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Zusammenfassung
Die erste Frauenbewegung kämpfte zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts für die soziale, politische und juristische Emanzipation der Frau; u. a. ging es um politisches Stimmrecht, Zugang zu höherer Bildung, freie Berufswahl und Besserstellung alleinstehender Mütter. Sowohl die sich gerade etablierende Sexualwissenschaft als auch die Gegner der Frauenbewegung stellten immer wieder Zusammenhänge her zwischen der Frauenbewegung und weiblicher Homosexualität; angeblich seien Frauenrechtlerinnen häufig homosexuell und würden andere, gerade junge, Frauen zu gleichgeschlechtlichen sexuellen Beziehungen verleiten. Der Großteil der Frauenbewegung äußerte sich lange nicht zu diesen Behauptungen oder überhaupt zum Thema weibliche Homosexualität. Nur in zwei Kontexten finden sich vermehrt öffentliche Äußerungen hierzu: im Anschluss an Anna Rülings Rede »Welches Interesse hat die Frauenbewegung an der Klärung des homosexuellen Problems?« vor dem wissenschaftlich-humanitären Komitee und in Bezug auf die kurzzeitig geplante, dann jedoch verworfene Ausweitung des § 175, der sexuellen Verkehr zwischen Männern unter Strafe stellte, auf die Frau.
Der vorliegende Beitrag widmet sich eben diesem diskursiven Umgang der ersten Frauenbewegung in Deutschland mit gleichgeschlechtlich liebenden Frauen in Bezug auf diese beiden diskursiven Ereignisse. Adressiert werden Fragen danach, welche Ausdrücke für weibliche Homosexualität und Homosexuelle bestehen, worauf sie referieren und auf welche Konzepte gleichgeschlechtlicher Liebe und Sexualität sie schließen lassen. Zum anderen setzt sich der Aufsatz kritisch mit Fragen danach auseinander, in welchen Zusammenhängen und mit welchen Absichten über homosexuelle Frauen gesprochen oder geschwiegen wurde, wie sie bewertet wurden und welche (Nicht‑)Bedeutung ihnen im Kontext der ersten Frauenbewegung zugeschrieben wurde.
The second volume of our book is devoted to the last two categories of the new-exile, which we have analysed in four categories: Politicians and Artists. The history of political exiles in Germany, in the current political diaspora, or the diversity of new-exile—with its class, gender, race and belief components—points both to the periodic crises of democracy and the transformation of politics in Turkey and to the diversity and dynamism in the nature of new-exile. Political exiles constitute a specificity in itself when compared to the academics, journalists and writers we categorise as new exile: Continuity in exile. On the other hand, there is also a novelty and a mediocrity in the scope of exile or displacement. The novelty stems from the Turkish state government’s marginalisation and criminalisation of one part of society as other—‘enemy’, ‘marauder’, ‘terrorist’ or ‘slut’—in order to sustain the material and social reproduction of another part of the society. The source of mediocrity is that anyone who opposes the current government has the potential to be the target of this marginalisation and criminalisation. As such, the subjects of the new-exile are as diverse and ordinary as possible. Whereas the old-wave political exiles were largely driven by political activism associated with the Kurdish movement and Leftist movements, the new political exiles include—in addition to these—defenders of democracy, fundamental rights and freedoms and human rights. From this point of view, everyone who participated in the Gezi movement, the peaceful resolution of the Kurdish question, the women’s movement and the struggle for the rights of labourers is an interlocutor of this mediocrity. These are the people who came together in the Gezi uprising and shared the struggles for ecology, gender, LGBTI+, Kurds, Armenians and labourers’ rights.
We propose a categorization of smartwatch use in the health care sector into 3 key functional domains: monitoring, nudging, and predicting. Monitoring involves using smartwatches within medical treatments to track health data, nudging pertains to individual use for health purposes outside a particular medical setting, and predicting involves using aggregated user data to train machine learning algorithms to predict health outcomes. Each domain offers unique contributions to health care, yet there is a lack of nuanced discussion in existing research. This paper not only provides an overview of recent technological advancements in consumer smartwatches but also explores the 3 domains in detail, culminating in a comprehensive summary that anticipates the future value and impact of smartwatches in health care. By dissecting the interconnected challenges and potentials, this paper aims to enhance the understanding and effective deployment of smartwatches in value-based health care.
Background: Germany has increased its political and financial commitment for global health, but this needs to be backed by a robust global health research ecosystem with strong partnerships in low-and middle-income countries (LMICs). Objective: This article suggests pathways for empowering researchers to operate beyond their disciplinary silos and strengthen partnerships across sectors and countries. The authors identify barriers and enablers of operations from a nascent research network in Germany, trusting that this experience can inform other initiatives seeking to stoke interdisciplinary and collaborative global health research. Methods: This article represents the culmination of extensive reflections spanning the initial four years of the German Alliance for Global Health Research (GLOHRA). The insights have additionally been informed by an analysis of publicly available reports, internal procedural records, and externally conducted studies based on interviews with researchers and policymakers. Results: GLOHRA has developed a toolbox of practices that foster interdisciplinary research and support capacity-building. Insights indicate that highly interdisciplinary and diverse gov-ernance structures and seed-funding for interdisciplinary and cross-sector research with appropriate review processes represent a critical step for achieving these aims. Additionally, inclusive training sessions and networking events help to bridge disciplinary boundaries, equipping researchers to envision the broader context of their work. Conclusions: Despite achievements, challenges persist. Wider support, especially from universities and research institutions, is necessary to make global health research an attractive career path and to reduce bureaucratic barriers for collaborators in LMICs. Sustained, longer-term federal funding mechanisms will also be essential for ongoing progress.
