Instytut Zachodni

The subject of this chapter concerns the programmes for Germany’s global engagement at governmental level, as well as the discussions revolving around them. The initial step involves outlining the historical process of the shaping of these programmes since the 1990s by analysing the official documents and coalition agreements of successive federal governments, focusing on the theme of cooperation with emerging powers. The central element of the chapter is the concept of shaping powers and the 2012 government document entitled “Shaping Globalization—Expanding Partnerships—Sharing Responsibility”. The subsequent fate of this document is also discussed—the chapter examines whether and to what extent the new German government, following the power change in 2013, retained the concept of shaping powers and implemented the planned actions. Another aspect covered in this chapter is the reception of the shaping powers programme in Germany. This includes the perspective of main political parties, debates in the Bundestag, and the influence of economic organisations on Germany’s foreign policy, particularly regarding emerging powers.

The formation of German policy towards emerging powers was a reaction to changes taking place in the international environment and their consequences for the global order. For this reason, it is necessary to combine two perspectives: (1) the perspective of the actor and (2) the systemic perspective. This chapter deals with theoretical issues and provides an essential foundation and set of tools for conducting and understanding the reasoning in the following parts of the book. By addressing the question of the influence of globalisation and the growing significance of emerging powers in foreign policy research, attention is drawn to the interconnections between globalisation theory (GT) and foreign policy analysis (FPA). The main challenges posed to FPA by globalisation will be defined (for example, de-territorialisation and de-nationalisation of foreign policy, proliferation and diversification of international actors, new understandings of state power), considering the mutual isolation of both disciplines and the possibility of their integration to adapt foreign policy research to new conditions.

This chapter provides a characterisation of the two dimensions of practical development of Germany’s relations with the designated group of emerging powers: economic and order-shaping. In studying the first dimension, statistical data regarding the structure and evolution of Germany’s trade and investment relations with emerging powers will be utilised. This includes the significance of individual countries as trade partners for Germany, including their role as recipients of German arms exports, and the number of German companies and economic organisations active in these countries. Regarding the order-shaping dimension, the following aspects of Germany’s actions are analysed: the pursuit of reform of major international organisations and increase in the role played within them by emerging powers; engagement of emerging powers in cooperation within the framework of global governance; creation of new formats of international cooperation involving Germany and emerging powers; regional-level dialogue and cooperation; and bilateral forms of cooperation in shaping the international order.

This chapter is dedicated to the programmes for cooperation between Germany and emerging powers, developed within the debate on Germany’s global policy from 2004 to 2013. The environment of this debate, responding to the changes in systemic conditions described in the previous chapters, primarily consisted of research and expert institutions, universities, ministries, and the Chancellor’s office. The chapter highlights three key papers that emerged from this debate, which significantly influenced the subsequent 2012 governmental “shaping powers” programme, as well as a fourth published in 2013 wherein the latter programme was updated by a subsequent government. As the publications of these documents prompted broader reflection involving various entities and researchers in Germany regarding the shaping of German foreign policy, the analysis is expanded to present several main issues discussed within this framework: changes in the global order, internal factors influencing foreign policy, trends of adaptation and continuity in German foreign policy, and its European context.

This chapter addresses the rise of emerging powers, as a fundamental part of the process of global order transformation occurring since the beginning of the twenty-first century. This process has led, on one hand, to the development of theoretical considerations concerning shifts in power within the international system, and on the other, to the creation and evolution of the very concept of “emerging powers”, as well as various categorisations of new actors on the global stage. The chapter’s aim is to clarify the terminology and outline the essence of the changing global order by presenting selected economic and demographic indicators related to the rising significance of emerging powers. Furthermore, it explores ways of institutionalising their cooperation and their aspirations on the international stage.

This chapter focuses on neoclassical realism, chosen as the theoretical approach for this research. Neoclassical realism is characterised and contextualised within contemporary global changes as a modern variant of the traditional realist school of thought. The causal reasoning framework used within it is explained, as well as its application in the present research, encompassing the relevant variables: independent (systemic incentives), intervening (internal factors), and dependent (foreign policy). The chapter goes on to outline the initial position of Germany in the international system at the beginning of the twenty-first century, present the German perception of changes occurring in the system, and identify the intervening variable, which consists of three elements: political parties, academic and research institutions, and economic organisations. Complementing the internal context are considerations about the fundamental concept of state power and its relevance to the example of Germany and its global policy within the realm of realist theories.

