Sciences Po Rennes

The construction of the European social model (the Social Market Economy) is often approached as a gradual compromise between various political forces and currents of economic thought. This article argues that a third decisive factor also needs to be taken into greater account: diplomacy. From a historical perspective, it stresses the importance of reassessing Germany's underestimated role in the spread of liberalism within the European model. It highlights the fundamental method dispute (Methodenstreit) in German European policy from Rom to Maastricht that ended in the choice of a diplomatic strategy based on transferring the German economic and social model to the EC. Using unpublished government sources, it fills a gap between the study of the intellectual origins of the European economic and social model and its institutionalisation within the EU.

This systematic literature review (SLR) explores existing and newly emergent ethical and legal challenges associated with the use of AI and robotics in armed conflicts. We conducted an extensive review of relevant scholarly publications associated with (lethal) autonomous weapons systems (LAWS). Besides the ethical and legal principles, we also explore emergent technical applications associated with these technologies in armed conflict(s). Our particular focus is to compare literature from the last 12 years with publications since the outbreaks of recent armed conflicts from the perspective of LAWS. We engage in exploring and identifying the shifts in ethical arguments and discourse, as well as shifts in policy subject themes, and standards setting around the use of emergent technology in relation with AI and robotics. Our contribution analyses emergent socio-technical themes and arguments relevant for engineers, policy-makers, and other interdisciplinary scholars across a variety of disciplines.

Background and Objectives This work provides an overview of the incentives used for plasma donation in Europe and beyond. The overview can provide new ideas to blood establishments. Materials and Methods We conducted a systematic online search of incentives used and asked national experts to validate the data across all European Union countries as well as other European and non‐European countries. We categorized the data into level of incentive (using the Nuffield Council on Bioethics' rungs [2011]) and country. Results We analysed more than 490 organizations across 26 countries. Our findings reveal different incentives used in these countries. Snacks and pre‐donation health checks are commonly provided. In addition, loyalty programmes, small gifts, vouchers, lotteries, travel compensations and time off from work extend the strategic incentive portfolio. Only seven countries offer financial compensation ranging from the equivalent of 10–35€ for European countries. In countries with a decentralized model, where more than one organization collects plasma, we observe that more diversified incentive strategies are generally used, including monetary and non‐monetary incentives. In countries with a centralized model, where only one organization is allowed to collect plasma, financial compensation is usually not offered. Centralized plasma collection without financial compensation relies on a wider range of non‐monetary incentives than with financial compensation. Conclusion The country group analysis offers valuable insights into the relationship between incentive strategies and the prevailing centralized versus decentralized plasma collection model. This overview provides a broader understanding of incentives used by blood establishments and offers avenues for future practice.

Parmi les nombreuses innovations théoriques de Jean-Marie Floch, sa redécouverte de Wölfflin a marqué une date dans l’histoire de la théorie sémiotique ; redécouverte d’un structuralisme pré-structural accompagné d’un développement théorique considérable, dans l’œuvre de Floch, permettant l’extension de la « vision baroque » opposable à la « vision classique » bien au-delà du domaine qui lui a donné naissance, au delà même des univers esthétiques, pour entrer de plain-pied dans le champ de la communication sociale (médiatique, technique, politique, etc.) contemporaine. Or, les propositions de Claude Zilberberg (notamment dans « Présence de Wölfflin », n° 23-24 des Nouveaux Actes Sémiotiques, 1992) ont profondément modifié la perspective théorique sur l’héritage du célèbre historien de l’art, suscitant un désaccord avec Floch. En interrogeant le statut du débat au sein de la communauté sémiotique, illustré ici par les divergences tues entre les sémioticiens, on analyse ces deux « lectures » de Wölfflin, leurs différences formelles, leurs rapports respectifs avec le sensible, leurs horizons théoriques – catégoriel d’un côté, tensif de l’autre. On met alors l’accent sur deux points de divergence, concernant le statut de l’affect et le problème de la profondeur. On montre les empiètements entre les deux approches et leur profonde convergence. Mais surtout on suggère ici un dépassement possible de la controverse en analysant la distinction classique / baroque sur fond de perception et en termes de « rythme », c’est-à-dire comme variation de tension entre les événements accentuels d’une série syntagmatique. On fait ainsi intervenir la question de la nuance, celle de la non-résolution de syntagmes accentuels, voire de la discordance entre niveaux accentuels. Cette contribution à la connaissance d’un phénomène essentiel dans l’histoire des formes permet aussi de reposer la question de sa dénomination. Comment nommer en effet ce qui constitue, à travers tant de matériaux langagiers (non verbal et verbal), tant de domaines de communication, tant de moments et de contextes historiques, une trame insistante au sein de la culture occidentale, au cœur même de sa « grammaire d'expression » dont l’opposition «classique/baroque » n’est au fond qu’une émergence exceptionnelle, mais locale ?

