This article utilizes a multiple time series design to investigate the impact that restrictive abortion laws have had on maternal deaths in Romania. That society had an initially "liberal" law but it was reversed by a 1966 decree that greatly limited the circumstances under which a woman may have an abortion.
The research design combined with data collected from the World Health Organization suggest that it is unlikely that a post-1966 increase in the number of abortion deaths in Romania can be attributed either to the effects of history or instrumentation. Implications of this study for the American experience with abortion are discussed briefly. It would seem that in any society a restrictive abortion policy's impact on maternal death is likely to depend on the degree of "tightening."
Relying on a sweeping review of the literature on interest group influence in health care policy making, we propose a basic definition and a typology of interest groups in provincial health care policy making. Then, using Milbrath's communication framework, we analyze organized interests' strategies for influencing policy making. This article is a modest attempt to cross-fertilize the group theory and resource dependency literature. This theoretical framework allows us to explore many of the recurring questions about groups' origins and strategies from an original standpoint.
Nowadays, the cockpit model for public policy planning has been largely replaced by a model of distributed decision making. Taking a dramaturgical perspective on politics, this article follows issues when they are displaced between different settings for decision making. A typology of five different displacements is proposed and linked to staging effects of settings. This typology could form the basis of a theory with which complex, interactive, and distributed decision-making processes can be understood in more general terms. The approach is applied to a case of decision making about an innovative flexible public transport system in the Netherlands.
The story of medical marijuana implementation in the states provides researchers an opportunity for a unique cross-sectional study of several core conceptual issues: federalism, goal disharmony, market influences on implementation and political culture and values. This paper tests the causal relationship between the utilization of medical marijuana at the county level, estimated supply, and the political culture of each jurisdiction. This OLS regression model supports the conclusion that political culture is a significant part of the implementation story and that existing theory does not adequately account for the role of black markets and overt subversion by state and local governments.
Tragedy has two faces. It is a source of horror, shame, and grief. It is also the opportunity to reflect on the possibility of a different future and a different path for human social evolution. The tragedy of September 11th also provides the circumstances for considering how we might proceed once we have grieved and acknowledged our losses. It is respectful of the human condition to consider what we might learn from this horror and what new guiding principles we might set in motion because of it. A second even more compelling tragedy looms if we learn only how to better defend ourselves and not also how to create a more peaceful and democratic world from the ashes of our sorrow.
To what extent do national forest policy decisions reflect a balance between the interests of environmentalists and the timber industries? National forest policy making from 1960 through 1995 was analyzed using the advocacy coalition framework developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith. The authors found that forest policy shifted in a more ecologically sensitive direction beginning in the late 1980s. Changes were largely attributable to the ability of the environmental coalition to manipulate new information to influence key decision makers within Congress and to take advantage of more favorable decisional venues to overcome structural biases built into existing forest policy-making arrangements.
Studies of state budgeting focus on gubernatorial power primarily by examining executive influence over appropriations to individual agencies or programs. They also view executive versus legislative budgeting as a short-term zero-sum game. An alternative approach is to look at budgeting from a long-term perspective centered on “big-picture” elements of a state’s financial position. This case study takes this perspective by looking at Delaware Governor Pete du Pont’s tenure (1977-1985) when he engineered a remarkable, long-term financial turnaround in the face of economic stagnation, undisciplined spending, historically weak financial management, and divided government. His leadership resulted in balanced budgets, repeated tax cuts, upgraded bond ratings, and reduced unemployment. The case illustrates how governors can impact “big-picture” issues with influence extending well beyond their tenure in office. An examination of du Pont’s leadership style suggests strong similarities to leaders studied by Jim Collins who have transformed other organizations. Looking at the effectiveness of du Pont’s leadership style suggests that clear priorities, bipartisan solutions, and altering the institutional framework for tax and spending decisions can contribute positively to influence over “big-picture” issues of state finance.
Reorganizers of the state in Australia, New Zealand, Denmark, and Sweden during the 1980s tried to separate policy-making from the production of welfare and other services by introducing market disciplines and competition. Fiscal bureaucrats, afraid of rising fiscal deficits and public debt, sought to control what they saw as rent-seeking behavior and agent abuse of principals in the public sector They argued these changes would reduce incentives for collective rent-seeking behavior and prevent shirking. Fiscal bureaucrats thus sought to control future behavior in the public sector by changing the incentive structures workers and agency managers faced.
