Lusotopie (Lusotopie)

Publisher: Maison des pays ibériques; Centre d'étude d'Afrique noire (Institut d'études politiques de Bordeaux), Brill Academic Publishers

Journal description

Lusotopie is an international comparatist specialized journal devoted to political analysis of present-day spaces stemming from Portuguese history and colonization. It deals with general issues in political analysis (nationalism, ethnicity, neo-liberalism, State reform, federalism, gender, civil war, media, civil society, election; etc.): it provides an original approach within this heterogeneous postcolonial space on the four continents and in numerous diasporas. Founded in 1994, Lusotopie has published a diverse range of contributions from researchers of over 30 different nationalities, often from Southern countries. It has brought up an egalitarian dialogue space due to systematic use of three international languages (French, Portuguese and English).

Current impact factor: 0.00

Impact Factor Rankings

Additional details

5-year impact 0.00
Cited half-life 0.00
Immediacy index 0.00
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.00
Website Lusotopie website
Other titles Lusotopie (Online)
ISSN 1257-0273
OCLC 62907112
Material type Document, Periodical, Internet resource
Document type Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publisher details

Brill Academic Publishers

  • Pre-print
    • Author can archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
    • Author can archive a post-print version
  • Conditions
    • Pre-print can only be deposited after acceptance for peer-review
    • Author's post-print and Publisher's version/PDF on author's personal website
    • Author's post-print on institutional website or institutional repository
    • Must link to publisher version
    • Published source must be acknowledged
  • Classification
    green

