Canadian Journal of Political Science

Published by Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Online ISSN: 1744-9324
Publications
Article
Critiques of the public/private divide in Western political thought do not go far enough in analyzing the full range and character of relations in the private sphere as demonstrated in this article, which analyzes John Locke's theorisation about the relative authority of wives, servants and slaves. A third-wave feminist analysis is used to illustrate the theoretical relevance of group-based identities that, far from having a uniform relation to the political power afforded to free (male) citizens, are hierarchically stratified. Thus it is demonstrated that a basic problem within second-wave feminist analysis of Lockean, and more broadly defined liberal thought, is the tendency to categorize women as "wives" of free citizens, and not to analyze adequately other dimensions of identity, thereby ignoring the explicit divisions and hierarchy among different groups of women in one of the earliest accounts of the private sphere in liberal theory.
 
Article
This article reconsiders George Grant's account of the decision of the US Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade against legal restrictions on abortion to support his claim that liberal contractualism here raises but cannot resolve the ontological question of what makes justice our due, while questioning his treatment of this crisis as the final triumph of technological reason, and the Biblical idea of will, over the remnants of an ancient justice based on the Platonic notion of contemplation. What provokes liberalism to question equality of right is as much its denial of the Biblical account of family and creation as its denial of classical political philosophy.
 
b coefficient estimates for a! the Semi-Parametric Discrete Hazard a b! The Gompertz Parametric Hazard b ~Robust Huber0White z values in brackets below estimates! 
Model Estimates for the Cox Continuous Hazard Function with 50% censoring 
Article
In this paper we examine the length of political tenure in Canadian federally elected parliamentary governments since 1867. Using annual data on tenure length, we categorize the distribution of governing tenures in terms of a hazard function: the probability that an election will arise in each year, given that an election has not yet been called. Structuring the election call as an optimal stopping rule, we test whether that distribution responds predictably to characteristics of the political and/or economic environment. The results of using the continuous Cox and Gompertz models together with the discrete semi-parametric proportional hazard model suggest that governing parties in Canada do engage in election timing and that the only economic policy measure that is used consistently in conjunction with election timing is fiscal expenditure. Résumé. Dans cet ouvrage, nous examinons la durée d'un régime parlementaire canadien depuis la Confédération de 1867. Nous utilisons des données annuelles et nous représentons la distribution de durée de vie d'un gouvernement par une fonction de hazard, c'est-a-dire, la probabilité qu'une élection soit déclenchée durant une année spécifique étant donné qu'elle ne l'a pas encore été jusqu'à présent. Nous modélisons un déclenchement d'élection par une règle d'arrêt optimal el nous testons si la distribution dépend des caractéristiques de l'environnement politique et économique tel que prédit selon la théorie. Nous résultats basés les modèles de hazard proportionnel continu de type Cox et Gompertz et discret semi-paramétrique révèlent que les partis fédéraux au pouvoir au Canada choisissent le moment opportun pour déclencher une élection. De plus, les dépenses fiscales sont la seule variable de politique économique qui y soit systématiquement relié.
 
Article
Sachs and Warner (1995) found a negative relationship between natural resources and economic growth, concluding that natural resources are a curse. This explanation for poor economic growth is now widely accepted. We provide an alternative econometric framework for evaluating the resource curse. We focus on resource rents and rent-seeking behaviour, arguing that rent seeking affects corruption and that, in turn, impacts well-being. Our measure of well-being is the Human Development Index, although we find similar results for per capita GDP. While resource abundance does not directly impact economic development, we find that natural resources are associated with rent seeking that negatively affects well-being, with results robust to various model specifications and sensitivity analyses. Résumé. Sachs et Warner (1995) ont observé une relation négative entre les ressources naturelles et la croissance économique et ils en ont conclu que les ressources naturelles étaient une malédiction. Cette explication de la faible croissance économique est maintenant largement acceptée. Nous offrons un cadre économétrique pour évaluer différemment cette malédiction des ressources. Nous nous concentrons sur les rentes tirées des ressources et sur la recherche de rente, en faisant valoir que la recherche de rente affecte la corruption, qui à son tour nuit au bien-être. Notre mesure du bien-être est l'indice de développement humain, même si nous trouvons des résultats similaires pour le PIB par habitant. Bien que l'abondance des ressources n'ait pas d'impact direct sur le développement économique, nous constatons que les ressources naturelles sont associées à la recherche de rente qui a une incidence négative sur le bien-être, comme en attestent nos résultats empiriques selon les diverses spécifications du modèle et des analyses de sensibilité.
 
