Colombia Internacional

Print ISSN: 0121-5612
Este artículo intenta responder tres preguntas sobre los emigrantes colombianos en los Estados Unidos, a saber: ¿Cuántos son y cuando llegaron?, ¿cuál es su perfil socioeconómico?, y ¿qué tan grandes son las diferencias salariales respecto a los residentes en Colombia con similar educación y experiencia? Los resultados muestran que la población emigrante está por debajo del millón de habitantes (a pesar de la aceleración reciente de los flujos migratorios), que los emigrantes tienen al menos tres años más de educación que los residentes en Colombia, y que sus ingresos laborales son al menos dos veces mayores. Los resultados muestran, de otro lado, que la emigración hacia Estados Unidos es una alternativa viable para hogares de clase media en dificultades, no para hogares pobres en busca de mejores oportunidades.
The current U.S. war against international terrorism constitutes a superb scenario for the internationalization of the Colombian armed conflict, a strategy that the administration of President Uribe is advancing. The internationalization policy is an explicit and conscious decision to invite external actors—mainly the U.S.—to participate in the Colombian war. This decision is clearly conditioned by the international arena. Both rationalist and constructivist approaches in International Relations provide key elements to explain why the Colombian government decides to internationalize its conflict, and to identify what are the main components of this foreign policy strategy.
La actual guerra contra el terrorismo internacional que libra Estados Unidos constituye un escenario inmejorable para la estrategia de internacionalización del conflicto armado colombiano que adelanta la administración del Presidente Uribe. La política de internacionalización es definida como una decisión explícita y consciente, aunque condicionada por el escenario de internacional, de incluir a agentes externos-principalmente Estados Unidos-en el desenvolvimiento de la guerra colombiana.Tanto las aproximaciones racionalistas como las constructivistas de las relaciones internacionales brindan elementos claves para explicar por qué el gobierno colombiano opta por internacionalizar su conflicto y para identificar cuáles son los principales componentes de esta estrategia de política exterior.
This work evaluates the relationship between protests and state and citizen capacities in Colombia by way of statistical analysis. It concludes that social protests result from the loss of state capacities to contain protests and/or to protect people’s rights and well-being, and from the loss of citizen capacities to access political and economic resources in order to influence public policies. This hypothesis is examined statistically using time series regressions and factor analysis.
In this article the author evaluates the achievements of the Group of Three (G-3) in four distinct periods. The first period was characterized by a dynamic of political concertation that sought to reestablish political stability in Central America. Starting in 1990, a second stage of institutionalization was begun. The third period was characterized by thefailure of the G-3 to consolídate itself and the non-signing of previous commercial agreements. In consequence, the fourth stage, corresponding to 2000, has been characterized by efforts to reactívate the organization and to incorpórate policies of political concertation, international cooperation and economic exchange.
This paper seeks to explain the increase in the level of Colombian Central Government debt as a result of the change in the rules that restrict the decisions of fiscal policy –i.e. fiscal constitution- involved in the new Constitution. The paper assumes that the Government is an agent that weighs the costs and benefits of its decisions in a context of political and economic institutions. First, the main changes in the rules that apply to the financing alternatives for government spending, different from debt, are shown.Then, the main changes to the rules regarding the creation of debt. Lastly, it concludes that the change in the fiscal situation of the Government is an outcome of the reduction of the relative price of debt compared with other financing options.
This article examines the principal characteristics of Colombian foreign policy during the administration of Andrés Pastrana. A series of general tendencies in the country 's international relations are highlighted with the goal of situating the postures adopted during the period under study. The author's analysis focuses on the implications of Colombia 's domestic crisis for its foreign policy strategies towards distinct regions of the world. lt is concluded that the emphasis placed upon the country's bilateral relations with the United States has impeded the strengthening of ties with other countries, as well as the creation ofmore positive approaches to the múltiple problems that Colombia faces at present.
