The following work represents a recent unauthorized public art project by Gil Doron and the group Transgressive Architecture, consisting of several interventions into urban public space in London, and associated photographic and textual documentation. This project is recorded here in three forms: a critique of the UK Government's influential Urban Task Force report , Towards an Urban Renaissance (1999); a compendium of terms which both suggests the intentions of the project and develops its imagery; and a series of photographs of the 'bad sheets', taken from the film that recorded the individual interventions. This work relates closely to Doron's ongoing research, for example, 'The Dead Zone and the Architecture of Transgression' ( City, 4: 2, July 2000), an exploration of urban 'dead zones' which criticized the organizations, authorities and processes through which spaces become seen as 'void' or 'dead', despite their frequent use by communities outside of the city authorities' 'vision' of urban public space and its 'legitimate' usage. Here the multi-layered metaphor of a sheet, reminiscent of a shroud or tombstone, and placed as 'monuments to street communities who were cleansed from the public space', is used to question the conception of urban public space posited by the Task Force. The project was widely published in the general London and international press,2 bringing increased public attention to an influential report which warrants closer scrutiny than it has otherwise received. Here for the first time, is the full account.
How can citizenship be a reality in a world that is being re-shaped by the process of globalization? Jordi Borja considers the dilemmas and opportunities with particular reference to the European Union. His conclusion is that the political-legal basis of European Citizenship is weak and he goes on to put forward a proposal for action.
About 1 billion people live in squatter communities throughout the world, and while these communities face significant challenges, life is vibrant and squatters are collectively the largest builder of housing in the world. Based on the experience of living for two years in squatter communities in Brazil, Turkey, Kenya and India, the paper describes the everyday experience as well as the legal, political and organizational challenges of people living in so-called slums. It refutes the three popular myths that (1) squatter communities are emblems of human misery, (2) everyone in these communities is impoverished and starving, and (3) squatters are the enemy of civil society. Instead, the challenges and achievements of everyday life in the communities are contextualized and the paper concludes by emphasizing the need for organizing in the communities to secure title, access to services and avoid evictions through successful initiatives from the squatters themselves, not global institutions.
The present dominant paradigm in much writing on ‘planetary urbanisation’ with its exclusive emphasis on ‘ the urban’ and consequent neglect/denial of ‘the rural’, thereby of the planet itself, and its minimal deployment of the concept of culture and of the humanities, reflects the somewhat ramshackle condition of urban studies and socio-spatial sciences with their uncritical and undertheorised notion of interdisciplinarity (sometimes incorrectly labelled recently as transdisciplinarity). Where and what is the planet itself in much of the work on ‘planetary urbanisation’? Where featured at all it is reduced to dehumanised and apparently nonsentient (mainly male) actants. It cannot do justice to the nature of life on the planet and therefore cannot provide an adequate account or critique of planetary urbanisation. It is, in fact, in danger of becoming an accomplice in that imperial(ist) project. An alternative paradigm, outlined here, is one in which the biosocial and gendered nature of culture, including its relationship to agriculture and ‘the rural’, is central to its explorations of the full geo-spatial field and their implications for action. To achieve justice with and for sentient beings and the planet, that misrepresented biosocial entity has, first, to be earthed, materialised, gendered, and cultured. (subsequent episodes reconsider the city in this neglected context and then science as partly normative notions). This series, developing a multidimensional, transdisciplinary(rather than interdisciplinary) approach, providing some necessary infilling and new/old orientations to the now outmoded paradigm, sets out a claim for this new paradigm for the biospatial sciences and the humanities. It seeks, in this episode drawing particularly on Marx's studies of the Russian commune and beyond (in space and time), Chernyshevski's work, particularly his novel What Is To Be Done?, and on earlier work in the series, to contribute to the identification of a partly agrarian and fully ‘encultured’ path to the reclamation of the now acutely over-urbanised planet.
Those tasked with Derry's governance are currently engaged in an attempt at reordering perceptions and understandings of that city as an archetypal contested/divided city. A key strategy employed to this end is the rebranding of the city, which has coalesced around Derry–Londonderry's designation as the inaugural UK City of Culture (2013). This paper explores how rather than assessing this re-imagination through the totalising frameworks of success or failure, the idea of the city as constituted by competing and contradictory narratives proves more useful for accessing some of the nuances, which have characterised the regeneration process.