Identification with Canada as a Mediator of the Economic Basis of Welfare State Support
Identification with Canada as a Mediator of the Economic Basis of Anti-Immigrant Sentiment
Models of Identity, Trust, and Anti-Immigrant Sentiment
Economic Position, Mediated by Identification with Canada and Anti-Immigration Sentiment, and Support for Redistribution
Article
This paper examines the role of national identity in sustaining public support for the welfare state. Liberal nationalist theorists argue that social justice will always be easier to achieve in states with strong national identities which, they contend, can both mitigate opposition to redistribution among high-income earners and reduce any corroding effects of ethnic diversity resulting from immigration. We test these propositions with Canadian data from the Equality, Security and Community survey. We conclude that national identity does increase support for the welfare state among affluent majority Canadians, and that it helps to protect the welfare state from toxic effects of cultural suspicion. However, we also find that identity plays a narrower role than existing theories of liberal nationalism suggest, and that the mechanisms through which it works are different. This leads us to suggest an alternative theory of the relationship between national identity and the welfare state, one that suggests that the relationship is highly contingent, reflecting distinctive features of the history and national narratives of each country. National identity may not have any general tendency to strengthen support for redistribution, but it may do so for those aspects of the welfare state seen as having played a particularly important role in building the nation, or in enabling it to overcome particular challenges or crises.
 
Article
LambertiJean-Claude, La notion d'individualisme chez Tocqueville. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1970, 86 pp. - Volume 4 Issue 1 - Edmond Orban
 
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Europe and War in the Balkans: Toward a New Yugoslav IdentityRezunMironWestport, Conn.: Praeger, 1995, pp. xi, 241 - Volume 29 Issue 2 - B. H. Barlow
 
Article
This article first presents a brief survey of the role and functions filled by the personal aide (chef de cabinet) of a minister in Quebec. The analysis continues, in a comparative perspective, by tracing a sociological and professional portrait of the Liberal“chefs de cabinet” in April 1976 and their successors in the pequiste government in July 1977. We then test the hypothesis that the cleavage between the government and the dominant economic forces has increased since November 15, 1976 as a result of the ideology articulated by the“chefs de cabinet” regarding the social and economic aims of the state. This hypothesis was confirmed. The hypothesis that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” exercise a more pronounced influence on the decision-making process is also confirmed. Nevertheless, one cannot argue that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” usurped the power of the legislators; their influence is more political than technocratic. The growing influence of the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” neverthelsss helps to accentuate the tensions and conflicts between the higher civil service and the ministerial aides.
 
Article
Disability rights organizations have been active participants before the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) since the mid-1980s but they have been completely neglected in the literature on social movement legal mobilization. This paper seeks to remedy this lacuna by providing an overview of the litigation activity of the main disability rights organizations. It builds on an emerging complementary theoretical perspective for understanding the participation by movement actors in the Court. Through an analysis of shared and contested collective meaning frames within and across social movement organizations we can complement existing theoretical explanations for the overall development of legal mobilization by social movement actors. Résumé. Les organismes du mouvement de défense des droits des personnes handicapées prennent une part active aux litiges devant la Cour suprême du Canada depuis le milieu des années quatre-vingt. Toutefois, on ne retrouve pas trace de ce mouvement dans la littérature sur la mobilisation des acteurs collectifs dans les lieux juridiques. Le présent article vient combler cette lacune en analysant les activités du mouvement dans ce domaine. L'article s'appuie sur une perspective théorique novatrice et complémentaire qui s'intéresse particulièrement aux rôles que jouent les idées organisationnelles et les relations intra-organisationnelles (conflictuelles ou de coopération) au sein du mouvement. L'article met de l'avant une explication qui combine ces deux facteurs pour mieux expliquer les tendances activistes de participation aux litiges par rapport aux analyses «classiques» qui ne prennent en compte que les ressources ou le contexte politique.
 