In this chapter, case studies are presented concerning Germany’s cooperation with a selected group of emerging powers. Case study analysis enables the verification of German concepts in practice by considering the coexistence of the two dimensions outlined in the previous chapter: economic and order-shaping. For analysis purposes, the target group is divided into five subsets, comprising countries exhibiting one or several common characteristics: (1) China; (2) Brazil, India, and South Africa; (3) Mexico and Vietnam; (4) Indonesia and Nigeria; and (5) Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The structure of each case study consists of three parts: the first provides a general characterisation of Germany’s relations with the selected countries, considering the level of formality and rank of the partnership; the second presents a description and evaluation of Germany’s cooperation with those partners on the economic level, based on an analysis of trade and investment relations; and the third focuses on the order-shaping dimension—the potential of the analysed states as partners for Germany in shaping the global order and collaborating on issues of global governance (particularly global trade, climate policy, security and disarmament, and development cooperation). The case study analysis facilitates a comparison of the target group countries from the perspective of Germany’s strategic objectives. It also assesses to what extent, depending on the nature of each individual partner, the implementation of Germany’s dual policy (economic and order-shaping) was feasible.

The use of antibiotics in animal feed, commonly used as a strategy to achieve greater daily weight gains and recently as way to reduce methane emission, might result in the selection of resistant microorganisms and certain bacterial strains isolated from cattle are resistant to multiple antibiotics and could be human health hazards. To evaluate methane production in ruminant diet without roughage containing ionized amino acids as antibiotic alternative, twenty-four Nellore young bulls were allotted into two groups. The first group was fed with high-grain diet without roughage and without antibiotics diet, containing 82 mg/kg of ionized amino acids mixture (L-lysine and L-taurine HCl 99%, pH 9.74) manufactured by MJ Animal Nutrition. The second group was fed with high-grain diet containing Brachiaria brizantha hay (15% dry matter) and sodium monensin (120 mgּּ animal -1 ּּ day-1). It was not used a negative control group to avoid metabolic disturbances. The feedlot time was 100 days. The weight measurements were performed at the beginning of the trial period and monthly, always with water restriction and fasting for 18 hours, even before slaughter. A completely randomized design was used. Methane emission was measured using the sulfur hexafluoride technique and daily dry matter intake were measured in GrowSafe system. There was no detection of lameness or laminitis in any groups and there were no changes in feed conversion ratio (FCR). The total methane emission (-77.11%) and the methane emission per dry matter intake (DMI; -57.12 %), per average daily weight gain (ADG; -71.11%) and per kilogram of carcass (-70.07%) were different between treatments (P < 0.0001), resulting in decreased emission intensities for group fed without roughage with diet containing ionized amino acids. We conclude that fed without roughage with diet containing ionized amino acids was an effective strategy as an antibiotic alternative, mitigate GHG emissions and facilitate feedlot diets management. In field conditions, the roughage-lacking diets represent advantage, especially regarding its administration to a large amount of the animals just once a week or less, no need area, infra-structure and expertise to produce, preserve and feeding roughage.

