in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to explain simultaneously to prominent members of Danish press, politicians and civil servants what the government’s policy was, how the government and its policy was handled in the press and in particular, how the government’s policy should be presented. Both the government’s partners and the press were severely criticized and it was implied there was a government mole so that confidential information was being leaked. The press needed to understand its responsibility at this difficult time in Denmark. The people from the press were allowed to respond and on the whole were seemingly receptive to the instructions. What took place at the meeting was not reported in the newspapers the following day. Instead, background material was provided with the intent of counteracting tendencies in the press running counter to government policy.
 
Erik Petersen: Suscipere digneris. A find and some hypotheses on the Copenhagen Psalter Thott 143 2° and its history. The Copenhagen Psalter Thott 143 2º has often, and rightly, been praised as an outstanding example of the subtlety and artistic quality of Romanesque art in manuscripts. Its illumination, the saints of its calendar and litany place it in an English context. Two added elements, an obituary notice on the death in 1272 of Eric duke of Jutland, son of the Danish king Abel, and a prayer of an anonymous woman, link the codex to Medieval Denmark and Scandinavia as well. Addressing the Holy Trinity with the words Suscipere digneris the woman prays for herself, pro me misera peccatrice, and for the souls of her father and mother, of her brothers and sisters, of all members of her family, and for the souls of all brothers and sisters and familiares of her order. She also prays pro anima Byrgeri ducis. The occurrence of duke Birger, or Birger Jarl, in her prayer has given the book the name “Psalter of the Folkungar”, in particular in Scandinavian scholarship. The assumptions have been that the Psalter belonged to the Swedish aristocratic family of the Folkungar, that the duke Birger mentioned in the prayer was the older member of the family bearing that name (d. 1202), and that the book later passed to Mechtilde, the mother of duke Eric and widow of king Abel killed in 1252, who married the younger duke Birger in 1261. Duke Birger died in 1266, Mechtilde in 1288. The fate of the Psalter from the end of the 13th century until it entered the huge library of count Otto Thott (1703–1785) has been entirely unknown. There are, however, a couple of clues to its history, one in the codex itself and one external, which do cast some light on its whereabouts. The first is a small piece of paper with bibliographical notes from the 18th century inserted at the very end of the codex. The second is an elaborate copy of the calendar and the prayer that I became aware of while working on the German humanist and theologian Johann Albert Fabricius (1668–1736) and his manuscripts. It could be proved that the copy was made in Fabricius’ own hand between 1720 and 1736. Since I knew that Fabricius did not leave Hamburg at any time during these years, it could also be proved that the Copenhagen Psalter must have been present in the city at least for some time in the same period. The codex did not belong to Fabricius, and since he left no information about it apart from the copy itself, I was not able to determine how he had had access to it. The answer was to be found in a hitherto unnoticed treatise De Psalterio Manuscripto Capelliano ob singularem elegantiam commemorabili observatio, written by Johann Heinrich von Seelen (1687–1762) and published in the third volume of his Meditationes Exegeticae, quibus varia utriusque Testamenti loca expenduntur et illustrantur, Lübeck 1737. Von Seelen’s treatise is based on an autoptic study of the codex. He informs his readers that the codex once belonged to Rudolphus Capellus (1635–1684), professor of Greek and History at the Gymnasium Academicum in Hamburg. Von Seelen gives a detailed description of the codex, which leaves no doubt about its identity with the Psalter now in Copenhagen. He also states that the codex was sent to him for his use and information by his friend Michael Richey (1678–1761) in Hamburg. Michael Richey had been a colleague and close friend of Fabricius, who must have copied the codex while it was in Richey’s library. After Rudolphus Capellus’ death it passed on to his son Dietericus Matthias Capellus (1672–1720), who noted down the bibliographical notes on the sheet of paper attached to the codex. It was sold by auction as part of the bibliotheca Capelliana in Hamburg in 1721, and it will have been on that occasion that Michael Richey acquired it. It is not known where and how Rudolphus Capellus acquired the Psalter. Von Seelen called it Capellianum, because Capellus was the first owner known to him. In the present paper the old Benedictine nunnery in Buxtehude, Altkloster, is suggested as the likely previous home of the codex. The short distance from Hamburg to Buxtehude, Capellus’ limited radius of action, and the fact that Altkloster was dissolved as a catholic monastery exactly in the period when Capellus acquired the codex is adduced in support of the hypothesis. In addition, archival material in Stade confirms that there were still several medieval manuscripts in the monastery when it was dissolved as a consequence of the Peace of Westphalia. Only one of them has been identified – actually another manuscript that found its way into the Thott collection in Copenhagen. This manuscript, Thott 8 8º with a late medieval German translation of the New Testament, contains a note in the hand of its first modern owner, Dietrich von Stade (1637–1718), which attests the presence of medieval books in Altkloster even as late as in 1696. They had been taken over by the first Lutheran minister in the former monastery and were in the custody of his widow when Dietrich von Stade visited it. Capellus left his marks and scars on the manuscript. His hand, which I recognize from an autograph manuscript now in the Fabricius Collection, can be identified as the one that added numbers to the psalms. He also added the heading to the list of relics on top of f. 1r, and four lines of text on f. 199v. He added a note to the prayer on f. 16v, and even wrote down the Greek passages in the NT as parallels to the Latin canticles Magnificat and Nunc dimittis on f. 185r–185v. As to the medieval additions in the manuscript it is pointed out in the paper that the owner of the relics listed on the first page of the book was not the owner of the manuscript. The name was erased at an unknown date, but the letters dns (for dominus) before the erasure indicate that the owner was a man, not a woman or a church or a monastery. It is suggested that the list of relics is probably younger than usually assumed. The text that Capellus completed with the four lines and a final Amen at the very end of the codex is itself an addition to the original manuscript. Despite its length (f. 194v–199v) it has received little attention from scholars. It is actually a version of the so-called Oratio Sancti Brandani, copied in a late medieval hand that imitates the script of the Psalter proper. Palaeographically as well as textually it appears to be a foreign element in the context of the Psalter, but it is, of course, interesting for its history. The text ends abruptly, so Capellus’ addition may perhaps be seen as more justifiable here than elsewhere in the book. The only date explicitly noted down in the entire codex is found in the calendar. There are two medieval additions in it, one, little noticed, mentioning the 11.000 virgins in October, and the one noting the death of Eric duke of Jutland in year 1272, added to the line of the 27th day of the month of May. The present paper offers new suggestions as to how to understand the notices, and argues against the interpretation most often put forward, namely that Mechtilde was the direct or indirect authoress of the obituary-notice about duke Eric. It also argues against the identification of Mechtilde with the ego of the prayer on f. 16v. Based on palaeographical and other formal observations it is contended that the text should be dated to the end of the 13th Century and not its beginning, and that Byrgerus dux is likely to be the younger Birger Jarl, not the older. It is pointed out that he is not included in the prayer as a family member, but merely as Byrgerus dux. Following a structural analysis of the text, it is concluded that the anonymous voice of prayer is not that of Mechtilde; instead it is suggested that it could belong to an otherwise unknown daughter of Mechtilde and king Abel, and thus a sister of Eric duke of Jutland. Her place was a monastery, her present time the year 1288 or later. Prayers beginning with words Suscipere digneris are found in many variations in medieval manuscripts. In one source, MS 78 a 8 in the Kupferstichkabinet in Berlin, a Psalter, this prayer as well as other significant elements, display a striking similarity with the Copenhagen Psalter. The Berlin Psalter, which is younger than the Copenhagen Psalter, has added elements that relates to persons in Sweden and Norway. The Berlin Psalter was presented to the nuns in Buxtehude in 1362 by a miles who passed by from his hometown in the western part of Northern Germany. The relation between the Psalters now in Berlin and Copenhagen is complicated. In the present paper it is suggested that, with respect to the prayer, they may depend on a common source. It is concluded that the Berlin Psalter may have had closer links to the Folkungar in Sweden than the Copenhagen Psalter, whose history, in so far as we know it, points rather to its presence in Medieval Jutland, that is Southern Denmark and Northern Germany.
 