Article
Previous research has analyzed the various characteristics associated with the adoption of policies by the Canadian provinces. Since a number of provinces have appeared as regional leaders in the adoption of these policies, there would seem to be an emulation effect among the provinces similar to that found for the adoption of policies by states in the United States. The provinces that demonstrated leadership varied to some extent, depending upon the types of policies in question.
 
OPINION ABOUT PRIORITIES FOR THE GOVERNMENT
Article
This note examines the Canadian federal government's attempts to use communication programs to influence public opinion towards the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Using internal government documents and polling data, we describe the scope and objectives of the GST campaign, and assess its effectiveness in shaping public opinion. We then describe some of the weaknesses in popular discourse about the propriety of communications programs of this kind.
 
Article
Order and Anarchy: Civil Society, Social Disorder and War, Robert Layton, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. vi, 197. All societies undergo periods of stress from time to time, whether caused by internal factors or by radical changes in their economic, political or other environments. Why do some make the necessary adjustments by peaceful political means with relatively little disruption of their underlying social order while others spiral into violence, social disorder and (not infrequently) inter-communal warfare? This is a question that has long engaged political theorists and in this short book Robert Layton reflects upon it from the perspective of an anthropologist. His subject is nothing less than the role of violence in human evolution.
 
Article
This article aims to describe a forward-looking approach to the problem of property rights in transitional justice contexts. Undemocratic regimes violate property rights in various ways, from simple theft to violations of opportunities to appropriate. Therefore, post-transition situations entail an obligation to correct such injustices. However, returning to the status quo ante is complex, costly and requires information that is often not available. An alternative is the suggested FCR: forward looking, commensurable and redistributive. Such an approach emphasizes the creation of a baseline of ownership and welfare rather than an attempt to return to the status quo ante. Résumé. Cet article tente de décrire un argument tourné vers l'avenir au sujet du problème des droits de propriété en contexte de justice transitionnelle. Les régimes non démocratiques violent les droits de propriété de multiple façons, de la simple usurpation à la violation des opportunités d'appropriation. Par conséquent, les situations post transitionnelles impliquent une obligation de corriger de telles injustices. Cependant, le retour au status quo ante s'avère complexe, coûteux et requiert de l'information qui, souvent, n'est plus disponible. Une alternative est l'argument suggéré FCR : prospectif, commensurable et redistributif. Une telle approche met l'emphase sur la création des conditions de base du droit à la propriété et du bien-être, plutôt que sur la tentative de restituer le status quo antérieur.
 
Article
Most of the empirical work on the decision making of justices on the Supreme Court of Canada has taken as its exclusive focus the divided decisions of the Court. In contrast to this extensive body of research on divided decision, the much more limited knowledge of unanimous decisions is troubling because such decisions constitute nearly three-quarters of all of the formal decisions of the Court. The analysis reported below provides a first step towards understanding the neglected nature of unanimous decisions. This investigation of the nature and causes of unanimity in the Supreme Court of Canada explores two competing explanations: one drawn from the most widely accepted general explanation of judicial voting (that is, the attitudinal model) and the other from the perspectives of the justices themselves. To determine that perspective, the author interviewed ten of the current or recent justices on the Court. After describing these two alternative accounts of unanimity, empirical tests are conducted of the implications of each view. We find substantially more support for the perspectives of the justices than for the perspective derived from the attitudinal model on unanimity.
 
