O Iseb foi um Instituto de Pesquisas de um Grupo de Intelectuais Nacionalistas Que, nos Anos 50, Tentaram Entender o Brasil Numa Vis�o Global que Incorporava os Aspectos Sociais e Pol�ticos. Definiram o Desenvolvimento como Sendo um Processo Nacional de Mudan�as Radicais de Natureza Capitalista. Mais Especificamente, como um Processo de Industrializa��o que Levasse a um Crescimento Auto-Sustentado da Renda Per Capita. no Processo de Forma��o Nacional e de Institucionaliza��o de um Mercado Nacional, a Burguesia se Associaria � Burocracia Estatal e Aos Trabalhadores, Tendo por Objetivo Comum o Interesse Nacional. suas Id�ias Forma Criticadas Pela Escola de Sociologia de s�o Paulo, que Veio a Surgir Dez Anos Depois, e que Criticava o Nacionalismo e Insistia na Tese do Conflito de Classes. as Falhas no Pensamento do Iseb, Entretanto, n�o Decorrem Desses Aspectos. Superestimaram a Capacidade de o Setor Moderno Absorver o Excedente de M�o-De-Obra Existente no Setor Tradicional Enquanto que Subestimaram a Possibilidade de a Crise Origin�ria do Endividamento Externo Poder por um Fim ao Processo da Transforma��o Nacional.
This article analyzes the trajectory of a group of Brazilian intellectuals from 1786 to 1810, who inaugurated a systematic critique of the environmental damage caused by the colonial economy in Brazil, especially forest destruction and soil erosion. These authors, schooled in the culture of Illuminism, adopted a theoretical framework centered on physiocratic economic doctrine and the "economy of nature" encoded by Linnaeus. Their focus was political, anthropocentric, and pragmatic. They defended the natural milieu based on its importance for the survival and progress of Brazilian society. Waste and destruction of natural resources were attributed to the rudimentary technologies and social practices inherited from the colonial system. They proposed an overall modernization policy as the road to overcome environmental degradation in the country.
This article analyses several dimensions in the Brazilian electoral experience in the 19th century (1870-1889), based on evidence from the municipality of Campos dos Goytacazes, Rio de Janeiro State. The study focuses on three main questions: frequency of elections, voter registration rates, and the profile of qualified voters. According to data from the Rio de Janeiro State Archives and Campos dos Goytacazes Municipal Archives, ordinary citizens voted frequently during the period studied, sometimes more than once a year. Data from the ''Voter Qualification Lists'' in the municipality were used to calculate the voter registration rates (number of registered voters divided by the population) and establish a profile of voters in the region based on age, occupation, schooling, and income. The voter profile included a large share of both illiterate and low-income voters, which nonetheless did not mean a democratization of the exercise of political power in a slave-owning society marked by heavy social exclusion and poverty.
This article analyzes the building of professionalism among members of the São Paulo State Supreme Court, focusing on their social profile and career patterns as related to the ideas expressed by associate justices in the journals Revista dos Tribunais from 1912 to 1978 and Revista de Jurisprudência do Tribunal de Justiça do Estado de São Paulo from 1967 to 1997. The objective is to assess identity trends in São Paulo judges over the course of the 20th century, using discourse analysis. The study follows the social morphology of judges beginning with the creation of the São Paulo Court of Appeals in 1873, analyzing whether there is a causal nexus between the group?s profile and predominant ideology.
This essay offers a preliminary outline of the main aspects of Pará intellectual José Veríssimo?s theses in the field of ethnography and social thought as addressed to the Amazon society in the latter decades of the nineteenth century and first fifteen years of the twentieth, under the influence of naturalism, evolutionism, and positivism. An analysis is offered of works and texts by Veríssimo that are characterized by their distinctly ethnographic content, based on their connections to the paradigms posited by the ?men of science? belonging to the famous Generation of the Seventies. The essay is particularly concerned with perceiving how Veríssimo saw the question of miscegenation as key to understanding reality in the Amazon.