Fleur des histoires, en universalkrønike skrevet af Jean Mansel (1400/1401-1473/1474), var en stor succes blandt adelen i Bourgogne i anden halvdel af det femtende arhundrede. Man kender til knap 60 manuskripter i dag (mange af dem bestaende af flere bind), der stammer fra en af de to versioner, som Jean Mansel lavede af teksten. Det primære formal med denne artikel er at præsentere to manuskriptbind af Fleur des histoires og vise, at de udgør to ud af tre eller fire bind af et og samme manuskript. Det første bind er i 2008 anskaffet af Det Kongelige Bibliotek (Acc. 2008/74). Det sidste bind hører til Thott-samlingen, som blev testamenteret til Det Kongelige Bibliotek i slutningen af det attende arhundrede. Med denne artikel ønskes det desuden at placere disse bind i deres oprindelige kontekst, manuskriptfremstilling i Brugge i slutningen af det femtende arhundrede. Begge bind indeholder Montmorency-familiens vabenskjold, men efter grundige studier har det vist sig, at i begge tilfælde er de malet oven pa andre vabenskjold tilhørende Philippe de Hornes (1423-1488), herre til Gaasbeek. Fleur des histoires er da ogsa nævnt i boopgørelsen efter Philippes død i august 1488 sammen med adskillige andre manuskripter. Ved en sammenligning med et nært beslægtet, komplet eksemplar i fire bind, der nu opbevares i Paris (BnF, fr. 296-299), og som indeholder et vabenskjold tilhørende Jean Louis af Savoyen (d. 1480), biskop af Geneve, viser det sig, at de to bind oprindeligt var en del af en samling pa muligvis tre, sandsynligvis fire bind. Begge eksemplarer blev skrevet og illustreret i Brugge omkring1480. De er desuden del af en meget større gruppe af manuskripter, som har det til fælles, at de er fremstillet af den samme gruppe af samarbejdende anonyme kunstnere. Tilsyneladende var Mesteren af Harley Froissart en ledende skikkelse i gruppen. Han arbejdede ofte tæt sammen med Mesteren af de talende hænder, Mesteren af Chroniques d’Angleterre i Wien og Bruggemesteren af 1482. Mesteren af Soane Josephus var ogsa et vigtigt medlem af gruppen, som havde andre medlemmer, der kun deltog af og til. Med denne samarbejdende produktionsmade blev det muligt for skriverne og illustratorerne at fremstille manuskripter af meget lange tekster som Fleur des histoires, Froissarts Chroniques, Bible historiale o.a., og at opna en rationalisering. Man kunne fremstille dem meget hurtigere, end det ville være muligt, hvis arbejdet skulle udføres af den samme hand – eller i det samme værksted. Desuden fik manuskripterne, som ofte indeholder gentagne og standardiserede illustrationer, et element af variation gennem de stilmæssige forskelle mellem de forskellige deltagere i samarbejdet, og manuskripterne blev pa denne made mere attraktive for potentielle købere. Tilblivelsen af denne produktionsmade kan meget vel være skrivernes reaktion pa den voksende konkurrence fra trykte bøger. Skriverne og illustratorerne gjorde det, de var gode til (og de gjorde det meget bedre end trykkerne): de fremstillede rigt illustrerede luksusudgaver. Manuskriptfremstillingens langsomme natur blev dog sandsynligvis i stigende grad oplevet som et alvorligt handicap, som kun kunne overvindes ved at forfine den samarbejdende arbejdsform til perfektion. Denne metode til manuskriptfremstilling i Brugge i 1470’erne og 1480’erne giver en kontekst til og en forklaring pa forskellene i layout, tekst og illustrationer mellem de to bind af Philippe de Hornes’ Fleur des histoires. Det eneste miniaturebillede i det første bind er blevet tilskrevet Mesteren af Soane Josephus (der var sandsynligvis endnu et miniaturebillede, men det er gaet tabt), mens de tyve miniaturebilleder i det sidste bind blev fremstillet af ham og af tre andre mestre i gruppen. De to bind er to kronblade fra samme Fleur, nu genforenet for første gang i mere end tre arhundreder. Man kan blot habe pa, at de manglende bind imellem dem ogsa dukker op en skønne dag.
 
The scope of this review essay on The pre-history of the Knowledge Society is to introducenew explorations (writings, research projects and web resources) into early moderncultures of knowledge c. 1500 to 1800. It focuses mainly on German and Anglo-Americanscholarship from the last two decades. The dialogue between these traditions,e.g. the material-orientated ‘information history’ and the often more anthropologicalinformed field of ‘Wissensgeschichte’, has been almost non-existent. Bringing the twotraditions together is a purpose in itself with this essay. A common focal point in theexploration of early modern knowledge cultures, it is argued, is an emphasis partly onthe practices of knowledge management, whether practical or mental, and partly onthe hybridity of knowledge. Notable and exemplary books, articles and projects fromthis broad field are divided into thematic headings: actors of knowledge, practices ofknowledge, places of knowledge and media. Finally, the burgeoning interest in earlymodern practices and norms of scholarly production is suggested as representing botha reorientation and a retro-orientation of Humanities in the digital age.
 