Sanctuary cities have experienced a strong political and theoretical revival in the last decade. However, the focus on cities and their policies restricts the idea of sanctuary to its urban, legal and – to a certain extent – North American enactments, leaving dispersed and rural forms of sanctuary understudied. In this paper, I examine the sanctuary spaces and practices in the Roya Valley, at the border between Italy and France, and more particularly the journey of its most well-known activist, the farmer Cédric Herrou. Although Herrou’s first actions could be best described as humanitarian and hospitable help towards migrants, they gradually evolved into more structured solidarity actions. These led to a decision by the Constitutional Council that strengthened the French constitutional value of fraternity to better distinguish disinterested support from human smuggling motivated by profit. I argue that these three concepts of fraternity, hospitality and solidarity identify different repertoires of sanctuary that respectively fulfil functions of signalling, protecting and community-building. These different functions, when articulated together, constitute a sanctuary or network of safety. By reconstructing this series of practices and justifications, I aim to clarify the conceptual vocabulary and normative appeal of sanctuary.

Les tiers-lieux sont en plein développement en France ces dernières années. Cette contribution se concentre sur les tiers-lieux solidaires, des espaces qui agissent au quotidien en faveur des personnes en situation de vulnérabilité. Entre occasions d’expérimentation fructueuses et fragilités structurelles, nous interrogeons la manière dont les tiers-lieux solidaires peuvent ou non favoriser le développement du pouvoir d’agir des personnes vulnérables. Notre analyse s’appuie sur une enquête ethnographique auprès de plusieurs tiers-lieux solidaires en France, conduite dans le cadre d’un projet postdoctoral. Cette étude empirique se compose d’observations et d’entretiens conduits avec des personnes en situation de vulnérabilité, ainsi qu’avec les équipes professionnelles qui coordonnent, animent et assurent leur accompagnement. Par leur démarche d’hospitalité, d’accompagnement personnalisé et d’horizontalité des relations, les tiers-lieux solidaires semblent en effet constituer des espaces particulièrement propices à l’expérimentation en faveur de l’accompagnement social. Toutefois, l’action solidaire en tiers-lieu se révèle particulièrement exigeante pour les professionnel·le·s qui y exercent. Le tiers-lieu est un espace d’incertitude (modèles économiques fragiles, conditions matérielles parfois précaires), et l’exercice professionnel n’y est pas toujours aisé (changement de pratiques professionnelles, ambiguïté entre activité professionnelle et engagement citoyen…). Ainsi, les tiers-lieux solidaires nous apparaissent remarquables dans la qualité de leur engagement et dans leur capacité à expérimenter de nouveaux modes de faire. Toutefois, ils semblent également assumer une démarche palliative face à la fragilisation des engagements politiques en matière d’action sociale.