In this article the authors sustain that president Vicente Fox's ambiguous response to the terrorist attacks of 9/11, in combination with Mexico's decisión not to support the U.S. led coalition in Iraq, marked the transition from honeymoon to mutual deception between the presidents of México and the United States. Nevertheless, the importance of the bilateral relationship for the two countries has facilitated the preservation of pragmatic cooperation. The text concludes with a series of recommendations for improving the state of Mexican-U.S. relations during the final years of the Fox govemment.
Este artículo se pregunta por los factores que explican los recursos destinados a los municipios para desarrollo vial durante el primer gobierno del presidente Uribe. En concreto, se contraponen criterios técnicos con criterios políticos. Las evidencias encontradas muestran que algunos criterios políticos importan y que los criterios técnicos no tienen incidencia alguna en la inversión en infraestructura vial. Para hacer el análisis se construyó una base de datos original, la cual permite concluir que la priorización del gasto en infraestructura vial parece no responder a la función de bienestar y al modelo de desarrollo que el país adoptó en su planeación estratégica. Aun más, se evidencia un divorcio efectivo entre los asesores técnicos del gobierno y la implementación de sus políticas. Los datos analizados muestran que existe una relación positiva entre la asignación del gasto en infraestructura vial y la realización de Consejos Comunales de Gobierno. Este hallazgo sugiere la presencia de un uso populista del gasto en infraestructura vial, ya que los municipios en los que se realizaron Consejos Comunales contaron con una asignación presupuestal de US$14,1 millones adicionales frente a los municipios en los que no se realizaron dichos consejos. A través de los Consejos Comunales se asumen compromisos que implican gastos, de manera que se aseguren los apoyos políticos necesarios para mantenerse en el poder. Adicionalmente, se concluye que el gobierno invierte más en municipios con alcaldes no uribistas, lo cual señalaría que el gobierno estaría usando el presupuesto para comprar apoyos en los municipios en los que salió derrotado en las elecciones locales. Estos municipios recibieron asignaciones presupuestales por US$2,6 millones más que los municipios regidos por alcaldes de su coalición.
This article presents a preliminary assessment of the impact produced by the 2003 Political Reform on the Colombian electoral and political parties systems. The assessment is based on a comparative analysis of the electoral results for the House of Representatives in the 2002 and 2006 elections. Specifically, the article evaluates the effects of the new set of rules according to its main goals: reducing the number of political parties, strengthening the surviving parties and guaranteeing more representativeness in the seat allocation process. It must be noted that this article offers a preliminary balance of a reform adopted only 3 years ago; therefore, it can not be evaluated in a definitive way.
This paper argues that the success of the leftist Encuentro Progresista-Frente Amplio in the 2004 Uruguayan election is the result of being the only untainted and credible opposition in the party system. After many governments in charge of the Partido Colorado and Partido Nacional, the EP-FA was the only party that cannot be held responsible for the country's bad economic situation because it was never in charge of the national government. Using data from a 2004 national preelectoral survey the paper shows that attitudes towards risk and economic assessments of the country's situation influence voting behavior in Uruguay. Risk acceptant individuals who evaluate negatively the country's economic performance have a higher probability to vote for the EP-FA than risk averse voters with a positive assessment of the country's economy.The evidence from the Uruguayan case suggests that the increase of leftist parties in other Latin American countries could be explained in the same way.
Percentage of vote intention in the Brazilian presidential elections of 2006 for all candidates and all polling institutes. The data were obtained from es/2006/ and include polls from Datafolha, Sensus, Ipobe, Vox Populi and IBPS. The first reference line marks the formal beginning of the first round campaign and the second one the first round election.  
Exchange rates, interest and unemployment rates, plus inflation from January 2002 to October 2006 in Brazil. Data were obtained at The exchange rate is the Taxa de câmbio -R$ / US$ -comercial -venda -média -R$ -BCB Boletim/BP, the interest rate is Taxa de juros -Over / Selic -(% a.m.) -BCB Boletim/M.Finan., the unemployment rate is Taxa de desemprego -aberto -RMSP -(%) -Seade e Dieese/PED and the inflation rate is the IGP-M -(% a.m.) -FGV/Conj. Econômica.  
The paper describes the main characteristics of the 2006 Brazilian Presidential elections. It explores two defining traits of this elections: the interplay between how retrospective economic voting and views towards corruption affected vote volatility and the final result of the election. The paper concludes by pointing out implications of the current elections to the strengthening of democracy in Brazil.