Der Artikel beschäftigt sich mit Rasmus Heinssen (1530-1602), der 1555-1556 als sangmester genannt wird, was heißt, dass er als Leiter der Hofkantorei im Dienste Christians 3. stand. Um die Jahreswende 1556-1557 zog er in die Luther-Stadt Wittenberg, um dort mit königlichem Stipendium zu studieren. Nachdem er 1560 an der Universität Wittenberg den Magistergrad erworben hatte, kehrte er wenig später nach Dänemark zurück. Dennoch wurde er nicht wieder in sein altes Amt eingesetzt, da Christian 3. in der Zwischenzeit gleich drei neue Sangmeister angestellt hatte, beauftragt mit der Durchführung einer Reform der Musikverhältnisse am Hofe. Heinssen kommt deshalb nur eine kurzzeitige Bedeutung für die königliche Hofmusik zu. Seine Karriere sollte in der Folgezeit offenbar mehr auf die Bereiche Unterrichtswesen und Kirche gerichtet sein. Nach einer Anstellung in Bordesholm wurde er 1564 als Kanonicus an das Domkapitel nach Schleswig beordert, wo er 1567 zum Konrektor, 1573 zum Vizearchidiakon, 1581 zum Archidiakon in Ribe und im Jahre 1587 schließlich zum Archidiakon in Schleswig aufstieg. Seine Amtstätigkeit war – wahrscheinlich aufgrund seiner ohne Zweifel streitlustigen und rechthaberischen Natur – mit einer ansehnlichen Reihe von gerichtlichen Auseinandersetzungen ausgefüllt. Sie betrafen zumeist das kirchliche Recht auf Einkünfte. In diesem Zusammenhang hatte er sich häufig mit Angehörigen der bedeutsamen Familie Rantzau zu schlagen. Ein gewichtiges Detail hat dennoch mit Musik zu tun: Ein längerer undatierter, wohl aus dem Jahre 1557 stammender Brief, führt auf einer Liste von 20 Büchern, die Heinssen von Wittenberg aus an die königliche Bibliothek senden ließ, auch vier Messen auf. Sie sind sämtlich im Jahre 1557 in Löwen gedruckt und von Clemens non Papa komponiert. Die Sendung ist insofern interessant, weil es sich bei diesen Musikalien um Messordinarien handelt – um eine Gattung, die im Blick auf die überlieferten Manuskripte aus der Zeit der Hofmusik Christians 3. – 1541 und 1556 – nur schwach vertreten ist. Wenn Heinssen solche Materialien nach Kopenhagen gesandt hat, muss dies aus der Gewissheit geschehen sein, dass es dafür am dänischen Hof Verwendungsmöglichkeiten gab. Von einer kompositorischen Tätigkeit Heinssens ist nichts bekannt; die Symbolummotette Zu Gott mein Trost allein – in KB, GKS 1873, quarto, vermutlich gegen Ende 1556 oder gleich zu Anfang des Jahres 1557 niedergeschrieben – könnte von ihm stammen. Siehe die Illustration auf Seite 52.
 
NB: Artiklen er på dansk, kun resuméet er på tysk. Simon Skovgaard Boeck: Über Henrik Smiths Ergänzungen zur Ausgabe von Christiern Pedersens Vocabularium ad usum dacorum, Leipzig 1518. Während eines Aufenthalts in Leipzig war Henrik Smith (ca. 1495-1563) als Kor­rektor für den Buchdrucker Melchior Lotter tätig, der 1517-1518 mehrere Schrif­ten von Christiern Pedersen (ca. 1480-1554) nachdruckte. Dazu gehörte die dritte Ausgabe des ersten dänischen Lateinwörterbuchs, Vocabularium ad usum dacorum (ursprünglich 1510 in Paris erschienen). Diese Ausgabe hat Henrik Smith – wahr­scheinlich auf Lotters Aufforderung – um einige lateinische Wörter und deren däni­sche Entsprechungen ergänzt. Bei diesen Nachträgen handelt es sich um Listen mit Kürzeln, Pflanzen, Steinen und Mineralien, Essen und Getränken sowie Personen (Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen). Diese Nachträge haben ein unbeachtetes Dasein geführt, obwohl ihnen wichtige Erkenntnisse zur Sprachgeschichte vieler dänischer Wörter zu entnehmen sind. In diesem Artikel erscheinen die Nachträge deshalb in kommentierter Form, zumal die Quellen, auf die Smith bei der Erstellung zurück­gegriffen hat, erläutert werden. Der Artikel stellt somit eine buchgeschichtliche Er­gänzung unseres Wissens über einen der ersten dänischen Volksaufklärer und seine Arbeitspraxis dar.
 
As may be seen from the legal sources of the time, the institution of guardianship of children was fully formed in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania by the beginning of the 16th century. Both the First Lithuanian Statute of 15292 and the court cases of the Books of Court Records of the Lithuanian Metrica – that is, the collection of documents of the chancery of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania – provide various examples of guardianship, covering such questions as the choice and change of guardians, and their rights and obligations.
 
Harald Ilsøe: Gamle boggaver. Om boggaveskikke ca. 1550-1650 I en nylig udgivet bog om resterne af Herluf Trolle og Birgitte Gøyes bibliotek på Herlufsholm, det ældst bevarede danske privatbibliotek, gøres opmærksom på, at flere af bøgerne er forsynet med påtegninger om, at de var nytårsgaver til Birgitte Gøye fra Herluf Trolle (d. 1565). Med udgangspunkt heri meddeles nogle eksempler på boggaveskikke frem til ca. 1650, således bøger der på tryk angaves at være nytårsgaver til bestemte personer, men især bøger med trykte eller håndskrevne dedikationer, som kunne være udtryk for venskabelige forbindelser, eller som – når de var stilet til højerestående personer i det sociale hierarki – kunne forventes at medføre et honorar til forfatteren. Til belysning af dette fremdrages bl.a. en række bøger, der er forsynet med tilskrevne dedikationer af latindigteren Erasmus Lætus (d. 1582), teologen Niels Hemmingsen (d. 1600) og historikeren Anders Sørensen Vedel (d. 1616).
 
NB: Artiklen er på dansk, kun resuméet er på engelsk.The appearance of the supernova in 1572 gave rise to a series of publications on the unknown heavenly body’s nature and significance. The most famous is the work by Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe, De nova stella, in which the author maintained that it must be a question of a new star. But even though Tycho’s observations had far-reaching implications for the history of science, there were other contemporary interpretations of the heavenly phenomenon that attracted greater public attention. Georg Busch, a German painter, was one of the first to write about the phenomenon. According to Busch, it was a comet. He further claimed that it had been created by human sin having generated steam made up of impurities that, condensed into a tight ball, had risen into the air, where it was ignited by oxygen as a comet. Busch’s book was very popular in Germany and in Scandinavia as well, where it was published in a translation by a clergyman, Rasmus Hansen Reravius (Danish was also the written language in Norway at the time) and in a Swedish translation based on Reravius’ work. Reravius, however, published his work after Tycho, to whom Reravius refers indirectly, had made his theory public. As a result, Reravius emphasised the phrase “new start” in his title and preface and is therefore one of the first popularising authors in whose work a spillover from Tycho’s observations is evident. Reravius’ intention was, however, certainly not to make Tycho’s astronomy better known but, on the contrary, to preach repentance and penance to the population, since, for Scandinavian readers, he had put forward Busch’s interpretation of the “comet.” This interpretation, according to which the comet was not only a warning sign from God to humankind but that it had been actually, physically created by sin, does not seem to have spread very far in Europe generally but was apparently particularly appealing to Lutheran society in the 1500s. In any case, it is only in these countries that the theory was proposed, first and foremost through Busch and his Nordic translators. Closer examination of these publications thus gives us not only an insight into how new knowledge was disseminated in the 1500s. In a broader perspective, it also gives an insight into the Protestant world of ideas, in which religious and scientific explanations were interwoven.
 
Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit dem Bibliothekskatalog von Herzog Johann Albrecht von Mecklenburg vom Jahre 1573, den Hanno Lietz, Abteilungsleiter i.R. der Sondersammlungen der UB Rostock, im Mecklenburgischen Landeshauptarchiv in Schwerin entdeckt hat. Dieser Fund ermöglicht es der Forschung in einem weit höheren Maße, als es bislang der Fall war, zu einer Wertschätzung der gesamten Bibliothek zu kommen, die zu den bedeutendsten Renaissancebibliotheken Nordeuropas zu zählen ist.In einer Reihe von Einzelabschnitten wird (1.) kurz über die Geschichte der Bibliothek berichtet, (2.) über die Überführung in das Schloss Schwerin, (3.) über ihr späteres Schicksal sowie ferner (4.) über die Tätigkeit der damaligen Bibliothekare Tilemann Stella und Samuel Fabricius. Sie haben die Anlage der Bibliothek bis zum Tod des Herzogs im Jahre 1576 betreut.Daneben erfolgt eine kodikologische Beschreibung des Katalogs, der 1573 von Samuel Fabricius, ständiger Mitarbeiter des Herzogs, in eine Reinschrift gebracht wurde.Dieser Abschnitt bietet zugleich eine über die äußere Erscheinung des Buches hinausgehende Darstellung des Registrierungssystems, die geschaffen wurde, um den Bestand dieser Universalbibliothek deutlich zu machen. Zum einen basiert die Registrierung auf einer alle Buchstaben von A-Z sowie astronomische und alchemistische Zeichen benutzenden Signatur. Zum anderen werden laufende Nummern von 1-100 verwendet. Ob dahinter ein übergeordnetes Prinzip existiert, ist jedoch nicht zu erkennen.Ohne diesen Katalog scheint die Benutzung der Bibliothek allerdings nicht möglich gewesen zu sein. Auch ist Näheres über den Zeitpunkt der Anschaffung der Bücher aus den vergebenen Signaturen nicht zu ermitteln.Ein weiterer Abschnitt des Beitrags ist den Büchern und Manuskripten sowie deren Themen und Autoren gewidmet und gibt bezüglich aller Bücher des Katalogs Auskünfte über das jeweilige Erscheinungsjahr, soweit dies mitgeteilt ist. Eine Übersicht lässt erkennen, dass der Hauptteil der Bücher dem Zeitraum 1552-1576 entstammt, also neu war. Stark repräsentiert sind Bücher aus den 1560er Jahren wie auch vom Beginn der 1570er Jahre. Der vorliegende Artikel enthält schließlich noch eine Liste all jener Musikmanuskripte, die im Katalog aufgeführt sind, aber seit 1573 verloren gingen.Die Bibliothek des mecklenburgischen Herzogs enthält eine erlesene Musikaliensammlung, auf die der zeichnende Verfasser früher bereits in anderem Zusammenhang aufmerksam gemacht hat. Der Hauptbestand dieser Sammlung, bestehend aus Büchern und Manuskripten, befindet sich heute in der UB Rostock und trägt die Signatur Mus.Saec. XVI. Was die Manuskripte aus dem 16. Jahrhundert anbelangt, so ist derzeit ein Katalog mit sämtlichen incipits in Arbeit, ebenfalls versehen – soweit feststellbar – mit Angabe der Schreiberhände. Dieser Katalog soll als Band 1 einer neuen Serie von Documenta Musica Regionis Balticae erscheinen (Capella Hafniensis Editions, Det Kongelige Bibliotek).
 
NB: Artiklen er på engelsk, kun resuméet er på dansk.Da Henrik af Anjou i 1575 efter at være vendt hjem fra Polen blev kronet som Henrik III, konge af Frankrig, samlede han et akademi omkring sig. Henrik III var overbevist om, at han ved at erhverve en humanistiske kultur ville kunne befæste sin dømmekraft og udbrede en følelse af samdrægtighed til sit folk, der siden 1562havde været plaget af borgerkrig mellem katolikker og protestanter. Håndskriftet Thott. 315 fol. i Det Kongelige Bibliotek i København indeholder de moralfilosofiske forelæsninger, som digterne Pierre de Ronsard, Philippe Desportes, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Amadis Jamyn, Jean Bertaut holdt ved Akademiet i 1576. I sin artikel præsenterer Rouget håndskriftet og beskriver dets historiske betydning gennem en sammenligning med de andre tekstsamlinger, der indeholder Paladsakademiets forelæsninger. Rouget inddrager nye dokumenter og identificerer forfatterne til de forelæsninger som hidtil har været anonyme. Thott. 315 fol. var blandt de håndskrifter, som Det Kongelige Bibliotek ved testamentarisk bestemmelse arvede fra Grev Otto Thott i 1795, og der vides intet om dets tidligere proveniens. Det består af 195 blade, målet 340 x 232x 36 mm. og er indbundet i samtidigt lyst kalveskind. Håndskriftet indeholder sytten moralfilosofiske forelæsninger om emner såsom forholdet mellem de moralske og de intellektuelle dyder, om glæde og nedstemthed, om vrede, om ærgerrighed, om misundelse og om frygt. Thott. 315 fol. udgør den mest kohærente og righoldige samling af de taler, der blev holdt i 1576 og det blev derfor af Édouard Frémys benyttet som kildetekst til udgivelsen af forelæsningerne i det banebrydende værk L’Académie des derniers Valois. d’après des documents nouveaux et inédits, i 1887. Der fidnes også andre tekstkilder. På det franske nationalbibliotek findes et håndskrift, der mangler den første tale, og som enten stammer fra det københavnske håndskrift eller fra en fælles apograf (BnF, Fonds fr. 2585). Derudover findes håndskrifter med enkelte af forelæsningerne, som fx Ronsards forelæsning om De l’envie (Om misundelse, BnF, Fonds Dupuy 559). François Rouget har for nylig genfundet et håndskrift, der ligeledes indeholder forelæsningerne, og som blev fremstillet på bestilling af Marguerite de Valois, kongens søster - også kendt som La Reine Margot - der i 1576 befandt sig i overvåget ophold på Louvre. Håndskriftet, der nu befinder sig i Sir Paul Gettys Wormsley Library i England, er indbundet i en luksuøs mosaik maroquin indbinding og indeholder dronningens håndskrevne noter. Håndskriftet er blevet præsenteret af Rouget i Renaissance & Réforme, XXXI (4), 2009, pp. 19-39. I Thott. 315 fol. er forfatterne til de enkelte tekststykker med få undtagelser ikke angivet. Der findes i Paris et senere håndskrift fra begyndelsen af det 17. århundrede (BnF (Nouvelles Acquisitions Françaises, n° 4655) der indeholder ti af det københavnske håndskrifts sytten forelæsninger. Gennem en sammenligning af de eksisterende håndskrifter lykkedes det Rouget at rette op på Frémys identifikation af forfatterne og identificere forfatterne til alle de eksisterende forelæsninger fra Paladsakademiet. Til sidst konkluderer Rouget, at undersøgelsen minder om, at forskningsmæssige fremskridt kun er mulige ved at gå tilbage til kilderne.
 