Afin de remettre en cause le problème de l’identité collective, le présent essai prend pour objet les discours de la mémoire post-dictature au Chili et en Argentine, dont il souligne les contradictions et les points de fracture. On voudrait montrer ici comment “l’ancrage ontologique” des “rôles thématiques” (héros, militant de la résistance, tyran, tortionnaire), essentiel pour l’engendrement des récits historique et judiciaire, se voit questionné par les micro-récits dévoilant la complexité immanente aux individus qui leur prêtent une concrétude corporelle. Entre collaboration contrainte, dissidence, Syndrome de Stockholm et “honte du survivant”, cet article passe en revue les multiples “instances énonçantes” qui, en amont des acteurs collectifs, nous font problématiser le concept même d’une “identité”, tout en dissociant ses différents domaines de manifestation (historique, juridique, politique, intersubjectif, intime...).

The concept of a circular economy has arisen in response to the problems related to the limits of the dominant linear economic system in contemporary societies and of the finite resources of our planet. The transition from waste status to a raw material by reusing it makes it possible to modify its value for future users and thus to redistribute this value. This article focuses on the case of spent grain to illustrate the role of the circular economy in food transition. Bases on a series of interviews, the paper discusses business modeling to operationalize sustainable development in the food sector and presents a discussion and conclusion on the advantages and limitations of the deployment of the circular economy in the brewing industry, taking into account and understanding the interests and constraints of various stakeholders.

There is a widespread belief that the higher the level of subsidies, the better the performance of film industries (both in quantity and quality). This article focuses on film quality—evaluated by audiences and critics—and scrutinizes this assumption through four selected countries—France, Korea, UK, and US. The main findings of this article are summarized through two points. First, despite the Korean film industry receiving the lowest level of public support, its film quality is higher than that of other selected countries. Second, the impact of subsidies on film quality turns out to be positive for the French, UK, and US films while it is negative or nil for Korean films. Although these results reflect partly differences in the background of each film industry and its public support in the four countries, they suggest that the effectiveness of subsidies and enhancement of film quality can be best achieved by better designing the subsidy schemes—not by increasing their amount.

Les organisations internationales s’imposent depuis 1945 comme des arènes incontournables des politiques étrangères. Pour autant, en dépit d’une intensification de l’activité éditoriale dans l’immédiat post-guerre froide, le multilatéralisme ne constitue au début des années 2000 qu’un domaine résiduel des études internationales francophones. Aborder les organisations internationales comme une « forme majeure de l’action internationale » et s’attacher à en accroître l’intelligibilité supposent de rompre avec une lecture de l’international encore dominée par le jeu de la puissance et la volonté de domination. Cette entreprise intellectuelle – qui prit rapidement des dimensions collectives (co-écriture et co-direction d’ouvrages, directions de mémoires de Master et de thèses de doctorats, création et animation du Groupe de Recherche sur l’Action Multilatérale [gram]) – est également une réhabilitation de la solidarité et de la coopération comme clés de lecture du jeu politique international. Plutôt que la permanence, il s’agit, chez Guillaume Devin, de privilégier l’étude des marges de manoeuvre, des jeux d’acteurs, et du changement de ces institutions en même temps que d’instaurer une lecture large de leur fonctionnalité.

This article revisits the French region of Brittany on the basis of sustained empirical research over a 25-year period. It identifies the twin use of influence and identity as forming a key part of an accepted and largely diffused territorial repertoire, based on affirming distinctiveness for reasons of vertical linkage, as well as horizontal capacity building. This article explores the different facets of this model of territorial influence. The two twin dimensions concern: first, a well-versed mechanism of lobbying central institutions and actors to defend the Breton interest; second, the use of territorial identity markers to forward the regional cause, relying on social movements and a broad capacity for regional mobilization. Within this overarching context, the Breton case demonstrates an intelligent instrumental use of identity and identity markers, but mainstream Breton forces recognize that this only makes sense in the light of the national level of regulation and structure of opportunities. The logic of this position is to integrate the Brittany region into a national model of territorial integration, while playing up identity markers to secure the maximum benefit for the region.