Article
This study seeks to add to the current understanding of the political nature of the Supreme Court of Canada. We analyze a data set consisting of all nonunanimous published Supreme Court decisions for the period 1949 to 2000. A prior study by Tate and Sittiwong (1989) suggested a model of judge attributes for the period 1949 to 1985. We build on that analysis by extending the time period to 2000, which allows the impact of gender also to be assessed. We find that since the Court gained substantial docket control, the types of cases the Court hears has changed from the period studied by Tate and Sittiwong. In the more recent period, civil rights and liberties cases are much more substantial in number. We conclude some of the variables in the Tate and Sittiwong study may be time bound and we suggest a new model of attitudinal voting.
 
Article
Decades after Gad Horowitz's seminal article first appeared in 1966 in the Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, fragment theory's capacity to make sense of phenomena for which it might otherwise be difficult to account, still appears relevant. Support for the Reform party/Canadian Alliance is most robust in provinces marked by immigration from the western United States. By contrast, provinces where United Empire Loyalists settled have proven most resistant to incursions by Reform. Using fragment theory to formulate a possible hypothesis to explain this puzzle has two incidental benefits. It probes the failure of new federal parties to emerge from Maritime Canada, and it allows speculation about the simultaneous demise of the Conservative and New Democratic parties.
 
Article
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission has been investigating the array of crimes committed in Canada's Indian Residential Schools. Genocide is being invoked with increasing regularity to describe the crimes inflicted within the IRS system, the intent behind those crimes, and the legacies that have flowed from them. We ask the following questions. Did Canada commit genocide against Aboriginal peoples by attempting to forcibly assimilate them in residential schools? How does the UN Genocide Convention help interpret genocide claims? If not genocide, what other descriptors are more appropriate? Our position might be described as “fence sitting”: whether genocide was committed cannot be definitively settled at this time. This has to do with polyvalent interpretations of the term, coupled with the growing body of evidence the TRC is building up. We favour using the term cultural genocide as a “ground floor” and a means to legally and morally interpret the IRS system. Résumé. La Commission de vérité et réconciliation a enquêté sur la matrice de crimes commis dans les pensionnats indiens au Canada. Le mot génocide est invoqué avec une régularité croissante pour décrire les crimes infligés au sein du système des pensionnats, l'intention derrière ces crimes, et l'héritage qui s'en est ensuivie. Nous posons les questions suivantes: le Canada a-t-il commis le génocide contre les élèves Aborigènes en essayant de les assimiler de force dans des pensionnats indiens? Comment la Convention des Nations Unies sur la prévention de génocide peut-elle aider interprétations des revendications de génocide ? Si ce pas de génocide, quel autre descripteur est plus approprié ? Notre position pourrait être décrite comme « séance de clôture »: la question de génocide ne peut être réglée définitivement en ce moment. Cela concerne les interprétations polyvalentes du terme, couplé avec le corps grandissant d'évidence que le CVR accumule. Nous préférons le terme génocide culturel comme « un rez-de-chaussée » et comme un moyen de légalement et moralement interpréter le système IRS.
 
Article
Existing measures of the level of democracy present in a given state treat democracy as a product and therefore place undue emphasis on actual freedoms enjoyed by the citizens of the country. In transition polities where the actual levels of freedom are low despite continuing efforts to democratize, democracy should be seen as a process rather than a product. Ameasure that dilutes the end product to capture today's struggles against undemocratic structures and policies does so in order to recognize the foundations these inputs lay for future democratic development. Nigeria exemplifies the many polities in transition on the African continent. This essay looks at the major political events that typify the processes of power change, quality of governance, political environment and democratic dividends, and uses them to construct democratization indices to determine the pattern and level of democratization in Nigeria since political independence. This exercise sets the stage for assessing the impacts of various dimensions of democratization on the performance of the Nigerian economy.
 