Jakob Kortbæk Madsen: The Danish Bonde-Praktika 1597–1804. Danish astrological printings and their marginalisation in the agrarian reform period This article examines the history of the book Bonde-Praktika, a wide-ranging astrological handbook whose topics include general husbandry, weather prognostication, astrological nativities and medical advice. Originally of German origin (Bauern-Praktik, Bauernpraktik), the book was soon translated into a number of European languages. It thus represents the general trend of the spread of cheap astrological printings throughout much of Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries. The Danish Bonde-Praktika is unique however, not only when compared to the German original which appeared in many different versions, but also in the general context of the Danish book market, due to the fact that it saw practically no changes to either format or content: the 23 surviving editions, spanning the period 1597–1804, are essentially identical.In other words, the Danish Bonde-Praktika was a major success and remained popular among publishers and audiences alike for more than 200 years. Here I examine the book in the context of the other two most important vernacular examples of astrological printings in Denmark, the almanacs and prognostications (also known as practica). Seen together, these three genres paint a picture of a golden age for astrological printings in Denmark spanning the period c.1570–1633. Although the almanac (monopolized in 1636) contained a residue of astrological content until the 1830s, the Bonde-Praktika is the only truly astrology-based book to remain in print after the heyday, thus surviving what in recent years has been termed the marginalization of astrology.The last chapter of the article examines the process in which the long history of the Bonde-Praktika finally came to a halt. This process is seen in the context of the wide-ranging agrarian reforms that introduced major economic and cultural changes throughout the country in the decades around 1800. I suggest that this final marginalization of Danish astrological printings should be understood as an only partially intentional result of the reformers’ general wish to educate and enlighten the rural population. Although the Bonde-Praktika was in fact the target of several critics, the astrological worldview was at the same time indirectly supplanted through the introduction of new, astronomy-based theories which offered modern explanations of the nature of the celestial bodies.
 
The history of Danish political thought is a neglected field of study. This is due to scholarly traditions as well as to the lack of “great texts.” The present article presents a Danish manuscript mirror of princes, Alithia, written in 1597 by Johann Damgaard and presented to King Christian 4. The text itself is neither original nor of exceptional literary merit, but the King liked it and discussed it chapter by chapter with the author. In other words: Damgaard’s Alithia seems to have hit the bull’s eye of political correctness and royal taste. This makes it an interesting source for Danish political culture in the decades around 1600. It represents a synthesis of humanist and reformation ideology where humanism has determined the form while the contents is mostly traditional Christian kingship in the protestant tradition. An exploration of Damgaard’s sources reveals that Damgaard’s text represents a sofisticated writing up of material found in two earlier manuscript mirror of princes by Jens Skafbo from 1590 and 1592 respectively. Skafbo, on the other hand, compiled his mirror of princes on the basis of Paulus Helie’s Danish adaption (printed 1534) of Erasmus of Rotterdam’s Institutio principis christiani and diverse other texts mainly from the 1580’s. This plagiarism, as modern eyes would see it, was typical of the age. The interesting point is the thorough stylistic and ideological twist towards humanism that Damgaard gave his text. A last interesting point is that these mirrors of princes were not destined for the King alone. In more modest and shortened manuscript editions they circulated among the higher nobility. In one such edition of Damgaard’s Alithia one finds a paragraph with no parallel in the King’s version. It describes the relation between King and realm by means of a parable about a lion (the king) and a unicorn (the realm). If the lion behaves peace is assured, but if the lion offends the unicorn it will throw him out by means of its sharp and strong horn (the nobility). The paragraph ends with some barbed verses about the expulsion of King Chrsitian 2. in 1523. This is precious evidence for a radical aristocratic ideology which only occasionally, if at all, surfaces in the sources.
 