Efeito Condicional de um Aumento de 10% no Comércio sobre o Gasto per capita,  
This study examines the effects of globalization, democratization, and partisanship on social spending in 14 Latin American countries from 1973 to 1997, using a pooled time-series error-correction model. Weexamine three sets of issues. First, following debates in the literature on OECD countries, we want to know whether social spending has been encouraged or constrained by integration into global markets. Within this context, we examine the extent to which such outcomes might be influenced by two additional sets of domestic political and institutional factors discussed in work on developed countries: the electoral pressures of democratic institutions, and whether or not popularly-based governments are in power. We show that trade integration has a consistently negative effect on aggregate social spending, and that this is compounded by openness to capital markets. This is the strongest and most robust finding in our study. Neither democratic nor popularly-based governments consistently affect overall social spending. We then disaggregate spending into social security transfers and expenditures health and education. We find that popularly-based governments tend to protect social security transfers, which tend to flow disproportionately to their unionized constituencies, but have a negative impact on health and education spending. Conversely, the change to democracy leads to increases in health and education spending, which reaches a larger segment of the population. We conclude by emphasizing the contrasting political logics of the different types of social spending.
Based on study of a historical series, the article analyzes the dynamics of allocative preferences in public spending by Brazilian state and municipal governments during 1980-1994. Specifically, this contribution to the debate on decentralization and federalism in Brazil seeks to ascertain how and to what extent local governments have changed their allocative preferences as a result of decentralization
The article assesses the dynamics of the decision-making process of health policy in Brazil from the viewpoint of Executive-Legislative relations. It examines institutional mechanisms, negotiation strategies and political resources available to introduce, amend and regulate laws in this social arena. It shows that congressional capacity to refine laws proposed by the Executive branch is still limited (particularly due to both the Medidas Provisórias (Provisional Measure) and veto power of the Executive), but concludes that the legislative power of Presidents in the area of health must be tempered. After all, during the period under analysis (1985-1998), Congress displayed enough power to approve a growing number of bills and constitutional amendments in the area of health - significantly greater than the Executive?s.
The article's main purpose is to study the pattern of interest intermediation in public health policy and, more specifically, to examine the relations forged between interest groups and institutional actors within differing decision-making arenas during the evolution of the so-called Brazilian Sanitation Reform which took place in 1985-89. In empirical terms, the analysis centers on the reform's decisive landmarks, to wit: Brazil's 8th National Health-care Conference, the Unified and Decentralized Health-care System (SUDS), and the Single Health-care System (SUS). In methodological terms, the focus is on the strategic choices made by actors within the decision-making process. Drawing an analogy between the myth of Pandora and the Brazilian Sanitation Reform, the analysis explores the reform's unexpected outcomes and their socially undesirable effects. The profile of public health policy that has emerged from this reform is one that reflects a paradoxical process of universalization and exclusion, in which the principle of social citizenship - grounded on solidarism and universal access to health care - has been steadily undermined, giving way instead to market logic as the prime via of access to health care. Perversely and paradoxically, the state has come to intervene in a selective and merely residual fashion
Coalizões nas Votações Nominais (% de aprovação de acordo com a forma como a proposta foi apresentada)  
The "third wave of democratization" has produced different experiences and results in countries that have participated in it. In some, redemocratization has meant the drafting of "refounding" constitutions, generating new political and social pacts and commitments. In others, redemocratization has been accompanied by policy-making and financial decentralization to sub-national governmental levels. In many federal countries, redemocratization, decentralization, and new constitutions have changed the role of federative bodies. In Brazil, all these factors have occurred simultaneously. This article analyzes the decision-making process in the National Constituent Assembly vis-à-vis changes in the Federation and the decision to decentralize policy-making and financial power to the sub-national levels. The (re)construction of a federal system focused on the division of political and fiscal power without leading to an imbalance between the federative bodies is an intrinsically contradictory task, thereby generating conflicts and tensions. Based on empirical data, the study seeks to understand a) the paradox of a country with an agenda of problems that require national policies in the decision to decentralize political and financial power and b) the conflicts, alliances, and contradictions generated by the decisions made by members of the Constituent Assembly in relation to the Federation at that specific moment in history.
This study is about the behavior of Brazilian Congress members, concerning education and health bills from 1988 to 1994. A 817-bills database was built in order to test three hypotheses: whether members of Congress tended to "concentrate" resources as opposed to "spreading" them, a rejected hypothesis; whether there was a connection between "resource-concentrating" action and ideological spectrum; region, both confirmed. The paper also highlights that most bills tended to be submitted in the early years of member's term; who would be the main beneficiaries of the bills, presenting a link political parties-benefited groups; and the low approval capacity of Brazilian Legislative, while a high veto activity from the Executive body.