Publications in this journal


  • No preview · Article · Nov 2009 · Lusotopie
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: International relations policy is not restricted to the international trade union organizations. This paper discusses, on the one hand, the main obstacles to international relations policy within national trade unions. On the other hand, the phases and challenges of the international relations policy of the Brazilian Central Única dos Tabalhadores (United Workers Central) are analyzed in detail. Portuguese A política de relações internacionais não é um exclusivo das organizações sindicais internacionais. Neste texto discutem-se, por um lado, as principais contrariedades que, em geral, se colocam à construção de uma política sindical internacional nos sindicatos nacionais. Por outro lado, analisam-se as principais etapas e desafios que se colocam à política internacional da Central Única dos Trabalhadores (Brasil). French La politique des relations internationales n'est pas limitée aux organisations syndicales internationales. Ce document aborde, d'une part, les principaux obstacles à la politique des relations internationales au sein des syndicats nationaux. D'autre part, les étapes et les défis de la politique des relations internationales de la Central Única dos Tabalhadores brésilienne (Centrale Unique des Travailleurs) sont analysés en détail.
    Preview · Article · Oct 2009 · Lusotopie
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This article examines the memory of slavery and the slave trade in the family of the slave merchant Francisco Félix de Souza (1754-1849). It seeks to explain how and why the slave trader became a reference for the aguda comunity from Benin and how he was transformed into a myth. Relying on the exam of textual sources, interviews with the members of the family as well as the examination of the Francisco Félix de Souza's memorial, this article analyzes the reconstruction of the memory of the slave merchant within his family. At the same time, it aims at understanding how the memory of the ancestor expresses political issues related to the memory of slavery in contemporary Benin. Portuguese O artigo examina a memória da escravidão e do comércio de escravos na família do mercador de escravos Francisco Félix de Souza (1754-1849). Ele busca explicar como e por que o mercador brasileiro tornou-se uma referência para a comunidade aguda do Benim e se transformou em um mito. A partir de fontes textuais, entrevistas realizadas com membros da família e do exame do memorial de Francisco Félix de Souza, analisa-se a reconstrução da memória do mercador no seio da família. Ao mesmo tempo, tenta-se entender como a memória do ancestral exprime as implicações políticas associadas à memória da escravidão no Benim contemporâneo. French Cet article examine la mémoire de l'esclavage et de la traite des esclaves dans la famille du négrier Francisco Félix de Souza (1754-1849). Il cherche à expliquer comment et pourquoi le marchand brésilien est devenu une référence pour la communauté aguda du Bénin et s'est transformé en mythe. À partir de sources textuelles, d'entretiens réalisés auprès des membres de la famille et de l'examen du mémorial de Francisco Félix de Souza, cet article analyse la reconstruction de la mémoire du marchand au sein de sa famille. Il vise en même temps à comprendre comment la mémoire de l'ancêtre exprime des enjeux politiques associés à la mémoire de l'esclavage dans le Bénin contemporain.
    No preview · Article · Oct 2009 · Lusotopie
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This article proposes to analyse ideological discourses in places of Afro-Brazilian worship (terreiros) in Portugal. Largely inspired as they are by lusotropicalism, they see Portugal, Africa and Brazil as a united religious and cultural community. In this view, Portugal takes on a special role for many Portuguese initiates, and the birth of Afro-Brazilian religions is seen as being a positive result of colonisation. In the terreiros, claims are heard to Portugal's “African heritage” derived from longstanding contact between Africans and Portuguese and which could give rise to the “Portuguese africanity” of Candomblé and Umbanda. Underlying this re-writing of history are the political issues of the transnationalisation of the Afro-Brazilian religions in Portugal, a country which must legitimise the great expansion in practices from its main former colony. Portuguese Cet article propose d'aborder l'analyse de discours idéologiques qui circulent dans les maisons de culte afro-brésiliennes (terreiros) au Portugal, et qui, largement inspirés du lusotropicalisme, font du Portugal, de l'Afrique et du Brésil une communauté religieuse et culturelle unie. Le Portugal acquiert ainsi un rôle privilégié pour de nombreux initiés portugais et dans cette logique, la naissance des religions afro-brésiliennes est pensée comme un résultat positif de la colonisation. Dans les terreiros, on