Although Policing the Crisis brought thorough academic analysis to the overlap between police, government and media racism, black communities, and those standing in solidarity with them had been organising to address these issues long before. This resistance continues today, and Newham Monitoring Project (NMP) has been working with communities to support such initiatives for over thirty years. The work of NMP covers a range of issues, many of which are not dissimilar from those being challenged when Policing the Crisis was first published. What has changed however, is much of the racially charged language employed by the police and media. One example of this is the narrative around the gang, creating a new moral panic, to reproduce the same old racist domination.
As the Greek crisis deepens and ‘recovery’ is constantly postponed to an unknown future, a dominant discourse seems to consolidate which focuses almost exclusively on macro-economic arguments and concerns. Other aspects of the crisis, among which are its gendered facets and unequal effects on women and men, rarely permeate the allegedly ‘central’ understandings. With the possible exception of unemployment which fares high among left-wing analysts, gender is thought to pertain to a ‘special’, that is, less important, matter which may detract from the ‘main problem’. The paper draws together a series of stories of ordinary women who have experienced deep changes in their everyday lives as a result of austerity policies (unemployment, precarity, salary and pension cuts, shrinking social rights, mounting everyday violence). It argues that emphasis on this scale ‘closest in’, linked in multiple ways to many other scales (local, national, European, international), reveals areas of knowledge that would otherwise remain in the dark; and that connecting concrete bodies with global processes enriches our understandings with more complex and more flexible variables and informs the ‘big pictures’ (in this case about the Greek crisis)—and not only the reverse.
Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, power brokers of our urban system assumed other managerial roles, other controlling roles more market-driven, more fiscally prudent. They started to recede from public view, dabbled with privatization, with contracting-out service delivery, doing it at minimum cost. After a while, this dabbling with the public budget became damn right babbling: entrepreneurial managers turned into managerial entrepreneurs and soon into middle-management technocrats, each with their own private hegemony of meaning. Before long, a new nobility assumed the mantle of political and authoritative power, a para-state of accountants and administrators, of middle managers and think-tank ‘intellectuals’, of consultants and confidants who reside over our privatized public sector, filing the paperwork and pocketing the rents and fees, together with the interest payments and bonuses, in our ever-emergent rentier and creditor society. This paper critically investigates the sweeping changes that have transformed urban governance since the 1970s.
Since the first paramilitary ceasefires in 1994, the Northern Ireland peace and political processes have addressed a series of sensitive and contentious issues synonymous with the conflict, such as policing, prisoner releases, decommissioning and power sharing. However, one issue that has been absent from these transformative processes has been that of the peace walls, which were first constructed by the British Army in 1969 as a military response to sectarian violence and disorder. There are now over 60 such physical barriers and walls dominating the landscape of working-class communities in Belfast. Ironically, a significant number of these have been constructed or strengthened after the cessations in violence and introduction of power sharing arrangements in government. This reality of fortified segregation sits uneasily with the popular narrative of the peace process in Northern Ireland and its successes. With this in mind, this paper uses primary quantitative research to ascertain the factors that influence the public's perception and interpretation of the peace walls, with the understanding that these findings can support the development and implementation of policies aimed to transform the conflict architecture.
The production of architectural iconicity and its relationship to contemporary capitalist globalization is the focus of this article by Leslie Sklair. While Sklair notes that iconicity can take a range of forms, here he is particularly concerned to understand the iconicity ascribed to buildings or spaces (or indeed architects) on the basis of their uniqueness or difference. For Sklair, this form of contemporary iconic architecture is now corporate to an extent that is historically unprecedented. He accounts for this historical shift with reference to an analysis of the new conditions of architectural production associated with the agents and institutions of an emergent transnational capitalist class. Iconicity can not be accounted for with reference to explanations which focus solely on the symbolic/aesthetic qualities of a building or space. Rather, Sklair demonstrates how the agents and institutions of the transnational capitalist class have increasingly come to define the times, places and audiences that make buildings, spaces, and architecture iconic.
‘How does a global financial crisis permeate the spaces of the everyday in a city?’ This seems a precise question. But it is one that nevertheless needs analytical exploration in time and space as well as redefinitions both of the crisis and of land, labour and the city. The question is posed by the research group ‘crisis-scape’ in a brief statement about their film, ‘Future Suspended: from the Olympic spectacle to the dawn of the authoritarian-financial spectacle’. That characterisation is a touching-off point for explorations (in space and time) and for examination of aspects of the film and associated research. They are set out here on the basis of a presentation at their Athens Conference, of their film2, one ‘classic’ film, ‘Ulysses’ Gaze’ by Theo Angelopoulos, and of related work in this journal, as contributions to the development of an appropriate praxis, through some preliminary answers to the question: What is to be done?