Approaching from the perspective of a political science analysis, the article focuses on the interactions between an economic stabilization plan 3/4 Argentina's 1991 Convertibility Plan 3/4 and the pro-market program of reforms that was implemented from the beginning of the Carlos Menem Administration. It highlights the political and institutional factors that made it possible to architect and expansive stabilizing policy, the relevance of the political effects of implementing this program, and the crucial interrelationship between the government's coalitional policy, the reform program, and macroeconomic policy.
Câmara dos Deputados – 50ª Legislatura  
In this work we apply quantitative methods to recover the individual preferences of Brazilian representatives, as expressed in their nominal votes in the 49th and 50th legislatures. The method assumes both the rational choice and spatial theories of voting. Empirical analyses show that Brazilian representatives can be accurately positioned in a single ideological continuum that reflects, in part, the consensus of Brazilian politics observers: members of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT - Workers? Party) are positioned at the extreme left and those of the Frente Liberal (PFL - Liberal Front) at the opposite end. The Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB - Party of the Brazilian Social Democracy), in turn, moved from a center-left position in the 49th legislature to the right, in the 50th. Additional dimensions contribute very little to the explanatory capacity of the model. The spatial positioning of representatives of a same party vary significantly, and the paramount quality of the statistical model used is its capacity to provide us with a spatial interpretation of this variation. The first dimension is rather stable in both legislatures. Circumstantial evidence is raised to support the hypothesis that these dimensions reflect the relationship between the Executive and the Legislative branches of government. During this period, the Presidents of the Republic were located at the extreme right of the political space.
The main objective of this article is to examine the characteristic dynamics of second-generation social concertations and their results, based on the Italian case. From the analytical point of view, we seek to demonstrate that: a) the social concertation process emerged from the combination of a specific conjuncture marked by the imperatives of the European construct, an acute national political and economic crisis, and strategic choices by social actors; b) tripartite negotiation gave rise to a collective bargaining structure at two levels, capable of simultaneously guaranteeing wage moderation, maintenance of wage purchasing power, corporate profit margins, and companies' needs for flexibility, with the exception of flexibility in lay-offs.
This article analyzes the activity of the political parties in the Brazilian House of Representatives during the first Fernando Henrique Cardoso Administration (1995-98). The main source of data is the result of head-count votes. Three aspects are emphasized: the degree of party discipline; the parties' rate of support for bills sponsored by the Administration; and the impact of maverick voting and absenteeism on the voting results. The link between the two dimensions treated separately by the literature (party discipline and party support for the Administration) shows that the strategy of evaluating Presidential power simply by counting the members of Representatives formally belonging to the Executive's constituency should be done with caution in countries with undisciplined parties and high absenteeism during head-count votes.
This article examines the successes and limits of the macroeconomic and fiscal reforms under the Fernando Henrique Cardoso Administration in Brazil. The author begins by studying factors that contributed to macroeconomic difficulties prior to 1995, then proceeds to examine how the Real Plan enabled the Cardoso Administration to control interference by State Governors in the national economy. The article then describes how former President Cardoso's policies generated the current ''fiscal straitjacket'' in Brazil, and concludes by discussing how the Cardoso government's legacy may continue to constrain action by future Brazilian Administrations.
ABSTRACT: The article analyzes the alliances established by the Workers' Party (PT) in the 2000 and 2004 elections in all Brazilian municipalities. Over the course of Brazil's current democratic experience, the PT has proven to be the country's most successful party in establishing a "party name". For important segments of the electorate, the PT acquired its identity based on its link to the Left and its rejection of corrupt methods in traditional Brazilian politics. Meanwhile, the Brazilian political system offers strong incentives for a strategy of broad and indiscriminate alliances. Through an analysis of alliances in the municipal elections, centered on government-opposition and Left-Right dichotomies, the article shows how the PT dealt with the opportunities created by (and constraints imposed by) its position in the political camp. __________________________________________________________________________________ RÉSUMÉ Dans cet article, on examine le profil des alliances établies par le Parti des Travailleurs (PT) lors des élections de 2000 et 2004 dans toutes les municipalités brésiliennes. C'est le PT qui a le mieux réussi à former une image de parti dans l'expérience démocratique brésilienne actuelle. Il a raffermi, auprès d'importantes tranches d'électeurs, une identité basée sur son appartenance à la gauche et son refus des méthodes corrompues de la politique traditionnelle, malgré le fait que le système politique brésilien encourage fortement les alliances élargies et floues. En analysant les alliances aux élections municipales, depuis les axes gouvernement-opposition et droite-gauche, on voit comment le PT a fait front aux occasions proposées et aux contraintes dérivant de sa position dans le champ politique.