assiste alors à la revendication d'un « héritage africain » du Portugal, issu du contact ancien entre Africains et Portugais, ce qui pourrait entraîner la construction d'une « africanité portugaise » du candomblé et de l'umbanda. Cette réécriture de l'histoire est sous-tendue par les enjeux politiques de la transnationalisation des religions afro-brésiliennes au Portugal, un pays qui doit légitimer une expansion importante de pratiques issues de sa principale ancienne colonie. French Este artigo propõe de abordar a análise de discursos ideológicos circulando nas casas de culto afro-brasileiras (terreiros) em Portugal, et que, largamente inspirados no luso-tropicalismo, fazem de Portugal, da África e do Brasil uma comunidade religiosa e cultural unida. Portugal adquire assim um papel privilegiado para muitos iniciados portugueses e nesta lógica, o nascimento das religiões afrobrasileiras é pensado como um resultado posivito da colonização. Nos terreiros, estamos presenciando à reivindicação de uma « herança africana » de Portugal, a partir do antigo contato entre Africanos e Portugueses, o que poderia implicar a construção de uma « africanidade portuguesa » do candomblé e da umbanda. Esta nova redação da história é determinada pelos desafios políticos da transnacionalização das religiões afro-brasileiras em Portugal, um país que deve legitimar uma expansão importante de práticas procedentes da sua principal antiga colónia.
    No preview · Article · Oct 2009 · Lusotopie
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Over the last few years the Brazilian government has moved towards introducing policies directed to the “Afro-Brazilian population”. In addition, more than eighty public universities have introduced quotas that favour Afro-Brazilians and/or poor candidates. In a country which has avoided incorporating 'race' into the letter of the law and which has developed a now widely held self image as a country without clear racial boundaries such measures have provoked a heated national debate. Anthropologists are prominent amongst the proponents and critics of racial quotas. This article seeks to present the arguments on both sides of the debate and to speculate on why anthropologists have become so seriously divided on this issue. Portuguese Ao longo dos últmos poucos anos o governo brasileiro tem se posicionado a favor de políticas publicas dirigidas para « a população afrodescendente ». Além disso, mais de oitenta universidades públicas têm introduzido cotas que favorecem negros e/ou candidatos pobres. Num país que tem evitado incorporar 'raça' na letra da lei, e que tem desenvolvido uma auto-imagem largamente aceitada de ser um país sem fronteiras « raciais » claras, essas medidas tem provocado um debate nacional acirrado. Antropólogos são proeminentes entre os proponentes e críticos das cotas raciais. Este artigo procura apresentar os argumentos de ambos os lados do debate e especular sobre porque os antropólogos se tornaram tão seriamente divididos em relação a esta questão. French Au cours des dernières années, le gouvernement brésilien a commencé à introduire des politiques destinées à la « population afro-brésilienne ». En outre, plus de quatre-vingts universités publiques ont introduit des quotas qui favorisent les Afro-brésiliens ou les candidats pauvres. Dans un pays qui a évité d'incorporer la « race » dans la lettre de la loi et qui a développé sa propre image désormais largement connue de pays sans frontières raciales claires, de telles mesures ont provoqué un débat national passionné. Les anthropologues jouent un rôle de premier plan parmi les initiateurs et les critiques des quotas raciaux. Cet article cherche à présenter les arguments des deux côtés du débat et à spéculer sur la raison pour laquelle une si grave division a séparé les anthropologues sur ce sujet.
    No preview · Article · Oct 2009 · Lusotopie
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: In 2006 the author acted as interpreter for a small party of British politicians who visited Angola. His own account of the expedition highlighted the then prominent questions of agriculture and rural development, of the empowerment of women in urban communities, of perceptions of national identity and the role of electoral politics. The effect of rising and falling oil wealth on legitimate investment and on corrupt embezzlement had to be delicately addressed as did the balance between presidential power and opposition newspapers. To many Angolans the thriving Pentecostal churches seemed as important in their daily lives as the non-governmental development agencies or the cash-strapped government ministries of health and education. In 2006 the first signs of China's new interest in Africa were beginning to match the entrepreneurial dominance of Brazil and Portugal and eclipse the regional aspirations of South Africa. Portuguese Em 2006, o autor serviu de intérprete a um pequeno grupo de políticos Britânicos, que estavam de visita a Angola. O seu