Republicans in Congress have, by almost any measure, become significantly more conservative over the last 25 years. We propose that the changing pressures they face when seeking reelection helps explain this trend. Rather than moderating towards the general election median voter as they had previously done, Republican senators became more conservative when seeking reelection to avoid the emergence of, or mitigate the threat from, a primary opponent after the Tea Party emerged. We also show that at the height of the Tea Party era—the 111th to 113th congresses—retiring senators moderated their voting behavior, suggesting that their personal preferences were more moderate than their expressed preferences. During the Trump era, we report mixed results, suggesting that the threat posed by primary challengers was not solely ideological, though the new dynamics and behaviors that emerged in the Tea Party era have continued to shape the Republican Party in the Senate.
This article identifies the dynamics of the refugee rights movements that have emerged in the wake of the 2015 “summer of welcome.” Building upon “New Social Movements” research and fieldwork in Berlin, the research traces these movements’ motivations/aims, social composition/profile, mobilization strategies/repertories of action, and social location. In line with critical urban studies, the article also reflects on how specific urban space and existing political dynamics inform and structure refugee rights movements. Finally, this research seeks to provide insights into our understanding of the New Social Movements in general and refugee rights movements in particular.
This piece sheds light on the significance of academic activism in time of war. Drawing on the voices of Ukrainian academics, we explore different practices of academic activism in Ukraine and develop interrelations of synergy, overshadowing, and decoupling between academia and activism. In the extreme context of war, the relationship between academia and activism, typically conceptualized as symbiotic, may manifest frictions that threaten to undermine academia as a realm of critical reflection and contemplation. Following this, we call on scholars to reject the notion of academic activism as a departure from the so-called ivory tower, and to defend that citadel as a prerequisite and bulwark for the activism they practice.
When democracy is under attack, the hope is often that citizens will punish undemocratic incumbents. However, recent studies show that not all citizens punish governments for their undemocratic actions. In this article, we argue that citizens' understanding of and satisfaction with democracy are sources of heterogeneous reactions. In a survey experiment conducted in Germany and Poland, we show that the importance that citizens attach to specific institutions under threat, as well as their understanding of democracy, can explain much of the variance in citizens' responses to undemocratic actions. Citizens are willing to defend what they consider important for democracy – regardless of whether this reflects theoretical conceptions of democracy. Moreover, in times of democratic backsliding, Polish ‘critical citizens’, those who are dissatisfied with the way democracy works in Poland, are more likely to punish governments for undemocratic actions. Our findings help us understand how to increase citizens' resilience against democratic backsliding.
In Germany, prisoners are obliged to work during their imprisonment in most federal states. However, prisoners currently receive very little remuneration for this work. For two decades, this remuneration has stagnated at a low level or even decreased in some federal states. In a landmark ruling on 20 June 2023, Germany's highest court, the Bundesverfassungsgericht (BVerfG, Germany's Federal Constitutional Court), recognised that the remuneration in two federal states is unconstitutionally low. As a result, for the first time in 25 years, the remuneration of prisoners will now change and – hopefully – increase significantly.
Resumen
Muchos de los trabajadores domésticos que viven en hogares privados carecen de acceso a un trabajo decente y a derechos laborales. La formalización suele concebirse como una estrategia normativa para mejorar las condiciones de trabajo. El debate sobre el trabajo doméstico interno en Alemania se ha centrado en la «seguridad jurídica». Aquí se analiza si este concepto puede contribuir a la formalización y de qué manera. El caso de Austria demuestra que el efecto puede ser contraproducente, al encubrir más a los falsos autónomos. Del mismo modo, la búsqueda de una mayor seguridad jurídica no necesariamente mejorará la situación de los cuidadores internos en Alemania.
Domestic workers who live in private households often lack access to decent work and labour rights. Formalization is widely understood as a normative strategy to improve working conditions. In Germany, the debate surrounding domestic live‐in work has centred on “legal certainty” and this article discusses whether and how legal certainty could contribute to formalization. Legal developments (for example, in Austria) show that legal certainty can actually have the opposite effect, by disguising bogus self‐employment more effectively. I argue that, similarly, not all claims to establish more legal certainty are likely to improve the situation of live‐in care workers in Germany.
This forum article presents a new dataset on roll call votes in the committees of the European Parliament in the 2014 to 2019 legislative term. Data on roll call votes in the plenary has greatly informed research on the functioning of the European Parliament, broader legislative politics and European Union decision-making. Responding to transparency concerns about legislative decisions increasingly taken at committee level, a change of the European Parliament's Rules of Procedure introduced mandatory roll calls in committees from 2014. The article explains the context of the rule change, the data collection effort, and the data as such. A discussion of conflict across committees, party group cohesion and participation in roll call votes illustrates potential applications of the data.
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