Quadro 1 Cobertura do Primeiro Turno das Eleições Presidenciais em 2002, no Jornal Nacional 1 a 13/7 15 a 27/7 29/7 a 10/8 12 a 24/8 26/8 a 7/9 9 a 21/9 23/9 a 5/10 Total
The Globo television network conducted extensive coverage of the 2002 election process in Brazil. During the 17 weeks between the end of the Football World Cup and the second round of the Brazilian elections, the Presidential race occupied approximately one third of air time on the network's main nationwide news program, Jornal Nacional. This was a marked difference in comparison to coverage of the 1998 elections, which were virtually absent from the Globo news broadcasts. The network also pursued a policy of clear impartiality towards the four main Presidential candidates, in stark contrast to its almost militant involvement in previous races. This article seeks to demonstrate that the influence of the Globo network on the election process in 2002 occurred primarily through its collaboration in closing off the discursive field, demanding that candidates assume an increasingly deep commitment to the continuation of prevailing macroeconomic policies.
The article takes issue with positions that reduce representative systems to democratic linearity, considering how the latter is restricted to variations in forms of government and electoral systems that do not correspond to the growing complexity of national organizations. It is proposed that a third dimension be added to Robert Dahl?s bidimensional model that is, eligibility from which it is possible to derive minimalist yet strict definitions of authoritarian systems, of representative systems in general, and of their oligarchical and polyarchical variations.
The article assesses the organizational arrangements and innovations in Brazilian health-care policy that occurred during the 1980s and 1990s. The sector underwent important institutional shifts that threatened its entitlement status as a public policy. Health-care policy also created means of access to decision-making mechanisms and to sources of funds associated with distributive type governmental policies. This policy pattern favored decentralized, multi-centered decision-making arenas and satisfactory means of access to public funds at minimum costs for interest demands. This perception of health-care policy as entailing low fiscal and institutional costs account for the fact that sector actors (e.g., representatives of municipal interests) were extremely open to the policy innovations included on the agenda of the 1980s sanitation reform, such as decentralization and social control
This is an exploratory study on geographic displacement patterns among researchers in Brazil during the 1990s. The mobility of researchers has not been studied in Brazil since the 1970s, when the country?s demographic panorama was quite different from the present. The results indicate a rather intense migratory pattern, particularly between States of the country, and that the most frequent motive was the search for better work conditions. The Southeast region is the greatest magnet for skilled human resources, and the mobility pattern there is much complex merely than a migratory route from the North and Northeast to Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. Finally, the data suggest that migration increased during the 1990s and that there was an appreciable brain drain out of the country.
The article investigates the role the service sector played in job creation in Brazil during the 1977-90. Special attention is focused on what are known as personal services (community services, repairs, food and lodging, cleaning, and household services), which are considered the least attractive in terms of job quality. Firstly, results show that the proportion of the work force employed within the service sector was similar to that employed by the manufacturing and civil construction sectors together. Secondly, the number of jobs in personal services grew in both absolute and relative terms, surpassing rates for the other two sectors, while in relation to other service sectors, personal services displayed lower rates in both absolute and relative terms. Lastly, the personal services sector enjoyed systematic expansion within the urban labor market, while its participation within the service sector overall declined slightly.
Based on analysis of legal disputes and of disagreements surrounding the definition of public matters and social issues, the article investigates how the question of the environment is being framed as a social issue in Rio de Janeiro. After tracing the profile of legal cases, the text examines the environmental arguments developed within the context of these conflicts. A description of "interpretive packages" put forward by the actors involved in the disputes serves as basis for an inventory of competing views of the environment expressed in the arenas of public action and debate in Rio.
The article aims to link recent changes in Brazil's political and economic situation with the question of governance in a democratic setting. It shows that a set of policies are only as good as the political support which enables their implementation. As memories of the economic nightmare of the past decade fade and the costs of sustaining price stability through needed budget cuts continue to be felt, popular dissatisfaction with reform is bound to increase. The Cardoso Administration's incremental strategy of state reform and its step-by-step approach to crucial human rights issues reflect the conflicting pressures the government must balance in order to make policy advances. As democratization increases the autonomous representation of societal interests and the structure of Brazilian politics continues to erect legislative obstacles, incrementalism seems the most appropriate pace for producing real, long-lasting reform.