The paper discusses infrastructural flows enacted/activated in the context of the crisis in Athens, focusing on waste flows and treatment. The argument is that disorder and deregulation, which are reflected in the disruption of patterns and flows, are endemic characteristics of the neo-liberal governance, but also of the wider infrastructural existence. Considering such activations of flows as working parallel with de-activations and the crisis-related arrhythmia of social, economic and political processes, the paper attempts to offer a re-reading of the crisis via some of the key urban infrastructural processes. In this regard, the diverse codifications of waste flows at play are explored anthropologically as infrastructural processes that reflect both an institutional and an informal social shift in the urban scale.
Mediterranean cities have always followed a path of urban development that diverges significantly from Anglo-American models. Spontaneity and informality have been deeply embedded in the cities' roots since Gramsci's time, but they have been transformed recently, together with urban development dynamics. A major rupture is observed in Southern Europe at the turn of the 21st century and especially the 2010s, when the region has been beaten by the force of the major global financial restructuring labelled the crisis, centralization/privatization and accumulation by dispossession. In anti-austerity social movements, popular spontaneity emerges as the par excellence force undermining neo-liberal hegemony and bringing to the surface niches of creativity of the urban grassroots, with the help of ICT (information and communications technology) dissemination. Focusing on Athens and two instances of massive mobilization in 2011 and 2013, we explore whether spontaneity and informality stamping urban development will manage to seep through structural readjustments, and how they will shape the future character of this and other Mediterranean cities during, but most importantly after, the crisis. Among alternative futures we discuss the darker one of quasi-Orientalist discourses by the European Union power elites, which undermine popular creativity and joie de vivre of the Southern grassroots and create urban dystopias; and the most optimistic one, which will be shaped by the emancipation of the currently vulnerable social movements and the emergent cooperative and solidarity economy, in a future eutopia.
Austerity urbanism is part of a larger neoliberal project in which the debt relation is both an important tool of redistributive growth and central to understanding the contemporary social structure of accumulation that generates financial bubbles and collapse. The financialization that is central to the contemporary period in Western capitalism impacts cities as part of larger phenomena that encompass not only mortgage debt but consumer and student debt in a context in which the legal system has shifted the obligations and entitlements of lenders and debtors. The pessimism that pervades an urban literature in which a ‘zombie’ neoliberalism inflicts endless austerity can only be countered by a wider re-embedding of market relations in a moral economy, a requirement that goes back at least to Adam Smith and has been revived and revitalized by Occupy Wall Street and related movements, including the Right to the City.
Belfast is often presented as an exemplary divided or post-conflict city. However, this focus can be limiting and an exploration of alternative narratives for Belfast is needed. This paper investigates the diversification of post-conflict Belfast in light of the substantial migration which has occurred in the last decade, outlining the complexities of an emerging narrative of diversity. We note discrepancies in how racial equality is dealt with at an institutional level and report on the unevenness of migrant geographies, issues which require future consideration. We also raise questions that problematize the easy assumption that cultural diversity ameliorates existing sectarian divisions.
The relationship between people and space is a hugely complex one; the intertwined nature of how people interact with certain spaces and with each other within certain spaces both informs and is informed by the physical environment itself, historic and contemporary spatial practice, and the discourses about these spaces. In many cities, policies are developed and initiatives put in place to govern these complex relationships in a number of ways: access can be restricted to particular places at particular times to ensure safety; places where people gather can be monitored; the built environment can encourage different types of spatial practice and interaction between people. In Northern Ireland, ‘shared spaces’, or those spaces people from different ethno-national backgrounds can use, are the subject of intense attention from policymakers. This paper explores how policy is governing shared space, with a particular focus on how the term ‘shared space’ and the connotations of this term are used as a policy concept to legitimise how Belfast city centre is managed as a space.
Adopting a case study approach, this paper explores the psychological dimensions of two shared spaces within the ethno-nationally divided city of Belfast. The paper highlights recurrent perceptions ascribed to the case studies and explores the correlation between the psychological and physical dimensions of the shared spaces. The findings draw on a series of semi-structured interviews with a wide range of stakeholders of the shared spaces. The paper concludes that the psychological and physical dimensions of shared space are very much intertwined: the built environment wields great power in reinforcing the perceptions required to establish and promote shared space in Belfast.