Twenty years ago, Frank Sherwood attempted to identify the most influential book in public administration from 1940 to 1990. This article makes a modest attempt to recreate that study for the span of 1990 to 2010 with a striking difference in its results. Whereas Sherwood’s panel picked a book that was well liked and respected in the academic community, the current study produced a winning volume that was almost universally derided by the panel of public administration scholars. The study also revealed interesting side stories about the methodology for identifying influence, the state of academic publishing, and the future of books for the field public administration.
Academia, the military, and the family are greedy institutions that make total claims on women while vying for their unwavering commitment. This comparative analysis examines the sacrifices that women in the military and academe make in the quest toward promotion and tenure, offers solutions that might prove to be mutually beneficial to all involved, and points to the potential implications for public management and future research.
This study uses discourse analysis to examine the role of storylines in an agency’s exercise of bureaucratic autonomy wherein agencies are able to pursue their policy goals independent, and sometimes in defiance, of political superiors. Most theories of bureaucratic autonomy typically fall into two categories: those based on task-specificity and those based on the agency’s ability to build a reputation for effectiveness. The author contends that examining the storylines surrounding an agency’s creation and purpose provides for a richer application and integration of existing theories. This study focuses on the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) as an exploratory case study and chronicles the storylines associated with its increasing autonomy from 1965 to 1980 and the subsequent challenges to that autonomy in the culture wars of the 1990s. It suggests that storylines associated with the role of the arts in defining and maintaining American identity in a Cold War context were powerful tools for building autonomy at the NEA.
Our understanding of reasonable accommodations in the workplace is incomplete. Frequently, research on disability either neglects issues of accommodation or examines the receipt of any accommodation, without specifying type. However, people with disabilities need specific accommodations, not any accommodation. This article uses comprehensive models to test the predictors of four types of accommodations received by employees with mobility-related disabilities. Overall, the results show that different factors predicted receipt of different types of accommodations. Furthermore, factors that facilitate or constrain an employer's capacity to make particular accommodations were more powerful predictors than an individual's need for accommodation or socioeconomic status.
The aim of this article has been to develop a communication strategy that will allow Supreme Audit Institutions (SAIs) to enhance their transparency and accountability to target groups. The study emphasizes the fact that these organizations should base their strategy on three fundamental props—target audience, message, and channels of communication. Defining the target audience and the message and revealing the most common ways of getting the message across have been the backbone of the theory put forward in this article. The analysis highlights the need for SAIs to aim their communication strategy at an increasingly wider audience which will, in turn, receive different messages via both traditional and new media.
One of the most striking features of recent public sector reform in Europe is privatization. This development raises questions of accountability: By whom and for what are managers of private for-profit organizations delivering public goods held accountable? Analyzing accountability mechanisms through the lens of an institutional organizational approach and on the empirical basis of hospital privatization in Germany, the article contributes to the empirical and theoretical understanding of public accountability of private actors. The analysis suggests that accountability is not declining but rather multiplying. The shifts in the locus and content of accountability cause organizational stress for private hospitals.
Advances in communication technologies have made great progress in bridging time and distance, but social and cultural differences are still formidable obstacles to effective communication. Communication processes occur in specific cultural contexts, with unique normative beliefs, assumptions, and shared symbols. Culture influences what people communicate, to whom they communicate, and how they communicate. There has been little systematic cross-cultural research to explicate the effects of communication media on communication effectiveness. This article proposes cultural effects on perceptions of media effectiveness. The authors advance conceptual knowledge by presenting new perspectives on the cultural effects on individuals’ perception of media and their effectiveness.
A common presupposition in the resource dependence literature is that autonomy is a goal to be achieved by the organization. This longitudinal study of the Fonds d'Action Sociale's changing ability to act autonomously in its resource environment extends and modifies this concept, suggesting that autonomy and dependency describe several different conditions in which the organization functions. This study demonstrates that organizational performance varies with condition. More autonomous conditions permit better performance: increased innovation, the internal generation of goals, and improved morale. These results force us to question certain assumptions about the inherent limitations on public organization performance and reconsider the potential of, and conditions necessary for, autonomous public organization.
Melding key concepts from structuration theory with the organizational field framework, this article builds on current work establishing a micro foundation for neoinstitutional organizations theory. First, the author presents a synthesized theoretic approach to explore the institutionalization process. Then, applying the framework to data from a case study of a welfare-to-work program, the article examines the institutionalization process from the standpoint of one group of organizational actors (social service workers). The analysis shows that institutionalization can be a highly contentious process enacted by knowledgeable actors who engage, reject, and at times transform the value-laden structures in which they are working.