The article explores to what extent the color of men accused of rape influences decisions made within the criminal justice system. It follows the flow of people and paper through the system?s various arenas, including police departments, the Ministério Público, and criminal courts. Based on data produced by these bodies, it is concluded that black defendants are discriminated against and that race is a factor which breeds inequality in an accumulative fashion, right from the police stage of the process.
This article presents the results of a study employing the added value methodology to evaluate the effect of institutions of higher learning in Minas Gerais States on the performance of their students in the so-called Joint National Board Exams (Provão). The added value methodology allows to control substantive factors influencing academic performance and to capture the specific effect of a teaching institution on the students? final performance. The purpose is to help clarify and improve the procedures for evaluating institutions of higher learning as an important instrument for policy-making in education.
In the 1980s, a conservative movement for public sector reforms attempted to adjust civil servants' (alleged) egotistical, amoral behavior to the efficient achievement of collective goals, in accordance with the principles of Adam Smith's invisible hand. Based on Karl Polanyi's and Max Weber's classic works on the establishment of the market and of modern bureaucracy, respectively, the article endeavors to show how the conservative approach errs by ignoring the specificities of bureaucratic organization as well as the socially constructed character of the market mentality. The conclusion is that public sector reforms based on the assumption of self-interest end up breeding suspicion and fostering precisely the corrupt behavior that they are meant to forestall, thereby reinforcing the State's incapacity to properly manage its actions in the social sphere.
In the literature analyzing democratization processes, a central discussion is that institutional arrangements and historical aspects have an influence on the chances of success. The main prescriptions in the literature point to certain arrangements, such as the combination of either Parlamentarianism, proportional representation, and bicameralism or that of Presidentialism and majority representation, as favoring the democratization process. Using the Boolean method, the article tests these hypotheses in the African context and reaches the conclusion that the main prescriptions in the literature are inadequate for analyzing democratization in Africa.
The patterns of Executive-Legislative relations that prevailed during the 1946-1964 period differ from those of the post-1988 period. A brief look at the specialized literature shows that the reasons behind these changes have not yet been adequately explained. The article explores these changes more thoroughly, developing a conceptual framework for understanding the rationale of interactions between presidents, parties, and lower chamber representatives. Patronage and agenda power are found to be the prime ingredients in these interactions, and important changes in the pattern of Executive-Legislative relations can be traced essentially to the greater agenda power enjoyed by Brazilian presidents since 1988. This is reflected not only in the president?s improved capacity to make his voice heard within the legislative body but also in the greater party cohesion and discipline displayed by his support base within the lower house
Since the 1950s, agricultural structures in the State of Ceará have undergone profound changes, including both the growth of small farms on the one hand and the development of indirect or precarious occupation of land on the other. One consequence of this restructuring has been the impoverishment of small farmers, who have faced increasing difficulty in access to land, which in turn has aggravated the conditions for the social reproduction of this social sector. Based on data from the Brazilian Census Bureau (IBGE), the article describes these changes before attempting to identify two types of factors that have helped increase pressure on the land market: the mercantilization of farming land, causing small farmers to be forced off the land, and the first phase of a demographic transition involving decreased mortality.
This article discusses the relationship between the Executive and Legislative Branches in Brazil with regard to the issuing of Provisional Measures (PMs) by the former. The article contends that the legal ability of the Brazilian Chief of State to issue decrees with the force of law and taking force immediately (i.e., PMs) does not imply that members of Congress have abdicated from their legislative prerogatives in favor of the Executive Branch, as proposed by some authors analyzing the issue. After presenting the most important analyses of the dynamics in the Executive-Legislative relationship, the article aligns itself with the interpretation emphasizing the process of mutual delegation and control between the two powers, contending that the formation of a solid coalition government generates incentives for the Executive to issue PMs that meet the interests of the legislative majorities, and that Congress is also capable of inferring whether such measures meet its interests, by way of an indirect supervisory mechanism known as the "fire alarm". The article proposes that it is possible to view PMs as part of a complex and changing context of delegation within Brazilian Presidentialism, involving neither usurpation nor abdication.