Résumé Depuis plusieurs décennies, la laïcité subit en France une transformation profonde qui remet en cause sa dimension libérale. Le principe de séparation du politique et du religieux se dilue au profit de la promotion de la notion récente du « vivre‑ensemble », qui voudrait associer garantie de la liberté religieuse et défense des valeurs républicaines. Ce processus d’érosion s’appuie sur le développement d’une logique concordataire et sur l’émergence d’une conception « communautariste » de la laïcité.

In March 2020, Safety Science published the article “Critical review of the role of PPE in the prevention of risks related to agricultural pesticide use” by an international group of researchers working for public research organisations. An expert group from an association representing the interests of the agricultural pesticide industry at European level (the European Crop Protection Association -ECPA-) then published a letter challenging the relevance of the discussion and the conclusions of this article. The authors of the review have decided to use their right to reply.

This article investigates how citizens speak about representative democracy and questions their perceptions of representation and of the democratic regime they live in, by mobilizing the distinction between diffuse and specific support, in a context of personalized politics. It shows that political actors and their performances are at the core of citizens' perceptions. I investigate citizens' representations of the political field through an original qualitative fieldwork, composed of couple interviews with French citizens, under the Sarkozy presidency. Studies about the political support of citizens often mobilize quantitative surveys to measure the degree of support and satisfaction. I rather choose the qualitative approach to grasp perceptions of political field through discussions about political and societal issues. Couple interviews offer an adequate framework to observe political opinions that are built in daily life. Representations of the political field are mainly dominated by the role of political actors. Political parties and institutions are rarely mentioned. Politicians are systematically held accountable, and are often criticized in citizens' discussions. The existing literature has often distinguished specific and diffuse support. My analysis tends to show that the weakness of the former through personalization can undermine the support for the regime. However, alternatives to representative democracy remain underexplored and even not considered. Overall, these representations depend on sociopolitical factors, such as political convictions or social backgrounds.

Arms procurement highlights tensions within British industrial policy. Once seen as an economic sanctuary to be preserved in the name of ‘strategy’, in the 1980s, it became a symbol of neoliberalization. However, how can contemporary procurement in the UK be characterized? To answer this question, this article analyses ‘political work’ carried out by politicians, bureaucrats and military officers within the MoD and DE&S, the state agency in charge of defence equipment and support since 2006. Beyond the protectionist/liberalized dichotomy, our documentary, interview and lexical analysis reveals the development of a new policy frame that we label ‘value management’. We first show how the issue of procurement has been reproblematized around the term ‘capability’ to provide a new set of regulatory organizing principles and social relations. The way in which this frame has been equipped with managerial and policy instruments is then analysed. Finally, we show how this ‘problem’ and these instruments have been legitimized in a way that transcends the polar opposites of neoliberal cost-cutting and interventionist industrial policy. Overall, we conclude that ‘value management’ is currently proposing the basis for a new British defence consensus.

This book examines the question of state involvement in violence by tracing the evolution of public executions in France. Why did the state move executions from the bloody and public stage of the guillotine to behind prison doors? The book exposes the rituals and theatrical form of the death penalty and tells us who watched, who participated in, and who criticized (and ultimately brought an end to) a spectacle that the state called “punishment.” France's abolition of the death penalty in 1981 has long overshadowed its suppression of public executions over forty years earlier. Since the Revolution, executions attracted tens of thousands of curious onlookers. But, gradually, there was a shift in attitude and the public no longer saw this as a civilized pastime. Why? The book answers this question. It demonstrates the ways in which the media was at the vanguard of putting an end to the publicity surrounding the death penalty. The press had ample reason to be critical: cities were increasingly being used for leisure activity and prisons for those accused of criminal activity. The agitation surrounding each execution, coupled with a growing identification with the condemned, would blur these boundaries.