Corruption was a central theme of the Brazilian 2006 elections, both at the Executive and Legislative levels. According to our data, more than 100 Federal Deputies, or 1 in 5 in the 52nd Legislature (2003-2007) were mentioned by the media in relation to some scandal. The focus of this paper is how Federal Deputies involved in corruption scandals fare during elections. Do voters punish allegedly corrupt politicians? We use a dataset of Brazilian Federal Deputies legislative and electoral performance to test how involvement in corruption is related to career choice and reelection success in the 2006 elections.
Tendencias de las preferencias electorales hacia los tres principales candidatos con información de encuestas publicadas en los principales periódicos o medios de comunicación en México, enero 18 -junio 23, 2006  
Morgan Stanley Capital Index para México y economías emergentes, enero 2 – junio 30, 2006  
This article addresses a key issue during the course of Mexico's 2006 presidential campaign: How did markets react to changes in support for the left-leaning Andrés Manuel López Obrador (PRD)? To answer this question, I develop a series of alternative arguments for how investors would respond changes in PRD support during the campaign. I evaluate the arguments using a times series GARCH model.The results show that changes in the levels of support for the candidate did not affect market returns but they did affect market volatility. Increased electoral uncertainty as margins narrowed, raised market volatility, while increasing electoral certainty regardless of whether rises in support were for López Obrador or the market-friendly Felipe Calderón (PAN), reduced it. This finding reveals that investors may have accepted the prospect of a López Obrador presidency ahead of the election but not the possible post-election social and political instability associated with a tight race.
Evolución del número efectivo de partidos en Chile estimado en función de los votos en elecciones municipales  
Participación electoral en Chile (1989-2006)  
During December of 2005 and January of 2006 Chileans chose their new chief executive, Michelle Bachelet, and renewed Congress for period 2006-2009. The elections transpired without disruptions and granted the governing coalition "Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia" (CPD) its fourth uninterrupted mandate since transition to democracy in 1990. Given that the constitutional reforms of 2005 eliminated the designated senators, this administration enjoys the most comfortable majority in congress since 1990. Despite it is possible to see the Chilean government immersed in a context of institutional stability and booming prices of Chilean products at the international arena, this scenario could paradoxically manifest itself in a situation of social stress that might seriously complicate the agenda of President Bachelet and her coalition.
Fuente: Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales (ONPE).
This article offers a first approximation to the recent electoral process that took Alan García Pérez to his second presidency. This is a process for which is not possible to give concluding remarks, mostly because of how recent it is and the lack of information available. With the intention to inform, we make some reflections germane to the Peruvian political debate. The article describes the first and second rounds and the factors that help explain the results, especially Alan García’s victory of and the resulting party composition of Congress. In its closing section, the article advances some general conclusions about the process.
¿Son los migrantes internacionales agentes transnacionales de la protesta? ¿Se involucran en las ONG del Norte dedicadas a la defensa de los derechos humanos? ¿Por qué vías transita el activismo transnacional por los derechos humanos? En el cruce de dos campos de trabajo privilegiados por el enfoque transnacional, la protesta y la migración, y partiendo de un estudio de caso, el artículo aporta respuestas a estos interrogantes. El trabajo se apoya en un buen conocimiento de la migración latinoamericana en Francia y en el examen de la experiencia de una asociación francesa de defensa de los derechos humanos, muy involucrada con América Latina. Se caracterizan y analizan los mecanismos de la acción transnacional y se propone una explicación para el caso colombiano: la permanencia de la práctica del rebusque.
By the 21st century, in most of Latin America a phased combination of international and civil society pressure has produced notable if incomplete human rights reform. Yet in Colombia, continuing assassinations, kidnappings, forced displacement, and torture have received limited international attention and met with a checkered state response. This essay will argue that the symbolic structure of the violations and political environment in Colombia, above and beyond material and institutional constraints, diminish civil society’s impact and state responsiveness. Communicative action and its failures are the key to the persistence of abuse and lag in international response in Colombia. Specifically, we will trace problems in the definition of rights, identification of victims, legitimacy claims of the state, discourse of causal attribution, and transnational communication dynamics.