In this article we propose a new typology of forms of disrespect. Based on Axel Honneth?s critique of the Hegelian Republican treatment of the issue of recognition, we elaborate an alternative proposal, inspired by the notion of asymmetrical counter-concepts as proposed by Reinhart Koselleck. We identify three basic forms of disrespect as expressed through the use of language, pointing to the horizons of expectations and the practical consequences they generate. Finally, we examine the advantages presented by our typology as compared to that proposed by Honneth, amongst which the possibility of applying this analytical tool to identify forms of disrespect that transcend the borders of the nation-state.
This paper, based on ethnographic research, presents the most evident changes among groups of low-income youth, the vast majority of whom are black or mixed-race, in Salvador and Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, over the course of ten years. The notions of ideal work and ideal male or female partner change along with the growing popularity of a perception of citizenship that is increasingly centered on individuals and their freedom of movement and conspicuous consumption - the measurement of participation in societies and their collective rituals. Among these youth there is also a renewed interest in blackness and youth, features which are no longer hidden, but celebrated and vindicated. In this context, new demands for citizenship take shape, along with a new feeling of relative dispossession: both are indicators of the new face of poverty in Brazil.
This article aims to stimulate a broad debate on the underlying logic in the policy for training researchers implemented by Brazilian science and technology funding agencies. The study was designed to answer the following question: when a country achieves domestic scientific training capability in sufficient quantity and quality, can it entirely do without training researchers abroad? The argument developed here is that the response depends on the respondent's premise. The article goes on to analyzes how different countries have dealt with the issue. Based on the data, the trend is to stimulate the mobility of human resources, especially young researchers who are still at the doctoral level. The Brazilian case is presented as "running contrary" to current trends.
Approaching from the perspective of sociological studies of natural disasters, the article probes the issue of the construction of popular housing and of the community's relations with its constructed environment. Based on an empirical study of landslides in a hilly area on Recife's north side, it seeks to ascertain how much is known about practices that can minimize the effects of the disaster felt by the community. Information derived from questionnaires and interviews is used to reconstruct both the population's strategies in the face of landslides as well as their views on the place where they live. This information likewise serves as a basis in identifying the community's vulnerability and its capacity to deal with its surrounding environment.
The vision that minority governments are anomalies in parliamentary systems has been long abandoned. In presidential systems, however, minority governments are still seen as problematic, especially when combined with unilateral powers of the president. This paper analyzes government formation in an original sample of 14 Latin American countries between 1979 and 2011, including coalitional changes in the same presidential term. Based on 287 observations, we test some current hypotheses about the political and institutional determinants of minority governments. Unlike the predictions of some theories, the results show that the main factors that increase the probability of formation of minority governments are the veto power of the president, low parliamentary fragmentation and the existence of few agenda setting powers by the president.
Dans ce travail, on veut discuter la question de l'espace dans l'imaginaire brésilien. On part de l'hypothèse que les images spatiales trouvées chez quelques-uns des "interprètes du Brésil" - dans les textes amazoniens d'Euclides da Cunha et les débuts de la sociologie comparée de Vicente Licínio Cardoso - ne tiennent pas de la recherche essentialiste d'une identité culturelle fixe, mais plutôt d'une optique du processus civilisateur brésilien, qui met l'accent sur le pragmatisme et la dimension ouverte de cette expérience. On avance que la conception de "terre", telle que l'ébauchent ces personnages, rapproche la société brésilienne de celle d'autres pays - Russie et États-Unis - ce qui déboucherait sur une sociologie politique de la périphérie.
Political scientists and sociologists alike have been intrigued by the phenomenon of low voter turnout in US elections during the second half of the 20th century. This paper explores the connection between religious affiliation and rising political alienation in America during this period. Recent studies on religion and politics in Latin American countries have identified lower-class religion, or the so-called church of the poor, as a catalyst that mobilizes the poor to engage in political action aimed at reforming or overthrowing political regimes. Using a Marxian framework and working with statistical analyses, this study shows that lower-class religion in America has the opposite effect. When all significant secular determinants of political alienation are controlled for, affiliation with conservative Protestant churches is shown to be significantly and positively related to nonvoting.