Public services are increasingly delivered through hybrid settings of state and non-state actors. A key characteristic of such settings is the interaction between these actors. Different interactions may have different impacts on the outcomes of the particular settings. Yet to date, this key characteristic has received limited attention in scholarship. This article addresses this knowledge gap by presenting an exploratory comparative case study of two very similar hybrid settings that differ in the type of interaction between state and non-state actors.
This study applies the concept of institutional logic to interpret the content of the instrumental and expressive dimensions of nonprofit organizations (NPOs). The study concludes that the three-sector assumption of public, private, and nonprofit in existing nonprofit studies may have neglected some institutional logics of NPOs. The sets of institutional logics that are innate to NPOs must often adapt to “external” institutional logics due to resource dependency. The study discusses a relatively complete spectrum of the multiple institutional logics enacted by NPOs, and it conceptualizes the “adapted institutional logics” phenomenon, whereby NPOs are forced to change due to competing logics.
The constitutional school of American public administration contends that the founding fathers’ intentions for government legitimize our modern administrative state. The Constitution and the rhetoric surrounding its ratification are of primary importance to this school. Federal Farmer was one of the most intelligent critics of the Constitution during the ratification debate. His writings represent recurring themes in the governance of the United States that are pertinent to modern-day administrators. These writings present the modern reader with three lessons: Character matters for civil servants, civil servants should understand their constitutional and ethical roles, and bureaucrats must be engaged in the political process and understand the various groups attempting to influence them to be effective.
One of the most perplexing problems facing modern governments is how to balance the pursuit of integrity with that of efficiency. The pursuit of integrity has resulted in a massive body of rules and oversight structures that can paralyze management and harm efficiency. Most administrative prescriptions do not deal with the root of this problem—the insistence that integrity be assured by managerial strategies rather than administrative moral agencies. This article argues that by instilling a culture of stewardship, so that integrity flows from people, public agencies could ease heavy-handed corruption controls and pursue efficiency relatively unhindered. A case study of the Edmonton Public Schools is offered to illustrate how stewardship could harmonize the pursuit of integrity and efficiency.
"The principles of administration," long discredited in public administration, have found a new home: constitutional law. The jurisprudence of the Burger-Rehnquist Court, which appears incoherent to many legal scholars, is actually quite coherent with the "old public administration's" principles. This article reviews major cases in several different areas of the law, including due process, search and seizure, and separation of powers to demonstrate this coherence and explores its normative significance. Particular attention is given to the question of official immunity.
Recent studies on disaster resilience policies focus on government and administrative shortcomings that prevent affected communities from improving their life circumstances. This article offers to break this cycle of disadvantage through greater utilization of community capacity building among disaster-affected groups that meet social justice principles in various regional settings. It is suggested that the central role of public administration is raised in developing empathetic relationships and facilitating collaborative action and a more resilient outcome. For this purpose, the author addresses an alternative model of disaster administration that follows a community-driven resilience process aimed at fostering well-informed, competent, and active participant communities.
The short essay that follows is the result of an invitation from the editor to comment on public administration or service in light of the events of September 11,2001 and those subsequent thereto. More responses will follow in future issues. If others are moved to write such an essay, please contact the editor.
The year 1987 will be the bicentennial of the American Constitution and the centennial of both the publication of Woodrow Wilson's article "The Study of Administration" and the creation of the Interstate Commerce Commission. These latter two events can justly be considered important events in the development of modern American public administration.
This essay will argue that the Progressive era, marked by the reform of the public service, the restoration of an energetic executive, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions on the national level, resulted in a fundamentally different understanding of the nature of a political community than that characteristic of the Founding era. By comparing Progressive views to the views of the founders on the same or similar issues, one can illuminate the changing understanding of the relationship between the individuals, interests, and communities that make up the United States and the common good or public interest.