Federico Zuliani: Una raccolta di scritture politiche della fine del sedicesimo secolo. Giacomo Castelvetro e la biblioteca di Christian Barnekow. Alla pagina 68 recto del manoscritto Vault Case Ms. 5086, 73/2, Newberry Library, Chicago, ha inizio il “Registro di tutte le scritture politiche del S[igno]r Christiano Bernicò”. Il testo è preceduto da un altro elenco simile, sebbene più breve, che va sotto il titolo di “Memoriale D’alcune scritture politiche, che furon donate alla Reina Maria Stuarda Prigioniera in Inghilterra l’anno di salute m.d.lxxxiii. Dal S[igno]re di Cherelles”. Il manoscritto 5086, 73/2 fa parte di una collezione di dieci volumi (originariamente undici) appartenuti a Giacomo Castelvetro e oggi conservati negli Stati Uniti. I codici, le cui vicende di trasmissione sono, in parte, ancora poco chiare, furono sicuramente compilati da Castelvetro durante il periodo che passò in Danimarca, tra l’estate del 1594 e l’autunno del 1595. Il soggiorno danese di Castelvetro ha ricevuto attenzioni decisamente minori di quelle che invece meriterebbe. Alla permanenza in Danimarca è riconducibile infatti l’opera più ambiziosa dell’intera carriera del letterato italiano: vi vennero assemblati, con l’idea di darli poi alle stampe, proprio i volumi oggi negli Stati Uniti. La provenienza è provata tanto dall’indicazione, nei frontespizi, di Copenaghen come luogo di composizione, quanto dalle annotazioni autografe apportate da Castelvetro, a conclusione dei testi, a ricordare quando e dove fossero stati trascritti; oltre a Copenaghen vi si citano altre due località, Birkholm e Tølløse, entrambe sull’isola danese di Sjællad, ed entrambe amministrate da membri dell’influente famiglia Barnekow. E’ a Giuseppe Migliorato che va il merito di aver identificato per primo in Christian Barnekow il “Christiano Bernicò” della lista oggi alla Newberry Library. Christian Barnekow, nobile danese dalla straordinaria cultura (acquisita in uno studierejse durato ben diciassette anni), a partire dal 1591 fu al servizio personale di Cristiano IV di Danimarca. Barnekow e Castelvetro si dovettero incontrare a Edimburgo, dove il primo era giunto quale ambasciatore del monarca danese e dove il secondo si trovava già dal 1592, come maestro di italiano di Giacomo Stuart e di Anna di Danimarca, sorella di Cristiano IV. Sebbene non si possa escludere un ruolo di Anna nell’introdurli, è più probabile che sia stata la comune amicizia con Johann Jacob Grynaeus a propiziarne la conoscenza. Il dotto svizzero aveva infatti dato ospitalità a Barnekow, quando questi era studente presso l’università di Basilea, ne era divenuto amico e aveva mantenuto i rapporti nel momento in cui il giovane aveva lasciato la città elvetica. Grynaeus era però anche il cognato di Castelvetro il quale aveva sposato Isotta de’ Canonici, vedova di Thomas Liebler, e sorella di Lavinia, moglie di Grynaeus sin dal 1569. Isotta era morta però nel marzo del 1594, in Scozia, ed è facile immaginare come Barnekow abbia desiderato esprimere le proprie condoglianze al marito, cognato di un suo caro amico, e vedovo di una persona che doveva aver conosciuto bene quando aveva alloggiato presso la casa della sorella. Castelvetro, inoltre, potrebbe essere risultato noto a Barnekow anche a causa di due edizioni di opere del primo marito della moglie curate postume dal letterato italiano, tra il 1589 e il 1590. Thomas Liebler, più famoso con il nome latinizzato di Erasto, era stato infatti uno dei più acerrimi oppositori di Pietro Severino, il celebre paracelsiano danese; Giacomo Castelvetro non doveva essere quindi completamente ignoto nei circoli dotti della Danimarca. La vasta cultura di Christian Barnekow ci è nota attraverso l’apprezzamento di diversi suoi contemporanei, quali Grynaeus, Jon Venusinus e, soprattutto, Hans Poulsen Resen, futuro vescovo di Sjælland e amico personale di Barnekow a cui dobbiamo molte delle informazioni in nostro possesso circa la vita del nobile danese, grazie all’orazione funebre che questi tenne nel 1612 e che venne data alle stampe l’anno successivo, a Copenaghen. Qui, ricordandone lo studierejse, il vescovo raccontò come Barnekow fosse ritornato in Danimarca “pieno di conoscenza e di storie” oltre che di “relazioni e discorsi” in diverse lingue. Con questi due termini l’ecclesiastico danese alludeva, con tutta probabilità, a quei documenti diplomatici, relazioni e discorsi di ambasciatori, per l’appunto, che rientravano tra le letture preferite degli studenti universitari padovani. La lista compilata da Castelvetro, dove figurano lettere e istrutioni ma, soprattutto, relationi e discorsi, era un catalogo di quella collezione di manoscritti, portata dall’Italia, a cui fece riferimento l’ecclesiastico danese commemorando Christian Barnekow. Tutti coloro i quali si sono occupati dei volumi oggi negli Stati Uniti si sono trovati concordi nel ritenerli pronti per la pubblicazione: oltre alle abbondanti correzioni (tra cui numerose alle spaziature e ai rientri) i volumi presentano infatti frontespizi provvisori, ma completi (con data di stampa, luogo, impaginazione dei titoli – a loro volta occasionalmente corretti – motto etc.), indici del contenuto e titolature laterali per agevolare lettura e consultazione. Anche Jakob Ulfeldt, amico e compagno di viaggi e di studi di Barnekow, riportò a casa una collezione di documenti (GKS 500–505 fol.) per molti aspetti analoga a quella di Barnekow e che si dimostra di grande importanza per comprendere peculiarità e specificità di quella di quest’ultimo. I testi di Ulfeldt risultano assemblati senza alcuna coerenza, si rivelano ricchi di errori di trascrizione e di grammatica, e non offrono alcuna divisione interna, rendendone l’impiego particolarmente arduo. Le annotazioni di un copista italiano suggeriscono inoltre come, già a Padova, potesse essere stato difficoltoso sapere con certezza quali documenti fossero effettivamente presenti nella collezione e quali si fossero smarriti (prestati, perduti, pagati ma mai ricevuti…). La raccolta di Barnekow, che aveva le stesse fonti semi-clandestine di quella dell’amico, doveva trovarsi in condizioni per molti versi simili e solo la mano di un esperto avrebbe potuto portarvi ordine. Giacomo Castelvetro – nipote di Ludovico Castelvetro, uno dei filologi più celebri della propria generazione, e un filologo egli stesso, fluente in italiano, latino e francese, oltre che collaboratore di lunga data di John Wolfe, editore londinese specializzato nella pubblicazione di opere italiane – possedeva esattamente quelle competenze di cui Barnekow aveva bisogno e ben si intuisce come mai quest’ultimo lo convinse a seguirlo in Danimarca. I compiti di Castelvetro presso Barnekow furono quelli di passarne in rassegna la collezione, accertarsi dell’effettivo contenuto, leggerne i testi, raggrupparli per tematica e area geografica, sceglierne i più significativi, emendarli, e prepararne quindi un’edizione. Sapendo che Castelvetro poté occuparsi della prima parte del compito nei, frenetici, mesi danesi, diviene pure comprensibile come mai egli portò con sé i volumi oggi negli Stati Uniti quando si diresse in Svezia: mancava ancora la parte forse più delicata del lavoro, un’ultima revisione dei testi prima che questi fossero passati a un tipografo perché li desse alle stampe. La ragione principale che sottostò all’idea di pubblicare un’edizione di “scritture politiche” italiane in Danimarca fu la presenza, in tutta l’Europa centro settentrionale del tempo, di una vera e propria moda italiana che i contatti tra corti, oltre che i viaggi d’istruzione della nobiltà, dovettero diffondere anche in Danimarca. Nel tardo Cinquecento gli autori italiani cominciarono ad essere sempre più abituali nelle biblioteche private danesi e la conoscenza dell’italiano, sebbene non completamente assente anche in altri settori della popolazione, divenne una parte fondamentale dell’educazione della futura classe dirigente del paese nordico, come prova l’istituzione di una cattedra di italiano presso l’appena fondata Accademia di Sorø, nel 1623. Anche in Danimarca, inoltre, si tentò di attrarre esperti e artisti italiani; tra questi, l’architetto Domenico Badiaz, Giovannimaria Borcht, che fu segretario personale di Frederik Leye, borgomastro di Helsingør, il maestro di scherma Salvator Fabris, l’organista Vincenzo Bertolusi, il violinista Giovanni Giacomo Merlis o, ancora, lo scultore Pietro Crevelli. A differenza dell’Inghilterra non si ebbero in Danimarca edizioni critiche di testi italiani; videro però la luce alcune traduzioni, anche se spesso dal tedesco, di autori italiani, quali Boccaccio e Petrarca, e, soprattutto, si arrivò a pubblicare anche in italiano, come dimostrano i due volumi di madrigali del Giardino Novo e il trattato De lo schermo overo scienza d’arme di Salvator Fabris, usciti tutti a Copenaghen tra il 1605 e il 1606. Un’ulteriore ragione che motivò la scelta di stampare una raccolta come quella curata da Castelvetro è da ricercarsi poi nello straordinario successo che la letteratura di “maneggio di stato” (relazioni diplomatiche, compendi di storia, analisi dell’erario) godette all’epoca, anche, se non specialmente, presso i giovani aristocratici centro e nord europei che studiavano in Italia. Non a caso, presso Det Kongelige Bibliotek, si trovano diverse collezioni di questo genere di testi (GKS 511–512 fol.; GKS 525 fol.; GKS 500–505 fol.; GKS 2164–2167 4º; GKS 523 fol.; GKS 598 fol.; GKS 507–510 fol.; Thott 576 fol.; Kall 333 4º e NKS 244 fol.). Tali scritti, considerati come particolarmente adatti per la formazione di coloro che si fossero voluti dedicare all’attività politica in senso lato, supplivano a una mancanza propria dei curricula universitari dell’epoca: quella della totale assenza di qualsivoglia materia che si occupasse di “attualità”. Le relazioni diplomatiche risultavano infatti utilissime agli studenti, futuri servitori dello Stato, per aggiornarsi circa i più recenti avvenimenti politici e religiosi europei oltre che per ottenere informazioni attorno a paesi lontani o da poco scoperti. Sebbene sia impossibile stabilire con assoluta certezza quali e quante delle collezioni di documenti oggi conservate presso Det Kongelige Bibliotek siano state riportate in Danimarca da studenti danesi, pare legittimo immaginare che almeno una buona parte di esse lo sia stata. L’interesse doveva essere alto e un’edizione avrebbe avuto mercato, con tutta probabilità, anche fuori dalla Danimarca: una pubblicazione curata filologicamente avrebbe offerto infatti testi di gran lunga superiori a quelli normalmente acquistati da giovani dalle possibilità economiche limitate e spesso sprovvisti di una padronanza adeguata delle lingue romanze. Non a caso, nei medesimi anni, si ebbero edizioni per molti versi equivalenti a quella pensata da Barnekow e da Castelvetro. Nel 1589, a Colonia, venne pubblicato il Tesoro politico, una scelta di materiale diplomatico italiano (ristampato anche nel 1592 e nel 1598), mentre tra il 1610 e il 1612, un altro testo di questo genere, la Praxis prudentiae politicae, vide la luce a Francoforte. La raccolta manoscritta di Barnekow ebbe però anche caratteristiche a sé stanti rispetto a quelle degli altri giovani danesi a lui contemporanei. Barnekow, anzitutto, continuò ad arricchire la propria collezione anche dopo il rientro in patria come dimostra, per esempio, una relazione d’area fiamminga datata 1594. La biblioteca manoscritta di Barnekow si distingue inoltre per l’ampiezza. Se conosciamo per Ulfeldt trentadue testi che questi portò con sé dall’Italia (uno dei suoi volumi è comunque andato perduto) la lista di “scritture politiche” di Barnekow ne conta ben duecentoottantaquattro. Un’altra peculiarità è quella di essere composta inoltre di testi sciolti, cioè a dirsi non ancora copiati o rilegati in volume. Presso Det Kongelige Bibliotek è possibile ritrovare infatti diversi degli scritti registrati nella lista stilata da Castelvetro: dodici riconducibili con sicurezza e sette per cui la provenienza parrebbe per lo meno probabile. A lungo il problema di chi sia stato Michele – una persona vicina a Barnekow a cui Castelvetro afferma di aver pagato parte degli originali dei manoscritti oggi in America – è parso, di fatto, irrisolvibile. Come ipotesi di lavoro, e basandosi sulle annotazioni apposte ai colophon, si è proposto che Michele potesse essere il proprietario di quei, pochi, testi che compaiono nei volumi oggi a Chicago e New York ma che non possono essere ricondotti all’elenco redatto da Castelvetro. Michele sarebbe stato quindi un privato, legato a Barnekow e a lui prossimo, da lui magari addirittura protetto, ma del quale non era al servizio, e che doveva avere presso di sé una biblioteca di cui Castelvetro provò ad avere visione al fine di integrare le scritture del nobile danese in vista della sua progettata edizione. Il fatto che nel 1596 Michele fosse in Italia spiegherebbe poi come potesse avere accesso a questo genere di opere. Che le possedesse per proprio diletto oppure che, magari, le commerciasse addirittura, non è invece dato dire. L’analisi del materiale oggi negli Stati Uniti si rivela ricca di spunti. Per quanto riguarda Castelvetro pare delinearsi, sempre di più, un ruolo di primo piano nella diffusione della cultura italiana nell’Europa del secondo Cinquecento, mentre Barnekow emerge come una figura veramente centrale nella vita intellettuale della Danimarca a cavallo tra Cinque e Seicento. Sempre Barnekow si dimostra poi di grandissima utilità per iniziare a studiare un tema che sino ad oggi ha ricevuto, probabilmente, troppa poca attenzione: quello dell’importazione in Danimarca di modelli culturali italiani grazie all’azione di quei giovani aristocratici che si erano formati presso le università della penisola. A tale proposito l’influenza esercitata dalla letteratura italiana di “maneggio di stato” sul pensiero politico danese tra sedicesimo e diciassettesimo secolo è tra gli aspetti che meriterebbero studi più approfonditi. Tra i risultati meno esaurienti si collocano invece quelli legati all’indagine e alla ricostruzione della biblioteca di Barnekow e, in particolare, di quanto ne sia sopravvissuto. Solo un esame sistematico, non solo dei fondi manoscritti di Det Kongelige Bibliotek, ma, più in generale, di tutte le altre biblioteche e collezioni scandinave, potrebbe dare in futuro esiti soddisfacenti.
 