Durante los últimos años los actores no gubernamentales han tomado fuerza al buscar, en muchos casos, sensibilizar e influir en la política internacional. Por su parte y a diferencia de otros países, los tomadores de decisiones de la política exterior colombiana interactúan poco con actores diferentes al Estado. En este artículo se examina un estudio de caso en el que el sector académico ha sido consultado acerca de las características de los migrantes y del diseño de una política exterior migratoria. En este sentido, busca examinar la incidencia del sector académico en el diseño y ejecución de dichos lineamientos. Se concluye que su participación ha sido coyuntural, puntual e intermitente.
This article describes the mechanisms through which the transition from banana to oil palm plantations in Zona Bananera, Magdalena, has been influential in forced displacement. Therefore it adds to the debate about the paths between resources and conflict in the literature on political economy of internal armed conflicts. The outcome of this qualitative research suggests that in the case in question the following “pathways” have operated: 1. The absence of a strong institutional presence has permitted the collection of extortions by illegal armed groups allowing their financing and generating forced displacement as a consequence of the threats; 2. The transition from banana to palm extraction reduced the intensity of manual labor and food security unleashing displacement processes; and 3. The institutional incentives for oil palm exploitation have promoted the usurpation of land by illegal armed actors who provoke the displacement in order to acquire land for their cultivation.
In a context of neoliberalism and sharpening of socioeconomic inequality in the Latin-American societies, the author analyzes the concept of citizenship and its articulation with that of civility. The first one has been defined as a status that guarantees equal individuals rights and duties, liberties and restrictions, powers and responsibilities. That’s why the concept of citizenship occupies a central place in democratic politics. But the exclusion, the growing inequalities and the lack of conditions for the rights’ exercise, shows its insufficiency and reveals a gap to fill. The need of linking this concept with the expectations of recognition contained in the idea of civility, leads the author to asking for the paradoxes of the liberal democracy, and to questioning the existing gap between the ideal right and its actual exercise, which indicates the importance of the task to be done for obtaining real democracy.
En un contexto de neoliberalismo y acentuación de la desigualdad socio-económica en las sociedades latinoamericanas, la autora analiza el concepto de ciudadanía y a su articulación con el de civilidad. La primera, ha sido definida como un status que garantiza a los individuos iguales derechos y deberes, libertades y restricciones, poderes y responsabilidades. En ese sentido, el concepto de ciudadanía ocupa un lugar central en la política democrática. Pero la exclusión, las desigualdades crecientes y la falta de condiciones para el ejercicio de los derechos, muestra su insuficiencia y revela un vacío a llenar. La necesidad de vincular este concepto con las expectativas de reconocimiento e inclusión contenidas en la idea de civilidad, lleva a la autora a interrogarse por las paradojas de la democracia liberal, y a cuestionar la brecha existente entre el derecho ideal y su realización, lo cual indica la medida de la tarea que hay que realizar para desarrollar una verdadera democracia.
This text is based upon a pilot project undertaken by Florida International University that seeks to explain the significant migratory flux of Colombians to southern Florida between 1996 and 2002, and the reasons for their prompt return. The author explores the different theoretical perspectives that have sought to provide answers to this phenomenon, determined by a variety of political, economic and social factors. It is argued that in order to capture the complexity of said factors, one must employ interdisciplinary theories similar to the extensive theory of equilibrium.
Para el siglo XXI, en la mayoría de Latinoamérica, una combinación de presión internacional y de la sociedad civil ha producido una reforma notable, si bien incompleta, por los derechos humanos. Sin embargo, en Colombia, asesinatos continuos, secuestros, desplazamiento forzado y tortura han recibido atención internacional limitada, y han tenido una respuesta Estatal mesclada. Éste ensayo argumentará que la estructura simbólica de las violaciones, y el ambiente político en Colombia, más allá de limitaciones institucionales o materiales, disminuyen el impacto de la sociedad civil y la respuesta del Estado. La acción comunicativa y sus carencias son la clave a la persistencia del abuso y la demora en la respuesta internacional en Colombia. Específicamente, rastrearemos problemas en la definición de derechos, identificación de victimas, reclamos de legitimidad del Estado, discurso de atribución causal, y las dinámicas de la comunicación transnacional.