Although sugarcane produces a large amount of energy per hectare, its ensiled storage leads to losses, which makes it one of the most expensive options for animal feeding. These losses occur due to fermentation of sugars and organic acids by yeasts, producing alcohol and gas. Inoculants containing Lactobacillus buchneri increase acetic acid production, which has effect against yeast. In this study, we produced egg yolk antibodies (IgY) against yeasts that ferment lactate (Candida glabrata, Pichia kudriavzevii, and Pichia manshurica) and sugar (Saccharomyces cerevisiae, Torulospora delbrueckii, Schizosaccharomyces pombe and Debaryomyces etchellsii) isolated in sugarcane silage. Shortly before ensiling, doses of 0, 175, 350, and 700 g/t IgY, and Lactobacillus buchneri were applied to chopped forage. Gas losses were calculated using experimental silos in triplicate, according to the equation: G = (PCf - PCa)/(MFf) × 100, in which: G = gas losses (kg/t); PCf = weight of full silo (equipped with a Bunsen valve to allow gas outflow) at sealing (kg); PCa = weight of full bucket at opening (kg); MFf = forage mass at sealing (kg). The data were analyzed as a completely randomized design and submitted to analysis of variance and regression using the SAS (SAS, 1998), which was chosen because of the significance of the regression parameters, tested by Tukey’s test (P < 0.05) and the values of the coefficients of determination. Thirty days after sealing the L. buchneri inoculant and doses of 350 and 700 g/t IgY promoted less gas losses than control that had no any product (12.74; 15.59 and 15.28 versus 27.74, respectively, P < 0.05) and the L. buchneri did not differ from IgY doses. The gas losses decreased quadratically with the anti-yeast addition, estimating maximum of 530 g/t fresh forage. We conclude that anti-yeast use reduces gas production during fermentation. With continuity of this research, we may obtain a roughage with higher nutritional value, as its mode of action in yeast control does not involve consumption of sugars or organic acids.

In contrast to dependent market economy (DME) literature, which argues that Central and Eastern European (CEE) economies serve primarily as assembly platforms for multinational corporations (MNCs) and try to meet their demands, this paper argues that CEE states have done much more than merely accommodating the interests of foreign investors. An analysis of the automotive sector in Poland reveals that the Polish state engaged actively in industrial policy to shape the profile of automotive production and to improve the country’s position in the automotive value chain. Instead of waiting for MNCs to establish backward linkages, it nurtured the rise of a supply industry with forward linkages in the automotive value chain, thus decreasing Poland’s dependence on lead MNCs. Moreover, this paper finds that while EU integration limited policy space for development, it also offered new developmental opportunities, which Polish state actors used to improve the international competitiveness of the sector.

This article investigates how different modes of transnational integration shape developmental state capacities in peripheral economies. The Turkish automotive industry serves as an ideal case to investigate this question. Turkey is a country that was exposed to different integration strategies, and we can trace the effects of these changing strategies on the evolution of developmental state capacities in a strategic sector. We make two arguments: first, we argue that the character of the domestic state-business alliance is an important factor that filters the effect of different modes of integration on developmental state capacities. Second, we argue that in cases with limited state autonomy the shallow mode of integration helps to increase the political and economic power of pre-existing rent-seeking alliances and with it, to consolidate the institutional status quo. Should the state be endowed with larger autonomy from vested interests, it helps to preserve the institutional status quo of at least some developmental capacities. By contrast, the deep mode can alter the domestic balance of forces and help to induce institutional changes leading to increased developmental capacities. Our dynamic analysis reveals important insights into the developmental advantages and disadvantages of different modes of integration.

Work accommodations are generally understood to refer to individual solutions for older and disabled employees that have been tailored to their specific situation within a workplace. This article, however, argues that there is potential for collective employment relations to motivate and enable social partners to develop a role in implementing reasonable accommodations and supporting older and disabled employees in the labour market. Focusing on industrial relations and work accommodation systems in Estonia, Poland and Hungary, the potential role that social partners could play in creating more inclusive workplaces is explored. This is done by reference to the findings from an action research project that brought together social partners to discuss ways in which practices in providing work accommodations could help better to integrate underutilised sources of labour in these three countries. The industrial relations regimes in the three countries have potentially enabling characteristics that could facilitate work accommodations. Current knowledge of the work accommodation process and the integration of this issue into the collective employment relations agenda, however, needs further improvement.

Wspomnienie profesor Anny Szyfer (1931-2018) etnolog i dialektolog, badaczki kultury ludowej Warmii i Mazur.