Kristoffer Schmidt: Christian V’s par force hunt in 17th century’s newspapersThe year 2020 marks the 350th anniversary of the foundation by Christian V of the par force hunt (also known as chasse à courre) in Denmark. This type of hunting was a spec-tacular sight, where riders and a pack of hunting dogs, imported from England, would hunt a selected animal (often a stag) through large, artificially adapted hunting areas such as the open landscapes at Jægersborg Dyrehave or the geometrically shaped hunt-ing routes at Gribskov or Store Dyrehave. After a pursuit lasting usually several hours the animal would collapse from fatigue. The king would then finish off the exhausted beast with a hirschfænger – a large dagger – or a spear. Studies of the royal hunt tend to depict the Danish stag hunt as primarily a means for absolute rulers to showcase a symbolic power. It enabled the absolute ruler to exhibit athletic strength, exemplary riding skills and extreme courage, and thus to paint the picture of a heroic ruler.Although participation in these hunts was limited to a small group of royal hunts-men, court members and foreign guests (for example, ambassadors and royalty), news of the king’s hunting adventures were conveyed through contemporaneous, partly state-controlled newspapers such as Anders Bording’s Den Danske Mercurius and Ahasver-us Bartholin’s Mercurius.This article examines how the royal hunt – primarily the stag hunt – was covered in Den Danske Mercurius and later Mercurius. It reveals that reports on the stag hunt seem to have two main purposes. On the one hand, the newspaper reports underscore the assess-ment of the royal hunts as a symbolic manifestation of power, combining a description of the hunting skills of Christian V with a more general depiction of him as the hero-king. On the other hand, the reports also reveal a need of the Danish-Norwegian absolutist regime to justify the King’s numerous hunting adventures. In several instances Bording, in particular, pointed to the fact that the hunt was considered a pastime for the King and the court. Therefore, Bording and Bartholin stressed that this type of pastime did not interfere with the King’s other, more important duties, such as affairs of state. In other words, the picture of the athletic hero-king did not carry more weight than the image of the King as a capable and efficient ruler. Thus, it appears that the stag hunt, despite its public grandeur, also had a recreational and more private purpose, and that Christian V withdrew from his more formal duties to go hunting.
 