próprio relatório da viajém destacava as questões, então, proeminentes, no domínio da agricultura e do desenvolvimento rural, da promoção do estatuto da mulher, no seio das comunidades urbanas, da percepção da identidade nacional e do papel da política eleitoral. Foi necessário abordar, de maneira bastante cuidadosa, a questão do efeito das subidas e descidas da riqueza petrolífera sobre os investimentos legítimos e sobre a corrupção e os desvios de fundos, bem como o equilíbrio entre o poder presidencial e os jornais da oposição. Para muitos Angolanos, as prósperas igrejas Pentecostais pareciam ser tão importantes no seu quotidiano como as agências de desenvolvimento não-governamentais ou os ministérios governamentais da Saúde e da Educação desprovidos de dinheiro. Em 2006, os sinais do novo interesse da China por África começavam a questionar o domínio empresarial do Brasil e de Portugal e a eclipsar as aspirações regionais da África do Sul. French En 2006, l'auteur a servi d'interprète à un petit groupe de parlementaires britanniques qui s'est rendu en Angola. Son compte rendu de mission soulignait les questions alors primordiales de l'agriculture et du développement rural, des droits des femmes dans les communautés urbaines, de la perception de l'identité nationale et du rôle de la politique électorale. Il a fallu aborder la question de l'effet de la hausse et de la baisse de la richesse pétrolière sur les investissements légitimes et sur la corruption et le détournement de fonds avec beaucoup de délicatesse, tout comme l'équilibre entre le pouvoir présidentiel et les journaux d'opposition. Pour de nombreux Angolais, les églises pentecôtistes prospères semblaient aussi importantes dans leur vie quotidienne que les agences de développement non gouvernementales ou les ministères gouvernementaux de la santé et de l'éducation à court d'argent. En 2006, les premiers signes du nouvel intérêt de la Chine pour l'Afrique commençaient à rivaliser avec la prédominance entrepreneuriale du Brésil et du Portugal, et à éclipser les aspirations régionales de l'Afrique du Sud.
    Preview · Article · Oct 2009 · Lusotopie
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: The Northeast of Brazil has historically been stereotyped as the antagonist of the wealthy and 'modern' Southeast. Although considerable attention has been paid to recurrent depictions of the Northeast in Brazilian cinema, a detailed study that pinpoints the stereotypes associated with the region but looks beyond them to discuss the nuances of the actual geographical, socio-cultural and political space in cinematic depictions remains to be done. This article argues that such a study can illuminate profound ruptures of a supposed national unity and also can point to current strategies of reconciliation. The argument evolves around the metamorphosed Northeast depicted in a recent popular Brazilian comedy, Lisbela e o Prisioneiro (Lisbela and the Prisoner, 2003). The aim is to demonstrate that the film conveys a very clear political message beyond the obvious popular appeal of the comedy genre. Portuguese O nordeste do Brasil historicamente tem sido estereotipado como o antagonista do rico e « moderno » sudeste. As representações do nordeste no cinema brasileiro são recorrentes e têm recebido atenção considerável, porém um estudo detalhado que aponte os estereótipos associados à região nessas representações mas que olhe além deles para discutir as nuanças do real espaço geográfico, sócio-cultural e politico ainda está por ser realizado. Este artigo argumenta que tal estudo pode iluminar rupturas profundas de uma suposta unidade nacional e ainda apontar estratégias atuais de reconciliação. A argumentação é construída em torno do nordeste metamorfoseado que é retratado na comédia popular Lisbela e o Prisioneiro (2003). O objetivo da discussão é demonstrar que o filme transmite uma clara mensagem política além do óbvio apelo popular do gênero de comédia. French Le Nord-Est du Brésil a été historiquement stéréotypé comme antagoniste du Sud-Est prospère et « moderne ». Une attention considérable a été portée aux représentations récurrentes du Nord-Est dans le cinéma brésilien. Mais reste à effectuer une étude détaillée qui pointe les stéréotypes associés à la région tout en apportant une vision au-delà de ces derniers afin de discuter des nuances de l'espace géographique, socioculturel et politique actuel dans les représentations cinématographiques. Dans cet article, nous affirmons qu'une telle étude peut mettre en lumière les ruptures profondes d'une supposée identité nationale, et indiquer également les stratégies actuelles de réconciliation. L'argument est basé sur le Nord-Est métamorphosé décrit dans une comédie populaire brésilienne récente, Lisbela e o Prisioneiro (Lisbela et le Prisonnier, 2003). Alors devient très clair le message politique véhiculé par le film au-delà de l'intérêt populaire manifeste de la comédie.
    Preview · Article · Oct 2009 · Lusotopie
  • Source