This paper reflects on the rapidly changing demography of Belfast and the (potential) role of ethnic minorities in facilitating the city's move to a more progressive and pluralistic society. Focusing specifically on two films about the migrant population—Lab Ky Mo's Oranges are Blue (2005) and Stephen Don's Faraway (2013)—it assesses the extent to which increased cultural diversity and alternative identities are complicating the dominant image of Belfast as a paradigmatic ‘divided city’ (between Catholics and Protestants). The paper also explores the city's alarming problem with racism—the number of racially motivated attacks increased by 30% from 2013 to 2014—as well as ongoing sectarian tensions and the ways in which these severely hinder the ability of migrants to contribute to the reconstruction of the city in imaginative and enlightened ways.
Just Space is a London-wide network of voluntary and community groups operating at the regional, borough and neighbourhood levels. It came together in an attempt to influence the strategic (spatial) plan for Greater London—the London Plan—and counter the domination of the planning process by developers and public bodies, the latter often heavily influenced by development interests. What crystallised Just Space participation was the requirement for an Examination in Public of the London Plan, at which Just Space supported the involvement of a wide range of community groups through the sharing of information, research and resources. This interview is an edited version of two conversations with Richard Lee (RL), coordinator of Just Space, and Sharon Hayward (SH), coordinator of London Tenants Federation (a Just Space member organisation). The conversation reflected on some of the challenges linked to bringing community voices to the table on strategic, citywide, planning; the strength in combining academic argument with practical, solid evidence from the grass roots; and the opportunities and challenges of sustaining a horizontal type of organisation across the different scales of the planning system. The conversations took place on 11 March and 30 May 2013 at the Bartlett Development Planning Unit, UCL, London.
Over half a decade has passed since the first global financial crisis of the 21st Century, and political economists are still trying to make sense of its causes and ramifications. In a major recent intervention Costas Lapavitsas argues that what was thrown into relief was the sheer penetration of the financial process into all facets of everyday life. Financialisation represents, Lapavitsas says, nothing less than a historic transformation in the structural process of capital accumulation itself: one which has been globally unfolding and locally evolving over the last three to four decades, and has now installed itself at all levels and dimensions of everyday life. At the centre of this argument is an analysis which focuses on the way financial intermediaries have been able to draw people, and the social infrastructure people depend on, deep into the circuit of financial accumulation. To a considerable degree this thesis backs up Lefebvre and Harvey's analysis made some four decades earlier: that financial capitalism was liable to mutate into a new urban form, based on the intensification of ‘secondary’ circuits of exploitation operating both inside and outside the realm of production. In this paper I try to connect the financial and geographical frameworks of Lapavitsas and Harvey to see what new light is cast on emerging urban forms of rent-extraction. Through an examination of the financialisation of the urban landscape I argue that urbanism does not merely reflect or represent the culture of financial accumulation, but has been a crucial socio-spatial process enabling the permeation and penetration of finance into the fabric of daily life.
This paper explores potential links between the project of emancipating autonomy and urban commoning by tracing the development of experiences connected to the creation of common spaces in crisis-ridden Athens. It is maintained that for commoning to remain an active force against social and urban enclosures, commoning has to remain ‘infectious’ and to expand by overspilling the boundaries of any defined community. Threshold spatiality shapes common spaces which support expanding commoning. Moreover, institutions of expanding commoning remain correspondingly open and osmotic by ensuring that collective actions become comparable, translatable to each other and controlled by mechanisms which obstruct any form of accumulation of power. City space, thus, is not only transformed and reclaimed through practices of expanding commoning but also actively contributes to the shaping of commoning institutions.
Numerous scholarly and journalistic commentaries on gentrification succumb to an analytically defective formula: weigh up the supposed pros and cons of gentrification, throw in a few half-baked worries about threats to ‘diversity’ and housing affordability, and conclude that gentrification is actually ‘good’ on balance because it represents the reinvestment that stops neighbourhoods from dying during a financial crisis. In this paper, I unravel such ‘false choice urbanism’ by arguing that disinvestment and reinvestment do not signify a moral conundrum, with the latter somehow better than the former. It is argued that gentrification and ‘decay’ are not opposites, alternatives or choices, but rather tensions and contradictions in the overall system of capital circulation, amplified and aggravated by the current crisis. Keeping the focus on gentrification as a political question (rather than a moral one), I offer some thoughts on some strategies of revolt concealed by purveyors of false choice urbanism.