Article
Résumé. Cette étude de cas démontre que le discours électoral possède des caractéristiques propres. On donne l'exemple de Stephen Harper dont les discours tenus lors des élections de 2008 se différencient de ceux qu'il a prononcés à titre de chef de gouvernement. Le discours électoral est plus ancré socialement. C'est aussi un discours qui valorise le collectif national; le locuteur privilégie l'emploi du «nous», plutôt que de se présenter comme principal responsable des choix collectifs. Comparativement aux discours gouvernementaux, le discours électoral est aussi moins abstrait et plus orienté vers l'action, comme l'indique la prédominance du groupe verbal sur le groupe nominal. La forte présence de la construction négative et la désignation des adversaires (noms propres) soulignent le caractère polémique du discours électoral. Abstract. This case study demonstrates that electoral speeches possess specific characteristics. We give the example of Stephen Harper's speeches, given during the 2008 elections, which differ from those delivered when he was prime minister. The electoral speech is more socially anchored. It values the nation. When he is campaigning, S. Harper also uses the pronoun “we” more frequently, so that he does not appear as the main decider of collective choices. Compared with governmental speeches, electoral speeches are also less theoretical and more action orientated as indicated by the predominance of verbal over nominal groups. The very frequent presence of the negative construction and the use of opponents' names highlight the polemic character of electoral speeches.
 
Article
Résumé. La forme, le style du discours des hommes politiques sont révélateurs de leurs personnalités et de leurs stratégies de communication. Pour analyser les styles des premiers ministres québécois, un corpus comprenant 789 discours officiels prononcés de 1960 à 2005 a été soumis à une analyse de stylistique quantitative. Nous avons analysé les catégories grammaticales, le maniement des verbes et des noms, la longueur et la structure des phrases. Cette comparaison statistique montre des différences significatives entre les premiers ministres et révèle également la stratégie de communication privilégiée par chacun d'eux. Abstract. The style of politician speeches reveals their personalities and their communication strategies. In order to analyse the style of Quebec prime ministers, from 1960 to 2005, a corpus of 789 speeches have been built up and a quantitative stylistic analysis has been applied to it. The main indicators used are the grammatical categories, especially the verbs and pronouns, the length and the structure of the sentences. This statistical comparison shows some important differences between the styles of the prime ministers and between the communication strategies they have followed.
 
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Incluye bibliografía e indice
 
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Constitutional scholarship has been exploring the idea that the court and the legislature engage in a dialogue over the meaning of the constitution. Yet, despite many contributions to the idea of dialogue over the last decade, its potential remains unfulfilled. The epistemological potential of dialogue remains understudied, in part because the court continues to be viewed as the supreme, if not also the sole, expounder of the constitution. For dialogue's potential to be realized, the legislature should be acknowledged as a co-ordinate actor in expounding constitutional meaning and both court and legislature should assume a disposition for dialogue. Résumé. La littérature en matière constitutionnelle explore l'idée que la cour et le législateur s'engagent dans un dialogue sur le sens à donner à la constitution. Cependant, malgré les nombreuses contributions à l'idée du dialogue au cours de la dernière décennie, son potentiel ne s'est pas épanoui. Le potentiel épistémologique de l'idée du dialogue demeure sous-étudié, en partie parce que la cour continue d'être considérée comme étant l'entité suprême, sinon la seule entité, qui puisse développer le sens de la constitution. Pour que l'idée du dialogue puisse être actualisée, le législateur devrait être reconnu comme étant un acteur complémentaire à la cour pour développer le sens de la constitution et tant la cour que le législateur devraient être disposés au dialogue.
 
Article
Démocraties métropolitaines, Bernard Jouve et Philip Booth (sous la direction de), Sainte-Foy, Québec : Presses de l'Université du Québec, 2004, 335 p. Cet ouvrage collectif traite de gouvernance des métropoles, de politiques urbaines et de démocratie métropolitaine en France, en Grande-Bretagne et au Canada. Sa parution survient au moment où la province de Québec entend développer des partenariats publics privés, s'inspirant largement des exemples britanniques, afin de résoudre les problèmes de rénovation des infrastructures majeures des grandes métropoles du Québec. Il s'adresse aux géographes, aux urbanistes, aux économistes, aux politologues et aux sociologues curieux des multiples facettes du fait urbain, de la croissance et du développement des métropoles et de leurs habitants, ainsi que de l'évolution de la compréhension du concept de gestion démocratique du développement en Europe et en Amérique du Nord.
 