It is a rule of thumb that the army’s command language was German until 1773 andafter that Danish. But along with the language of the army, the army’s administrationalso had a written language, and that is the subject of this brief empirical study. Thestudy will discuss the written language skills and the choice of written language by twocommandants of the same age at Kronborg, who were otherwise very different people,each holding the position of commandant at the fortress for a number of years in thesecond half of 17th century, in a selection of letters from them to the king and thecentral administration. The letters are often about the construction work, which tookplace at Kronborg at the time. The following questions are asked: Which language wasused when writing to whom? And what language did they allow to be written to whom,when they used professional writers? In what situations did they use professional writers?Was the choice of language determined by the recipient? The first is the Danishnobleman Eiller Holck (1627–1696). The letters examined are from 1660–1664. EillerHolck, who was quite well-educated, was skilled at writing in both Danish and German,but mostly used a writer, and when writing himself, he seldomly wrote more than ashort text near his signature. When he himself wrote to the king, he wrote Danish,but when writing to the king using a writer, the writer used German. This was also thecase when writing to the Danish/Norwegian nobleman Jørgen Bielke. This is perhapslinked with the language skills of the writer that was available. Holck took into accountthe fact that his superior, Danish Field Marshall Hans Schack, preferred German. BothHans Schack and Eiller Holck used translations in communications with their troops.The second is Jacob Geueke, son of a commoner from Burg on the German island ofFemern (1617–1699). The letters examined are from 1688–1692. He used German language writers, only wrote amendments on the letters himself and only in Germanand was not satisfied with his own standard of writing. Perhaps he understood Danish.It is of vital importance that many of the recipients of the letters in the central administrationwere from Holsten. Perhaps the delivered correspondence would have beenin Danish to a greater extent had Jørgen Bielke been more involved in the administration?
 
Jesper Brandt Andersen & Niels W. Bruun: Tetralogy of Steno-Fallot and Bartholin-Patau syndrome. A heart malformation and a malformation syndrome first described by Danish anatomists in the seventeenth century. The heart malformation tetralogy of Steno-Fallot was first described by the Danish anatomist Niels Stensen (Nicolaus Steno) (1638–1686) in Thomas Bartholin’s Acta Medica & Philosophica Ann. 1671 & 1672 in 1673, but this was not discovered until 1942. Stensen’s description was built upon a dissection of a female fetus, which he made during his stay in Paris 1664–1665. We bring the first full Danish translation of Stensen’s Latin text and an analysis of his description in relation to his contemporaries and the present. Stensen describes three of the four elements of the tetralogy described in three adult patients by Fallot in 1888, namely ventricular septal defect, pulmonic stenosis and dexteriority of the aorta. The fact that Stensen does not mention the hypertrophy of the right ventricle may have two good reasons. Firstly, the difference between the wall thickness of the right and left ventricles is generally less pronounced in a fetus than after the birth and this would be expected even more in a heart malformation with overload on the right ventricle.Secondly, Stensen may have considered the right sided hypertrophy as merely a result of the three other elements of the tetralogy than as a malformation in itself.Stensen’s description reveals an impressive knowledge about the circulation of the blood in the heart of a fetus, and we speculate that he may have been the first in history to deliver such a precise description, not only of the anatomy and physiology of the tetralogy of Steno-Fallot, but also of the anatomy and physiology of the blood circulation in the fetal heart. Stensen’s fetus had several other malformations, i.e. cleft lip and palate, schisis of the abdomen and thorax and syndactyly of the second to fifth fingers on the left hand. We suggest that the fetus may have had acrofacial dysostosis 1 (Nager syndrome), which is caused by a mutation on chromosome 1q21.2.Likewise, Stensen’s mentor, the Danish anatomist Thomas Bartholin (1616–1680), was the first to describe a case report of the Bartholin-Patau syndrome in his Historiarum anatomicarum rariorum Centuria III & IV in 1657, but this was not discovered until 1960, the same year as Patau and collaborators showed that this syndrome is caused by trisomy 13. We bring the first full Danish translation of Bartholin’s Latin text with an analysis in relation to his age and the present.
 
Für die Jahre 1614 bis 1658 lassen sich für die drei dänischen Städte Helsingör, Kopenhagen und Köge die Reisewege von Reisenden verfolgen, die Fuhrwagen in Anspruch nahmen. Seit dem Mittelalter hatte der König das Recht, Wagen in den Städte anzufordern, wenn er, Mitglieder seiner Familie oder seiner Kanzlei sie benötigten. Mit der Zeit wurde das Recht auf andere Personengruppen erweitert, und um 1600 umfasste es alle königlichen und staatlichen Beamten – von Briefträgern bis zu Reichsräten.Über diesen Reisen wurde in den Städten genau Rechenschaft gehalten: Von Tag zu Tag sieht man hier die Namen der Reisenden, die Anzahl der gelieferten Wagen und Pferde, die Namen der Fuhrmänner – und natürlich wie weit diese für die Reisenden gefahren sind.Das Material ist überaus umfangreich: Eine vorläufige Aufarbeitung zeigt, dass über 25.000 Reisen in den Rechnungsbüchern der drei Städte eingetragen sind.Die Fahrt wurde über Bestellscheine oder königliche Pässe gewährt, die für mehrere Jahre noch vorhanden sind, bzw. in Original und Kopie. Sie ergänzten die Rechnungen mit Auskünften über den Zweck der Reise, die Reiseroute, von wo bis wo die Reise sich erstreckte usw.Mit den Abrechnungen, Scheinen und Pässen folgt man Amtmännern, Gesandten, Ingenieuren, Tischlern, Musikern und bildenden Künstlern und vielen anderen auf ihren Reisen. Die Abrechnungen geben ein buntes und detailliertes Bild der Gesellschaft der dänischen Spätrenaissance und des Lebens auf den Landwegen des 17. Jahrhunderts.
 
Im Rechtssystem des Alten Reiches galt der Senatus consultum velleianum als klassi-sches weibliches Rechtsinstitut für gerichtliche Argumentationen, der den Zugriff auf das Eigentum von Frauen verhindern konnte bzw. sollte. In charakteristischer Weise wurde etwa in Zedlers Universal-Lexicon 1747 das Institut damit begründet, dass „Frauen in Ansehung ihrer weiblichen Blödigkeit und Einfältigkeit, daß sie nicht listiglich und mit guten Worten etwan hintergangen werden und in Schaden kommen, […] daß sich das Weib damit helffen kann, wenn sie sich von ihren Mann, oder ihr eigen Gut, oder sich selbst verschreiben, daß solches nicht kräfftig sey, und geachtet wird, als wenn die Verschreibung niemals gesche-hen.“ Der im Usus modernus unter die Begriffe „Rechtswohltaten“ oder „weibliche Freyhei-ten“ subsumierte Senatus consultum velleianum war kein Bestandteil des mittelalterlich-deutschen Bürgschaftsrechts, sondern ging auf eine der wichtigsten Einschränkungsklauseln weiblicher Verpflichtungsfähigkeit im römischen Recht des Corpus Iuris zurück. Schutzbe-dürftig erschien die Frau vor allem wegen ihrer imbecillitas, fragilitas und der infirmitas se-xus, aus der unbedachte und für die Frau ungünstige Rechtsgeschäfte resultieren könnten. Dementsprechend unterlagen Frauen einem Interzessionsverbot für Geschäfte, die im Interes-se Dritter abgeschlossen wurden. Der Senatus consultum velleianum stand sowohl in den Normen als auch Diskursen in engem Zusammenhang mit der Geschlechtsvormundschaft, konnte allerdings auch in Rechtsregionen ohne Kuratel geltendes Recht sein.
 
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