Battles over identity, ideology and class are increasingly fought in cities. Various disciplines such as sociology, political science and history have engaged in the study and understanding of conflict in urban spaces in all its forms. While most of the literature on divided cities explores violence and the state of the conflict, very little is said about the processes that lead communities to grow apart or processes that instead can bring the city back together. As the focus remains on socio-political and psychological aspects of the conflict, only recently have scholars, especially architects and geographers, recognised the crucial role that the urban environment itself plays in urban conflicts and their peaceful resolution.
In recent years, the built environment has emerged as a critical target of climate change intervention for urban governments around the world, engaging developers, professionals, activists and communities in a range of new eco-urbanism projects. While important contributions have been made, this paper suggests that critical academic and policy debates on urban climate politics have so far paid insufficient attention to the sheer divergence in urban experiences, concerns and public–professional responses elicited through such experiments worldwide. By juxtaposing architectural and other eco-housing practices from diverse cities on three continents—Kyoto (Japan), Copenhagen (Denmark) and Surat (India)—this paper aims to conjure a more cosmopolitan research imagination on how climatic solidarities may emerge in the face of multiple urban differences and inequalities. Towards this end, the paper mobilizes assemblage urbanism as a set of methodological sensibilities towards issues of knowledge, materiality, multiplicity and scale-making within situated and contested processes of urban ecological change. Drawing on the politics of thick description favored by assemblage thinking, I deploy situated ethnographies to suggest that eco-housing projects in Kyoto, Copenhagen and Surat engage professional and public actors in variable world-conjuring efforts, potentially opening up new micro-arenas for the articulation of more attractive, sustainable and just urban futures. While shaped by inequalities of power, resource and knowledge, such eco-housing assemblages, I suggest, also serve as spaces of collective experimentation and learning, in and beyond the particular city.
On 4 November 2011, the trademark ‘smarter cities’ was officially registered as belonging to IBM. This was an important milestone in a struggle between IT companies over visibility and legitimacy in the smart city market. Drawing on actor-network theory and critical planning theory, the paper analyzes IBM's smarter city campaign and finds it to be storytelling, aimed at making the company an ‘obligatory passage point’ in the implementation of urban technologies. Our argument unfolds in three parts. We first trace the emergence of the term ‘smart city’ in the public sphere. Secondly, we show that IBM's influential story about smart cities is far from novel but rather mobilizes and revisits two long-standing tropes: systems thinking and utopianism. Finally, we conclude, first by addressing two critical questions raised by this discourse: technocratic reductionism and the introduction of new moral imperatives in urban management; and second, by calling for the crafting of alternative smart city stories.
The notion of ‘insurgent citizenship’ has emerged as a critical concept to highlight the insufficiencies of the modernist liberal citizenship project. Referring to the ‘everyday practices’ of disenfranchised communities, it holds particular resonance in the urban context, and represents a range of formal and informal practices employed to claim for missing entitlements. Nevertheless, this notion is imbued with a certain ambiguity, and insurgent practices have manifested in a diversity of approaches ranging from contestation to negotiation-based practices. This is evident in the insurgent practices of Muungano wa Wanavijiji, a federation of the urban poor within Nairobi, Kenya, and a member of the Shack/Slum Dwellers International (SDI) network. This paper explores three key tensions experienced by the movement, which navigate trade-offs between: the development of a strong representational body and respect for internal diversity; strategies that can influence and contest hegemonic practices while resisting co-option; and mechanisms of engagement that generate immediate and material benefits while also pursuing structural change. Reflecting on these tensions, the role of negotiation and contestation-based practices in claiming substantive citizenship rights in Nairobi is explored. The case highlights the shifting complexity of insurgent citizenship practices that necessitates a deeper examination and disentanglement, exploring the contextual tensions and trade-offs insurgent movements face to obtain entitlements within the city.
Some recent work in architecture has begun to think through the implications of an electronically mediated environment - both in terms of new forms of spaces and of changes to existing ones. New possibilities are read as resulting from these new technologies not only in terms of shaping buildings but also in terms of new ways of thinking about existing buildings. This paper traces the work of architects, such as Marcos Novak, who have used this opportunity to think through post-Euclidean architecture, his TransArchitecture. Mike Crang outlines the case made for seeing space as fluid, folded in complex dimensions and eventful. However, such an approach raises political questions about what a plural city might look like. This is explored through the ideas of Lebbeus Woods to suggest that instability of structure may be linked to a progressive politics. City shape, it is suggested, should be thought of a morphology, a logic of changing and transmission, rather than a static shape.