Las organizaciones no gubernamentales dicen que juegan un papel central en definir las políticas internacionales estadounidenses, en particular sobre el tema de derechos humanos. Aquí, examinaré la influencia de los derechos humanos y grupos humanitarios en los debates sobre la política internacional hacia Colombia, enfocándome en el diseño y las apropiaciones adicionales subsecuentes para el Plan Colombia, un paquete de asistencia multibillonario que comenzó en el año 2000. Propongo que ONGs fueron capases de usar el legado del activismo por los derechos humanos del pasado que se concentraba en América Latina, pero que no logró una movilización popular alrededor de éste tema. Examino los problemas estructurales que limitan ese tipo de movilización, así cómo exploro la manera en que las ONGs sí usaron las condiciones legislativas que se colocaron al paquete de asistencia para que la preocupación sobre los derechos humanos se mantuviera como parte de los debates acerca de las políticas Estadounidenses. Este caso de estudio contribuirá al registro histórico sobre cómo las políticas se establecen y desarrollan, para ser parte de la literatura creciente que explora la manera en que reclamos de derechos humanos se transforman en políticas gubernamentales específicas.
Non-governmental organizations claim to play a central role in defining U.S. foreign policy, particularly in the field of human rights. Here, I will examine the role of human rights and humanitarian groups in the debates over U.S. foreign policy towards Colombia, focusing on the design and subsequent additional appropriations for Plan Colombia, a multi-billion dollar aid package beginning in 2000. I argue that NGOs were able to build on the legacy of prior human rights activism focusing on Latin America, but failed to achieve significant grassroots mobilization around this issue. I examine the structural issues limiting such mobilization, as well as exploring how NGOs did leverage legislative conditions placed on the assistance package to keep human rights concerns part of the debates over U.S. policy. This case study will contribute to the historical record of how policy is made and developed, adding to the growing literature exploring how human rights claims translate into specific governmental policies.
The Summit process in the Americas and the complex negotiations around the FTAA are specific manifestations, at a regional level, of broader transformations in the international politics and the world-economy. But in a “double movement,” the global expansion of markets has simultaneously generated pressures that seek a social and political regulation of those markets. Thus, regional networks and coalitions and, in some cases, transnational social movements, have acquired the capacity to deploy, sometimes simultaneously and sometimes sequentially, strategies that range from collaboration and participation in existing institutional arrangements (strategy that we characterize as “insider”), to opposition and contestation of the central forces and logic of globalization (strategy that we characterize as “outsider”). We argue that the equilibrium between these two strategies has been recently altered by shifts in the structure of political opportunities in the region.
During the last few years non-governmental actors have gained strength in seeking, in many cases, to promote sensibility and influence foreign policy. In their specific case, and unlike in other countries, the Colombian foreign policy decision-makers seldom interact with entities other than the State. In this article, a case study is examined in which the academic sector has been consulted on the characteristics of migrants and the design of a migratory foreign policy. By doing so, it seeks to examine the influence of the academic sector in the design and execution of said regulations. It concludes that its participation has been circumstantial, punctual and intermittent.
This document reconstructs the process that culminated in the signing of the Free Trade Agreement between Chile and the United States. It provides a historical and political context within which constants and ruptures in the Chilean political economy are identified. In particular, the effects of the democratic transition for the economic opening process initiated by Chile several decades ago are highlighted. The author concludes that the FTA is the result of an extended process of economic opening in Chile, on the one hand, along with Chile’s international reinsertion as a democratic nation.
Top-cited authors
Arlene B. Tickner
  • Universidad del Rosario
Angelika Rettberg
  • Los Andes University (Colombia)
Margarita Batlle
  • Natural Resource Governance Institute, London, UK
Juan Tokatlian
  • Universidad Torcuato di Tella
Juan E. Ugarriza
  • Universidad del Rosario