In various articles published over the last two decades or so, Frederik Kortlandt (1978, 1988, 1991; reaffirmed 1996, 2000), building on his theory that the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) mediae were preglottalized voiced stops (Kortlandt 1978 and more especially 1981, 1985) has claimed, contrary to the traditional view (e.g. Voyles 1992, p. 40; Mottausch 1999, p. 47), (1) that the redistribution of consonantal quality on the basis of accentual context known as Verner's law preceded the rise of voiceless spirants in Proto-Germanic (PGm.), which is often, along with other processes, called Grimm's law, and (2) that the voiced (or lenis) spirants were not a feature of PGm. Since there appears to be little detailed discussion of these last two conclusions of Kortlandt's in the literature - and Bernard Mees (personal communication 30/10/1998, p. 6) has even gone so far as to say that »it is incumbent on [me] to demonstrate that there was no early Verner vis-à-vis Grimm, not [my] critics vice versa« - the intention of the remarks below is to offer a detailed assessment of Kortlandt's arguments.
Herewith are presented the results of the investigation into Thurneysen's law in Gothic alluded to in my earlier article (Woodhouse 1998) on early Germanic obstruent development. For a good introduction to Thurneysen's law with literature, discussion of a number of key issues, including criticism of recent views, the reader is referred to Suzuki (1992). Some criticisms of Suzuki's own views are contained in my earlier (1998) paper.