Article
Dual loyalty arises when a citizen or group of citizens holds political allegiance to another state or entity which could challenge their loyalty to the state. What defines dual loyalty as an accusation is the assumption that it is impossible to hold multiple political loyalties, but that, simultaneously, this multiplicity is denied any validity. This article explores the concept, locating it historically and locating the false and often racist discourse that characterizes its modern usage and meaning. Le double loyauté est quand un citoyen ou un groupe de citoyens sont fidèles à un état ou une entité qui pourrait aller contre leur loyauté à l’état. Ce qui définie la double-loyauté comme une accusation est la supposition que c’est impossible de tenir plusieurs loyautés, mais que, simultanément, cette multiplicité est niée aucune validité. Cet article explore le concept, par localiser historiquement et localiser les discoures faux et des fois raciste qui caractérise son usage et son sens moderne.
 
Article
This paper sets out an improved framework for examining critical junctures. This framework, while rigorous and broadly applicable and an advance on the frameworks currently employed, primarily seeks to incorporate an a priori element. Until now the frameworks utilized in examining critical junctures were entirely postdictive. Adding a predictive element to the concept will constitute a significant advance. The new framework, and its predictive element, termed the “differentiating factor,” is tested here in examining macro-economic crises and subsequent changes in macro-economic policy, in America and Sweden.
 
Article
Recent scholarship on Mary Wollstonecraft portrays her as either a liberal who disrupts the boundaries between public and private spheres or as a proto-socialist paving the road for a class-based feminism. Neither of these characterizations adequately captures the radical quality of her work. A close study of her views on class and family place her squarely within the liberal tradition of political economy. While she politicizes these institutions and, in so doing represents a threat to the latenineteenth-century British ruling classes, she neither disrupts the basic tenets of liberalism nor seriously anticipates the class insights of socialist feminism.
 
Article
Legislatures, David C. Docherty, The Canadian Democratic Audit Series; Vancouver: UBC Press, 2005, pp. 224. David Docherty's book, Legislatures, is ambitious both in terms of its comparative perspective and the territory it reviews. The book deals with virtually all important aspects of the Canadian Parliament and provincial legislatures. The main focus, however, is on the House of Commons.
 
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A Study of CrisisBrecherMichael and WilkenfeldJonathanAnn Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997, pp. xx, 1,064 - Volume 31 Issue 4 - Robert Jervis
 
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Parliaments of the World: A Comparative Reference Compendium Inter-Parliamentary Union 2nd ed.; Aldershot: Gower, 1986, 2 vols., pp. xiii, 1,422. - Volume 20 Issue 3 - Graham White
 
Article
White House YearsKissingerHenryBoston: Little, Brown, 1979, pp. 1,521 - Volume 13 Issue 4 - Gilbert R. Winham
 
Article
Gendered Vulnerability: How Women Work Harder to Stay in Office Jeffrey Lazarus and Amy Steigerwalt Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2018, pp. 226 doi: 10.3998/mpub.9718595 - Volume 52 Issue 3 - Cristine de Clercy
 
Article
Political Corruption: A HandbookHeidenheimerArnold J., JohnstonMichael and LeVineVictor T., eds. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1989, pp. xvi, 1017 - Volume 22 Issue 3 - Maureen Mancuso
 
Article
La pensée socio-politique au Québec, 1784–1812: Analyse sémantiqueHareJohn E.Ottawa: Editions de l'Universite d'Ottawa, 1977, 102 p. - Volume 12 Issue 2 - Joseph G. Jabbra
 