    Preview · Article · Jun 2009 · Lusotopie
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This article describes and explains the process of regionalism in Southern Africa. In doing so, it argues that although the new regionalism has come to mark the on-going regional integration process, traces of the old regionalism are still to be found at work in the region. The new regionalism expresses itself through the increasing role of multinational corporations and their investments in cross-border infrastructure development projects located in development corridors, a role previously played exclusively by the state. The new regionalism is expected to deepen the levels of integration in the region and lead to the birth of a common regional agenda that is likely to enable the region to effectively respond to the challenges posed by globalisation. However, the pursuit of the interests of the South African state and its multinationals have often been found to be at variance with those of its neighbouring states, and this has created widespread resentment of what is perceived as South Africa's intention to dominate the region.
    Preview · Article · May 2009 · Lusotopie
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: What was the role of San in the conflicts of Southeast Angola and Northeast Namibia during the period 1960-2000? What were the effects of this involvement on their identity-building processes? Much of this history has yet to be written. Based on field research in the period 2003-2006, and on secondary sources, this piece emphasizes that the socio-political and economic ramifications of 'militarized' San identities extend beyond the periods of conflict themselves.The paper focuses on Khwe, a San group living in West Caprivi, but highlights parallels and connections between the roles and identity-building of San under the military in both Namibia and Angola. Their collaboration with the apartheid military has contributed to the construction of Khwe as a 'subversive' threat to nation-building. Simultaneously, Khwe in Namibia and immigrant !Xun in South Africa have often sought to gloss over their military past in favour of mobilizing identities as 'indigenous people' to garner support from NGOs and strengthen their claims to authority. The effects and implications of San military identities in post-conflict southeast Angola are yet to be studied; this paper offers preliminary suggestions for themes to be investigated. Portuguese Qual foi o papel dos San nos conflitos do sudeste de Angola e o nordeste da Namíbia (Caprivi) entre 1960 e 2000 ? Quais foram os efeitos deste envolvimento nos seus processos de construção identitária ? Falta escrever uma grande parte desta história. Com base no trabalho de campo realizado no período entre 2003 e 2006, e em fontes secundárias, este trabalho realça o facto que as ramificações socio-políticas e económicas das identidades « militarizadas » dos San prolongamse além dos períodos dos conflitos.Este artigo fala dos Khwe, um grupo San que vive na zona occidental de Caprivi, mas sublinha os paralelos e as relações entre os papéis e a contrução identitária dos San num contexto militar na Namíbia e em Angola. A sua colaboração com o exército durante o apartheid contribuíu para uma imagem dos Khwe como uma ameaça « subversiva » para a nação em formação. Ao mesmo tempo, os Khwe na Namíbia e os imigrantes !Xun na África do Sul procuraram muitas vezes minimizar o seu passado militar para mobilizarem a sua identidade como « povo indígena », para garantir o apoio das ONGs e reforçar as suas reivindicações junto das autoridades. Os efeitos e as implicações na identidade dos San militarizados do sudeste de Angola no período pós-conflito precisam de ser estudados e este artigo sugere algumas pistas de investigação. French Quel fut le rôle des San dans les conflits entre 1960 et 2000 dans les régions du Sud-Est angolais et Nord-Est namibien (Caprivi) ? Quels en furent les effets sur les processus de construction identitaire de ces populations ? L'essentiel de cette histoire reste à écrire. Ce travail s'appuie sur une recherche de terrain entre 2003 et 2006 et sur des sources secondaires ; il permet de montrer que les identités « militarisées » des San ont des ramifications dépassant largement la seule période des conflits.Cet article traite des Khwe - un groupe san vivant dans l'ouest du Caprivi -, et souligne le parallèle et les liens entre rôles et construction de l'identité san en Namibie et en Angola en contexte militarisé. Leur collaboration avec l'armée pendant l'apartheid les fait apparaître comme une menace « subversive » pour la nation en formation. Dans le même temps, les Khwe de Namibie et les immigrants !Xun d'Afrique du sud cherchent à minimiser leur passé militaire, dans une tentative de mobiliser leur identité comme « peuple indigène » afin d'attirer le soutien des ONG et de renforcer leur légitimité. Dans le sud-est angolais, les effets et implications sur les identités des San militarisés dans la période post-conflit restent à étudier et cet article ne fait que suggérer quelques pistes de recherche.
    Preview · Article · May 2009 · Lusotopie
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: South Africa's border province with Mozambique is home to a large minority from Mozambique or assumed to be of Mozambican origin. In the eastern towns of Mbombela and Nkomazi, in particular, the presence of Mozambicans goes back a long way, due to their large-scale employment in the mines and in farming. Several waves of migration have followed each other in recent times, resulting in a complex tangle of legal statuses. In the 1990s, with the simultaneous end of civil war in Mozambique and the end of apartheid, some Mozambicans from the former homelands found themselves undocumented immigrants, some refugees had their status regularised, while others were repatriated voluntarily or by force. Since then, migration has become a structural phenomenon, as have deportations. Mozambicans are relatively mixed into the population and provide much sought-after labour in certain urban and suburban sectors, due to their precarious status. Despite this de facto integration, they do face segregation inherited from the apartheid system, as well as the stigmatising discourse associated with the figure of the illegal immigrant and delinquent. Public policies are uncertain and pragmatic, alternating tolerance and repression. Public policies on them are uncertain and pragmatic, alternating tolerance and repression, and are a constant challenge to the fundamental rights of people.
    Preview · Article · May 2009 · Lusotopie
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: On 23 June 2006 the UN proudly launched its Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) seeking to reverse a situation where international efforts to rebuild war-torn societies had, more often than not, failed. Mindful of such cases as Haiti, Cambodia, Somalia, and Liberia, where security deteriorated once international support was withdrawn, obviously the drafters of the PBC had much to learn from the East Timor (Timor-Leste) example. This was highlighted by the massive civil unrest sparked off in East Timor in early 2006, returning to world attention in February 2008 with the near assassination of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste (RDTL) president and the continuing humanitarian crisis. Initially, only Burundi and Sierra Leone came under the purview of the PCB, although emergency funding had also been advanced to Ivory Coast and the Central African Republic. In December 2007, Guinea-Bissau, became the third country to win PBC support as a state in danger of backsliding into violence. Given the ad hoc nature of past UN missions in East Timor/Timor-Leste, the hybrid character of security operations conducted independent of the UN flag, and the general lack of governance capacity inside the new nation, this article explicitly argues in favor of extending PBC commitment to Timor-Leste
    Preview · Article · Nov 2008 · Lusotopie
  • Source