This article attempts first to define idle administrative talk in terms of Speech-Act philosophy, then proceeds to illustrate the value of such an approach as a framework for the empirical study of idle talk in modern administration. Finally, the article concludes with two suggestions about why idle talk is so prominent in modern public and private sector administration. On the one hand, it may be a buffer device matched to the everyday ideological struggles occurring in complex organizations. On the other, its prominence may be due to the `fictional "nature of administrative work itself
In this article, the author reflects upon the two “Great Books” articles that were published in Public Administration Review (1990) and in Administration & Society (2012). In Sherwood’s article, the top-five books all presented an original argument, contributed to the intellectual development of the study of public administration, and had lasting influence. The same cannot be said for some of the books in Kasdan’s top five list. Some of the respondents with both Sherwood and Kasdan wondered whether books are still the primary and critical main medium of influence. This author believes that it is the type of research and argument that determines what venue (article or book) is the most suitable. To state that articles are more important may be true in terms of quantity, but does not imply that it represents original research.
Founded in 1907, the New York Bureau of Municipal Research was central to the emergence of American public administration. But in 1914, its Board sided with Frederick Cleveland against William Allen, deciding to guarantee Rockefeller funding by eliminating Allen’s publicity and controversy-generating orientation. Allen quit, then founded the Institute for Public Service. He maintained it for nearly 50 years, producing a steady output of reform suggestions. This article recounts Allen’s largely unknown post-1914 career. Increasingly an outsider, his later career presents a glimpse of an alternate history of public administration, distinctly different from the path the field actually chose.
The new scholarship on pragmatism and public administration bears properties reminis cent of speculative philosophy. It proposes that pragmatism and public administration have historically existed in parallel universes. The articles written by Keith F. Snider and Karen G. Evans outline how pragmatism and public administration developed along parallel courses with minimal interchange between these two bodies of thought. However, they differ on whether these two bodies of thought should be fused. Evans argues for an immediate merger whereas Snider is more cautious. The issue of fusion is a serious issue for the field and deserves careful consideration.
This article discusses the ideas of John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon, as set forth in Cato’s Letters, and explores their implications for American constitutionalism and public administration. The article examines their views on the role of human passions in politics and how conflicts among such passions might be constructively harnessed to protect freedom. It is argued here that Cato’s Letters advanced an agonistic view of democratic governance, one echoed by the founders of the Constitution, in which conflicts among contesting groups, each motivated by their particular passions, serve to promote responsible governance. Therefore, if we truly wish to legitimate public administration in our constitutional practices, we must accept and, to a significant extent, embrace the conflict and contestation that these practices engender.
In 1938, Congress rejected a package of administrative reforms that had been developed by a committee of academics headed by Louis Brownlow. The defeat was the worst that President Roosevelt would suffer in three terms as President. This article suggests that the Brownlow Committee contributed to the debacle in Congress by ignoring evidence that its recommendations would prove contentious. It is argued that the committee members were caught in a dilemma: On the one hand, they wanted to obtain immediate reforms for a president to whom they felt a personal loyalty; on the other, they needed to maintain a demonstration of neutrality, which made it difficult to undertake the tasks of political management that were essential to craft a viable reform program. The demonstration of neutrality was a combination of arguments and routines that the academic community had invented to allay public skepticism about its members' trustworthiness as advisers on contentious issues.
The increasing intensity of American individualism and the corresponding decline of a sense of community have been documented by Robert Bellah and four associates in the important new book Habits of the Heart. One striking implication of this trend is that public administration is becoming lost in the wilderness of individualism. The regime values of modern American politics dictate an emphasis on power and on the clash of individual interests, to the detriment of administrative effectiveness. However, public administration is in actuality founded on the other side of a constitutional duality of power and morals. Public administration relates directly to conceptions of classical republicanism, civic virtue, and cooperative effort. The true constitutional model of public administration derives from Federalists and Anti-Federalists alike in a system of modern politics and classical administration. This model is essential to the continuing viability and effectiveness of public administration in a representative democracy.
The theories of administration advanced by the Founders and by Woodrow Wilson bear striking similarities. First, the Founders and Wilson alike thought it impossible to discuss administration proper without raising profound political questions such as the proper separation of powers, the nature and amount of executive energy, and the role of reason and passion in public life. Second, both agreed on the necessity of an energetic executive that was both unitary and responsible. But despite these areas of agreement, Wilson and the Founders disagreed on several issues, perhaps nowhere more fundamentally than on the source of executive energy and the character of public leadership.
The authors have drawn from the literature in organization theory and behavior to develop a theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of public personnel administration. They recast the traditional discussion of public personnel administra tion in order to identify when "merit" would be reflected in "routine" decision-making strategies and when it would better resultfrom "bargaining" and the use of "judgment" decision-making strategies. The responses of practitioners in the Midwest provide the basis for an exploratory study testing the utility of this approach.