Based on reports on Right to the City Alliances in Spain, Germany, France, Hungary, the USA, Portugal and Greece, this paper puts together questions on organizational issues that have been raised and suggests some hypothetical answers. The issues dealt with include target constituency, problem focus, organizational base, internal organization, strategies and tactics, historical setting, role of the state, motivations and guiding theory.
In the unrelenting wake of the global recession has intensified pressure on the public realm to mediate between different actors vying to assert political rights, economic claims and social expression. Multi-disciplinary frameworks for reading economic systems as integral to the design and lived experience of the public realm have shaped our conceptualisation of the financial crisis as a city design problem. The following images and narrative offer a socio-spatial and political analysis of the City of London as a ‘business as usual’ city in which private interests trump public good. Through a design-based proposal for policy intervention and physical restructuring that radically alters the City's socio-spatial realities, we re-imagine the City of London as a true public city for the 21st century, where ‘productivity’ stems from the residential diversity, urban intensity and inclusive public spaces produced by significantly increasing the number of people living in the City.
Attempts to explain the electoral and economic success of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey usually refer to its integration of neoliberalism and a ‘protestant ethic’ into its ideology. This argument, however, is incomplete in two ways. Firstly, a factor equally as important as the AKP's ‘passive revolution’ is its continuation of a corporatist tradition deeply rooted both in the Republic and in Islam. Secondly, the AKP's hegemonic model is based on the construction sector as the dominant sector to promote economic growth and progress in the country. With the invention of governance models to commodify space and to allocate its surplus to its own budgets, the AKP's political and economic strategy to become and stay hegemonic is inherently spatial. It satisfies many members of society via the redistribution of non-commodified space, interconnects individuals via property relations and is used to avert economic and political crises. This paper will conclude with a discussion of the relation between the AKP's politics of space and the recent Gezi Park protests, and examine to what degree the demonstrators threatened the party's hegemony.
This paper explains what the production of speculative urbanisation in mainland China means for strategising emergent discontents therein. It is argued that China's urbanisation is a political and ideological project by the Party State, producing urban-oriented accumulation through the commingling of the labour-intensive industrial production with heavy investment in the built environment. Therefore, for any progressive movements to be formed, it becomes imperative to imagine and establish cross-class alliances to claim the right to the city (or the right to the urban, given the limitations of the city as an analytical unit). Because of the nature of urbanisation, the alliances would need to involve not only industrial workers and urban inhabitants but also village farmers whose lands are expropriated to accommodate investments to produce the urban as well as ethnic minorities in autonomous regions whose cities are appropriated and restructured to produce Han-dominated cities. Education emerges as an important strategy for the discontented who need to understand how the fate of urban inhabitants is knitted tightly with the fate of workers, villagers and others who are subject to the exploitation of the urban-oriented accumulation.
The article argues for the continuing relevance of Policing the Crisis, recently republished in a second edition with an unaltered main text but with a new Preface and Afterwords. It explores four reasons for this claim, two methodological, two theoretical. It starts by demonstrating how the methodological principles informing PTC – a concrete starting point, critiquing existing explanations and an essentially ethnographic approach to data – enabled a novel understanding of moral panics as symptomatic of a crisis of hegemony – a finding that still remains unique in moral panic literature. It then shows how the theoretical notions of conjuncture and the ‘exceptional’ or ‘Law-and-Order’ state were used to understand the development of the crisis of hegemony during the 1960s and into the 1970s. These methodological and theoretical ideas were then briefly deployed to show how they remain helpful in thinking about the present, neo-liberal moment.
This paper links an issue which has long been prominent in City - the relationship between international and local processes - and a concern with London. London is at an important stage: after 15 years of de-regulation and weakened democratic institutions it is grappling now with a new governance structure outlined in a recent paper by John Tomaney ( City 5: 2, July 2001) and the preparation of new strategic plans, discussed here last year by Doreen Massey ( City 5: 1, April 2001). The focus here is on the interaction in London of markets for land, housing, commercial property, transport and labour - markets which can be instruments of innovation and dynamism but which can also be vectors of exploitation and inequality. It is argued that London's draft strategic plans have not yet got the measure of this dualism.