    Preview · Article · Nov 2008 · Lusotopie
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: On 23 June 2006 the UN proudly launched its Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) seeking to reverse a situation where international efforts to rebuild war-torn societies had, more often than not, failed. Mindful of such cases as Haiti, Cambodia, Somalia, and Liberia, where security deteriorated once international support was withdrawn, obviously the drafters of the PBC had much to learn from the East Timor (Timor-Leste) example. This was highlighted by the massive civil unrest sparked off in East Timor in early 2006, returning to world attention in February 2008 with the near assassination of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste (RDTL) president and the continuing humanitarian crisis.Initially, only Burundi and Sierra Leone came under the purview of the PCB, although emergency funding had also been advanced to Ivory Coast and the Central African Republic. In December 2007, Guinea-Bissau, became the third country to win PBC support as a state in danger of backsliding into violence. Given the ad hoc nature of past UN missions in East Timor/Timor-Leste, the hybrid character of security operations conducted independent of the UN flag, and the general lack of governance capacity inside the new nation, this article explicitly argues in favor of extending PBC commitment to Timor-Leste. Portuguese No dia 23 de Junho de 2006, as Nações Unidas criaram orgulhosamente a sua Comissão de Manutenção da Paz (CMP), com o objectivo de inverter a situação onde os esforços internacionais para reconstruir as sociedades devastadas pela guerra têm muitas vezes falhado. Sem esquecer casos como os do Haiti, do Cambodja, da Somália e da Libéria, onde a segurança se deteriorou quando a ajuda internacional se retirou, obviamente os criadores da CMP tiveram de aprender muito com o exemplo de Timor-Leste. Isto foi realçado pela agitação civil em grande escala desencadeada no início de 2006, atraindo de novo as atenções mundiais em Fevereiro de 2008 com a tentativa de assassinato do presidente da República Democrática de Timor-Leste (RDTL) e a continuação da crise humanitária.No início, apenas o Burundi e a Serra Leoa estiveram sob a alçada da CMP, apesar do fundo de emergência também ter sido atribuído à Costa do Marfim e à República Centro-Africana. Em Dezembro de 2007, a Guiné-Bissau tornouse no terceiro país a obter o apoio da CMP como um estado em perigo de voltar a enfrentar a violência. Tendo em conta a natureza ad hoc das missões anteriores das Nações Unidas em Timor-Leste, o carácter híbrido das operações de segurança dirigidas de maneira independente em relação à bandeira das Nações Unidas e a falta geral de capacidade de governação da nova nação, este artigo defende o alargamento do compromisso da CMP em Timor-Leste. French Le 23 juin 2006, l'Onu a fièrement lancé sa Commission de consolidation de la paix (CCP), cherchant à inverser une situation dans laquelle les efforts internationaux visant à reconstruire les sociétés qui étaient dévastées par la guerre avaient, le plus souvent, échoué. Gardant à l'esprit des cas tels que celui d'Haïti, du Cambodge, de la Somalie et du Liberia, où la sécurité s'était détériorée dès le retrait de l'aide internationale, il est évident que les rédacteurs de la CCP avaient beaucoup à apprendre de l'exemple de Timor oriental (Timor-Leste). Ceci a été souligné par les troubles civils importants qui se sont déclenchés, au début de l'année 2006, à Timor oriental, lesquels ont attiré à nouveau l'attention du monde entier en février 2008, avec la tentative d'assassinat du président de la République démocratique du Timor-Leste (RDTL) et la crise humanitaire qui se poursuit.