In the wake of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), China has moved in the direction of decentralization and increased autonomy for local and regional administrators. This article gives an impressionistic and somewhat speculative account of this trend in three administrative sectors: agriculture, industry, and the Chinese university system. Both field work and interviews show that the post Cultural Revolution institutional shift is minor and tentative despite the fact that middle-level Chinese bureaucrats appear to perceive the changes to be both necessary and far-reaching. The key to future modifications of the post Cultural Revolution administrative shift may center as much upon this set of administrative attitudes as upon the substantive success or failure of local implementation efforts.
This article seeks to better identify Edmund Burke's views on human reason and human nature, tradition, representation, and law, and the implications of these views for public administration. Parallels between Burke's thought and that of the Founders (Founding Fathers) are examined. Also, the reasons for neglect of Burke's thought by public administration writers are discussed. Drawing on Burke's thought, the article presents an argument for the exercise of significant discretion by public administrators but argues that this discretion should be limited by administrative rules and procedures and by a set of ethics that emphasizes prudence and tradition.
Public administrators are often described as pragmatic. Yet few scholars have investigated what this might mean. This article introduces the notion of policy imprint-the effect that professional groups have on policy. Pragmatism is championed as an organizing principle that explains the public administration (PA) policy imprint. The pragmatism of William James and John Dewey is described and applied to PA. Because PA leaves its imprint where theory and practice meet, the article examines the theory-practice nexus through the lenses of pragmatism. Finally, pragmatism's link to democracy is developed.
Professor Ali Farazmand envisioned a future of public administration affected by technology transformation, among other factors. In that article, however, the professor did not expound on this assertion, leaving room for this contribution. Here, Farazmand’s framework of legal and constitutional, organizational and managerial, political, and intergovernmental and global factors is considered to explore the role of social media in public administration’s future.
Shifts in governance can be conceived of as a response to policy capacities being shared—in a material sense—between centralized and decentralized levels of government. A comparative case study is conducted of three conceptually different shifts in governance. Unclear responsibility relations lead to “paradoxes of decentralization,” in which the applied mode of governance blocks the intended improvements. Three case studies are presented to illustrate these mechanisms. There is no “best” way of decentralizing responsibilities; requirements of governance modes are ambiguous. The sharing of policy capacities between central and decentralized levels of governance requires internally inconsistent governance arrangements.
The dominant approaches to administrative responsibility have been preoccupied with defining, mobilizing, and rehabilitating an intelligible and reliable "public, " one that provides an unambiguous source of guidance and an unimpeachable defense against critics of discretionary authority. This emphasis on building moral consensus on public purposes overestimates the ability of political scientists and public administrators to effect fundamental social change. A more realistic and practical approach to administrative responsibility acknowledges that the public is often divided and inattentive and that political institutions are often incapable of articulating unambiguous policy directives. Under these circumstances, the ability of individual administrators to assess conflicting demands and claims on their loyalty ought to be the primary focus of a viable account of administrative responsibility. The ideal of individual moral autonomy best captures the strengths of character required for this kind of responsible administrative decision making.
Networks are an increasingly common aspect of administrative life. One organization in health care, the National Quality Forum (NQF), is attempting to address issues of health care quality in a new way by bringing together organizations from the public and private sectors to discuss and debate measures of quality and, ultimately, to effect change. Little, however, is known about a network leader’s tasks during the creation of an organization like the NQF. The purpose of this article is to discuss and elaborate on one critical task, building a social base, that the NQF’s president and CEO engaged in during the NQF’s formative stages.
What really does change when a bureaucratic agency is created? What will the nature of a new agency’s interactions be with political and administrative actors in its environment? Despite the large interest in administrative reform during the past few decades, there has been only little attention given to institutionalization processes that follow the creation of independent public agencies. This article formulates a model of political-bureaucratic adaptation between politicians and newly established agencies. It is built on the concepts of bureaucratic autonomy, administrative culture, and habituation. The model is illustrated with the case of Independent Administrative Bodies in the Netherlands.
Although certainly not mainstream to the study of public administration, administrative history in the United States has quite a tradition. In this article, the development of the study of the history of American government is traced in five phases and discussed against the background of political and social change in society. The various studies are evaluated in terms of the themes, the nature, and the approach. Combining the “history as history” and the “history as advocacy” approaches would clarify why administrative history ought to be a standard element in our research and teaching.