This paper will develop three themes. First, I show that the democratization, federalism, and nationalism literatures have been developed in relatively mutual isolation and that we can only make more meaningful and powerful statements about comparative federalism if we relate the three literatures to each other. Second, I demonstrate that all federal systems constrain the lawmaking capacity of the democratically elected legislators at the center. However, I argue that it is analytically and politically fruitful to study democratic federal systems as existing along a demos-constraining to demos-enabling continuum. I also make a strong case that at all points in the continuum, federal institutions can have a great impact on policy. I can not develop these arguments without directly addressing and confronting the most influential political scientist who has written on federalism, the late William H. Riker. Riker?s classic and still influential arguments about federalism stand in fundamental opposition to those I advance in this paper. Once these conceptual and methodological debates about federalism have been addressed, in the third part of the paper, I construct and operationalize the analytic framework of the demos-constraining continuum, by evaluating four propositions about federalism, using data from India, Germany, Spain, the United States, and Brazil.
This study deals with the reform of the State public school system in Minas Gerais, Brazil. The central aim of the reform is to establish decentralized spaces for participation by the population and professional educators in school management as a way of neutralizing the use of schools for political cronyism. The reform involved a process that spanned the terms of three different Governors, with participation by various actors displaying distinct political perspectives, interests, and ideologies. The study attempts to explain the causal factors affecting the decision-making process. As explanatory factors, the case study suggests the actors' capacity to establish common objectives and utilize available power instruments, the characteristics of the institutional context in which they acted, and the learning process developed with the legacy of previous policies.
Claiming that democratic regimes were basically procedural (or competitive) in character, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy published in 1942 by Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter, was a turning point in the theory of democracy. From then on, all major lines of the theory of democracy have been defined vis-à-vis the Schumpeterian conception, and many of the most influential ones fit his key premises. However, Schumpeter?s main conceptions of society and human nature have been inherited from a current of though that aimed at asserting the impossibility of any democratic organization: the so-called "theory of elites", materialized in the works of Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca and Robert Michels. The article tries to demonstrate that this legacy jeopardizes the prevailing conceptions of democracy and even the practices of western-type electoral regimes.
The article provides an explanation for the enormous variation in party discipline during the Brazilian democratic experience from 1946 to 1964. The argument is that party discipline is a function of the Presidents? strategies in forging coalitions in Congress. One of the main consequences of such strategies was the creation of two factions within parties, one for and the other against the President. The premise is that the size of each faction affects its level of discipline. According to an econometric analysis of 982 roll-call votes, crucial determinants of discipline in the larger parties were the amount of budget resources allocated to them by the President and the time remaining in the President?s term.
Around the globe, the labor world has undergone profound transformations that have given rise to much research and broad debate. A wide gamut of topics have been explored in an effort to understand the scale of impact these changes have had. One question that has merited attention is how this whole process affects labor, workers, and their organizational forms, as well as regulatory models in the realm of labor. Taking three studies as its point of departure, the present article analyzes current diagnoses and prognostics regarding these questions and examines the role that workers and unions might play in this new picture.
This article aims to reconstruct the issue of legitimation of democratic orders based on a typology of deliberative consensuses, relating different initial positions by actors to the principles of justification and application of the norms by which they operate. Based on Habermas' model of the ethics of discourse, the article argues that a democratic order's legitimacy depends on a "virtuous circle of democracy", defined as the circulation of forms of consensus that are able to avoid the characteristic crises in legitimation for each type of consensus.
To date, political scientists have argued that Brazilians' attitudes about neoliberal reforms play no role in mass political behavior or political assessments. In this paper, I provide evidence that Brazilians do politicize economic policy debates. Data from a January 1998 survey demonstrate that mass attitudes about privatization, foreign direct investment and free trade influenced citizens' evaluations of the Fernando Henrique Cardoso presidency. Moreover, there is no evidence to support the conventional wisdom that less educated Brazilians are less rational and coherent when it comes to evaluating their president.
Shugart and Carey posit that presidential democracies in which legislators have a parochial focus of representation are electorally inefficient because voters are not offered highly identifiable choices on national policies. Such systems are driven by an inefficient secret, which is essentially a nonpartisan representation of the policy process. To check the propositions of the inefficient secret model (ISM), this article investigates the aggregation level, effect, and subject of Brazilian deputies' legislative input and output. Our empirical analysis indicates that, although some ISM-related factors drive legislative output, there is partisanship in deputies' legislative input. This result means that the ISM underestimates the prospects for programmatic parties (especially in the opposition) to emerge within systems where the electoral and constitutional rules encourage particularism.
Top-cited authors
Fabiano Santos
  • Rio de Janeiro State University
Sergio Abranches
Octavio Amorim Neto
  • Fundação Getulio Vargas
Carlos Pereira
  • Fundação Getulio Vargas
Marta Arretche
  • University of São Paulo