À l'origine, seuls le Burundi et la Sierra Leone bénéficiaient du dispositif de la CCP, bien que des financements d'urgence aient également été avancés pour la Côte d'Ivoire et la République centrafricaine. En décembre 2007, la GuinéeBissau, est devenue le troisième pays ayant obtenu le soutien de la CCP, en raison du danger, pour cet État, de retomber dans la violence. Étant donné la nature ad hoc des précédentes missions de l'Onu à Timor oriental/Timor-Leste, le caractère hybride des opérations de sécurité menées indépendamment du drapeau de l'Onu et le manque général d'une capacité de gouvernance au sein de la nouvelle nation, cet article argumente explicitement en faveur de l'extension de l'engagement de la CCP à Timor-Leste.
    No preview · Article · Oct 2008 · Lusotopie
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Much has been written about the survival of Portuguese-speaking Euro-Asian communities in the Malay world. For example, the re-invention of the "kristang identity" in Malacca, or the link between popular Catholicism and Portuguese speaking in Flores or Timor, have been the subject of detailed historical and ethnological studies. However, there is one ethnonym which has been given a Portuguese-speaking origin or dimension, but the history of which has just begun to be written: The orang Betawi of Jakarta. Yet this "betawi identity" is currently the focus of intense politicisation processes, and it is therefore of interest to shed light on the complex historicity of the "betawi identity". In August 2007, the main candidate to the position of Governor of Jakarta, Fauzi Bowo, conspicuously tried to woo "ethnic votes" by emphasising his betawi identity. This political manoeuvre cannot be explained without taking into account the story of betawi claims since the 1970s. The leaders of the "orang Betawi community "claim the orang Betawi are the direct heirs to the first inhabitants of the little port-city of Jacatra (Jakarta). Endorsing a discourse of autochtony that pits pribumi against non-pri (recent migrants to the capital), they advocate a principle of "ethnic priority". We will review the documentary evidence regarding the history of the orang Betawi since the early 17th century. We will then scrutinize the ways the "betawi identity" has been crafted by self-proclaimed spokespersons. Finally, we will try to decipher the underground relationships that link the Djakarta city council to some violent betawi gangs such as the Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) set up in the 1990s by Fadloli el-Muhir.
    Preview · Article · Oct 2008 · Lusotopie
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This paper is focused on the memories of ex-combatants of the Portuguese colonial war in Africa (1961-1974). It addresses the Portuguese colonial conflict mainly in terms of its social memory, exploring the importance of the ex-combatants' individual interpretations and representations of the conflict. This paper argues that the absence of extensive historical reflection on this subject highlights the importance of its lived memories, especially as a means of challenging the idea of war memory as a source of shame, for the veterans and for Portuguese society in general. Firstly, the paper presents a brief overview of the current developments on the war memory field, mentioning other national case studies. Secondly, it dwells on the public memory of the conflict and the historical identity of the Portuguese war veterans. Thirdly and finally, it will pose some questions on the process of collecting these personal memories, namely the oral history practice involved in interviewing these ex-combatants.
    Preview · Article · Oct 2008 · Lusotopie
  • Source

    Preview · Article · Aug 2008 · Lusotopie