Standards for Maintaining, Collecting, and Presenting Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity, formerly known as Statistical Policy Directive 15, is a classification system that governs the U.S. government's collection and presentation of data on race and ethnicity. The directive under went a public evaluation between 1993 and 1997 to determine whether the racial and ethnic group categories should be revised. This article links theories of the role of the state in the social order and the social construction of identity to explain how conflicting political processes modify administrative policy. Two narratives on the debates over the reclassification of "Native Hawaiians" and the addition of a "multiracial" category illustrate recent political conflicts over group identities established by state agencies. The author argues that the main explanation for administrative policy changes was the responsiveness of state agencies to political demands of significantly mobilized groups with claims to state resources.
While coproduction has been the topic of a growing number of scholarly articles, this literature has neglected the relationship between coproduction and community. The concept of coproduction is rooted in the older and broader theoretical framework of community; because community contexts differ, so does the local capacity for coproduction. A typology of "alternative auspices" under which various local functions are carried out suggests that coproduction may be performed by individuals, informal groups, and formal nonprofit organizations. There are implications in this for the local administrator's three general role sets: extra community, local community, and intra-agency roles. Particularly, there may be different local roles-facilitator, broker, and organizer-to be played, depending upon the community's capacity for coproduction.
Current concern with founding the legitimacy of the administrative enterprise in a revitalized idea of the public interest leads us to a consideration of the meaning of citizenship in contemporary society. Our constitution, given its liberalist legacy, provides an inadequate appreciation of the collective grounding of society and leaves us bereft of a basis for full citizenship. This article compares classical formulations of citizenship to liberalist ideas and suggests possible directions for exploring alternative conceptions of society that offer a richer possibility for citizenship and overcome the deficiencies of liberalism.
Social service employees work in potentially frustrating conditions. Yet their reactions to job stress may differ. Survey data organized by a typology (anti-client, anti-system, pessimist, and complacent) suggest that personal characteristics are an important intervening variable between job stress and employee reaction. However, agencies do not appear equally receptive to all reactions. Instead, social agencies seem to reward complacency. Speculatively, we conclude that employees who define or redefine their work objectives as attaining extrinsic rewards will be satisfied and remain with their agencies, while those who define their work objectives as attaining intrinsic rewards will be frustrated and leave their agencies.
The decision to adopt innovative proposals is typically made by the organizational elite. A review of the literature suggests three categories of independent variables related to the adoption behavior of elites: innovation proneness, adoption potential, and problem severity. Innovation proneness refers to the degree to which various characteristics of the elite facilitate the acceptance of change-size, differentiation, integration, formalization, security, accountability, resources, and perceived innovativeness. Adoption potential is concerned with the degree to which various attributes of the proposal facilitate the elite's acceptance-fragility, flexibility, confidence, administrative complexity, communicability, source legitimacy, and so on. Problem severity refers to the degree of tension within the elite that emanates from the issue area to which the proposal is addressed. Data were collected in a field setting from 33 elites; their adoption behavior was then analyzed in light of the a priori propositions presented. Results of this analysis and their implications are discussed.
This study extends prior work on the social role of nonprofits by investigating Web site use for e-advocacy and e-democracy (civic engagement). Building from interviews with 200 nonprofit executive directors, results reveal that rights groups, environmental organizations, and policy entrepreneurs are consistently likely to mention advocacy and promote civic engagement on their Web sites. By contrast, funding structure and resource dependence generally fail to explain nonprofit use of Web sites for social purposes, suggesting that external controls may not constrain nonprofits. In light of these results, the study concludes with an agenda for future research on the relationship between civic engagement and advocacy.
The Saemangeum Tideland Reclamation Project (STRP), one of the most controversial environmental cases in the recent history of South Korea, is an interesting test of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and its ability to help us understand policy change. The STRP has gone through several revisions, but the original plan was to reclaim land from the sea in Southwestern Korea. Filling in the estuary began in 1991, but it was slowed by a series of opposition movements by environmentalists. After a long and bitter conflict between the government and environmental activists, the Saemangeum sea dike was completed in 2010, becoming the longest seawall ever built with a length of 33.9 km. Two coalitions, an advocacy coalition for development and an advocacy coalition for conservation, were engaged in a highly heated debate for over 15 years. This study plans to shed light on a question of whether the ACF can explain long-term policy changes.