Article
Fascisme & totalitarisme, NolteErnst (édition établie et présentée par Stéphane Courtois), Laffont, collection Bouquins, Paris, 2008, 1021 pages. - Volume 44 Issue 1 - Marc Crapez
 
Article
Défense populaire et luttes écologiquesVirilioPaulParis: Galilée, 1978, 103 p. - Volume 16 Issue 2 - Jean-Guy Vaillancourt
 
Article
Criminal deportation policy in Canada follows a cyclical rather than a linear or partisan pattern. Based on a case study of Haitian residents deported between 1989 and 2009, I argue that criminal deportation cannot be explained as a stable proportion of the pool of permanent residents, but rather in terms of the political attention it generates. A change-point analysis identified two separate political mobilization phases. During the first phase (1994–1998), the integration of long-term residents is defined as a political issue and is translated into legislation (Bill C-44). The second phase (2003–2005) is a new episode of expansion that reformulated the issue around the concepts of risk and efficiency (Bill C-11). Despite recent legal reforms designed to accelerate removals of foreign criminals (Bills C-43 and C-60), the arrival of the Conservative Party (2006–2009) coincided with a decrease in criminal deportations during the period under review. La politique de déportation criminelle épouse une trajectoire cyclique et non partisane. Sur la base d'une étude de cas de résidents haïtiens déportés pour criminalité entre 1989 et 2009, je soutiens que la déportation criminelle ne s'explique pas comme une proportion stable du bassin de résidents permanents mais par l'attention politique qu'elle génère. Une analyse de points de rupture multiple distingue deux phases de mobilisation pénales distinctes. La première phase (1994–1998) correspond à la désignation du problème, puis à sa formulation en projet de loi (C-44). La deuxième phase (2003–2005) correspond à un nouvel épisode de durcissement par une reformulation de l'enjeu autour des notions de risque et d'efficacité (C-11). Malgré le dépôt de réformes législatives visant à accélérer la politique de déportation criminelle (C-43, C-60), l'arrivée du Parti conservateur (2006–2009) correspond à une baisse de la mobilisation pénale durant la période à l’étude.
 
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Book Review - The Dynamics of Emerging De-Facto States. Eastern Ukraine in the Post-Soviet Space Tetyana Malyarenko et Stefan Wolff, New York : Routledge, 2019, pp.104 - Félix-Antoine Cloutier
 
Article
Peuples et populisme. Catherine Colliot-Thélène et Florant Guénard (dir.) Presses Universitaires de France (PUF), La Vie des Idées, Paris, 2014, 104 pages - Volume 48 Issue 2 - Fabian Andres Leon Penuela
 
Article
Mao Zedong: A Preliminary ReassessmentSchramStuart R.Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1983, pp. 104 Leadership, Legitimacy and Conflict in China: From a Charismatic Mao to the Politics of SuccessionTeiwesFrederick C., Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1984, pp. xi, 169 - Volume 18 Issue 2 - J. T. Paltiel
 
Article
The Effects of Transistion to Confederation on Public Administration in NewfoundlandChanningJ. G.Toronto: The Institute of Public Administration of Canada, 1982, pp. xi, 107 - Volume 16 Issue 3 - Leslie A. Pal
 
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Canada/US and Other Unfriendly Relations: Before and After 9/11, Patricia Molloy , New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, pp. 192. - Volume 46 Issue 4 - James Clark
 
Article
PrangerRobert J., The Eclipse of Citizenship: Power and Participation in Contemporary Politics. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, Inc., 1968, pp. x, 110. PrangerRobert J., Action, Symbolism, and Order: The Existential Dimensions of Politics in Modern Citizenship. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1968, pp. ix, 225. - Volume 3 Issue 2 - Christian Bay
 
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L'apartheidMandelaNelson Préface de Breyten Breytenbach Paris: Les Éditions de Minuit, 1985, 111 p. - Volume 19 Issue 4 - France Giroux
 
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