The chapter by Justyna Segeš Frelak sheds light on the reaction of Visegrád Group countries to the refugee crisis in the context of solidarity in EU migration policy. Currently, the Visegrád Group (V4) continues to be in strong opposition to compulsory refugee relocation under any scheme. At the same time, the V4 attitude towards migration fundamentally differs from that of several Western European countries. The chapter argues that this is partially connected to the fact that the V4 are among the states with the lowest percentages of foreigners in the European Union. As knowledge about immigration is limited and stereotypes are widespread, the refugee crisis has contributed to an increase in negative opinions about immigration. The anti-immigrant sentiment in the region is not based on real experience with non-nationals. In the case of the Visegrád countries, both populists and mainstream right- or left-wing parties have made use of fears over immigration for their political purposes. Furthermore, this has proven to be a very easy political tactic. Although, the engagement of civil society shows solidarity with refugees, these efforts are often overshadowed by an anti-immigration discourse.

The 2015 victory of Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) party is an example of the rise of contemporary authoritarian populism. The PiS's rise can be attributed to a cultural backlash against “long-term ongoing social change”,and not,as the “Poland in ruins” theory holds,against trenchant inequality or downward mobility. In spite of its limited core electorate and by virtue of a number of distinct factors,the PiS gained a parliamentary absolute majority; it has since drawn on this majority to dismantle democratic checks and balances. The PiS's policies have led to intensifying xenophobia,aggressive nationalism,and unprecedented polarisation that have engendered deep splits within Polish society and have given rise to social protest movements not seen in Poland since 1989. © 2016 National Endowment for Democracy and Johns Hopkins University Press.

The European Union can respond by various means to violations of the law on the part of member states. Violations of individual provisions can lead to treaty infringement proceedings, which can end with substantial fines. If a state violates the fundamental values of the EU, proceedings in accordance with Art. 7 of the Treaties of the European Union come into consideration. That can lead to a state losing some of its membership rights within the EU. The hurdles to setting proceedings in motion are correspondingly high. In addition, the European Commission has developed preliminary proceedings, which are to address grievances through dialogue with the state concerned. Such preliminary proceedings were used for the first time in the case of Poland. However, it is legally controversial. By contrast, treaty infringement proceedings under Art. 258 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union could also be successful in this case.

Functioning of the Visegrad Group since its beginning was not an easy issue. V4 was established to integrate East-Central European countries into Euro-Atlantic structures in the atmosphere of cooperation. However, it was a partnership of countries which in many cases guided by different interests. From the beginning, there was no sympathy inside the Group, but over time it changed. Since joining into the European Union in this cooperation experienced moments of common mobilizing such as: a struggle under the EU Cohesion Policy, the fight for the Union budgets, and the last one position against the welcome of refugees arriving to Europe. It should be noted that properly develop cooperation of Visegrad Group at the elementary level in areas such as: environmental protection, infrastructure, transport and energy projects and tourism. An important new motivation to this cooperation is founded in 2016 EU Battle Group of the Visegrad Group with almost 4 thousand soldiers.

Comparative studies show an ambiguous effect of the application of administrative controls on the level of migrant inflows, with the relative impact of the measures weaker than that of long-term economic or cultural factors. The case of Central Asian migration to Kazakhstan and Russia demonstrates the interplay of administrative measures and economic shocks with strategies of migrant groups and individuals. The review of recent surveys, interviews and focus groups with migrants from Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan suggests that changes in the policies of destination countries have a limited impact on their own plans. The long-term determinants, such as the support provided by diasporas and the fundamental economic pull and push factors mitigate the effects of sanctions or facilitating measures.

Clusters are defined as geographic concentrations of interconnected companies and associated institutions representing particular economic sector which compete and cooperate. The richness of cluster’s definition (difficulty in unified identifying, diagnosing the grapes), imprecise nature of cluster (as an economic and social phenomenon)in conjunction with the importance of the meaningof a specific location as a context for specific activities of the cluster along with the inherent nature of the competitive cooperation, immanent for the clusters, justify the use of the grounded theory methodology (GTM) for their exploration. It aims at both proving the thesis discussing the usefulness of applying the grounded theory methodology in exploring clusters’ coopetition as well as exemplifying such application for studying clusters’ internationalization processes.

The aim of the paper is to assess whether, and in what fashion, managers of Polish cluster organizations perceive the attractiveness of foreign direct investment in Polish clusters This research is exploratory and qualitative in nature. The complex nature of Polish clusters, which can benefit from and be competitively challenged by, FDI are identified and a conceptual framework for assessing that nature is proposed; specifically, research using the grounded theory method (GTM).