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A quarter of a century ago, the Soviet Union dissolved and the Cold War ended. Now the current political era involves a broad challenge to liberal democracy in the European Union. Central European countries such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, the Republic of Poland, and the Slovak Republic (‘the Visegrád Group’) joined the EU in 2004 with the hope...
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... Polish media which are connected to PiS also take anti-refugee/migrant positions. For example, a right-wing Polish magazine named w Sieci (Online) featured a headline 'The Islamic Rape of Europe, with a cover image showing brown hands gripping a white woman dressed in an EU flag (see Figure 4). The magazine was widely described as Islamophobic and as echoing right-wing nationalist propaganda. ...
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Citations
... Fidesz took the lead role in 2010, while the Polish PiS, in several respects, followed the path laid down by its ally in the direction, pace, scope, and depth of populist measures. Fidesz and PiS used a highly similar policy-mix of cultural nationalism fed by antiimmigrant sentiments, heteronormative familiarism, and sovereignism, combined with political antiliberalism and nationally focused economy policy (Sata and Karolewski 2020;Toplisek 2020;Vadhanavisala 2020). ...
The presence of Islam in Europe is accompanied by contradictory dynamics. While on the one hand institutions are gradually accommodating Muslim demands and vice versa, on the other hand tendencies of Islamist and anti-Muslim radicalisation are reinforcing each other. In addition to analyses of institutionalisation processes that entail modes of a new normality, this volume offers contributions on political Islam, anti-Muslim policies as well as on social negotiations on conflict and integration. Finally, scholarly and literary reflections are examined with regard to their normative underpinnings. The volume brings together contributions from sociologists, Islamic scholars and literary scholars. With contributions by Asligüel Aysel, Sana Chavoshian, Aletta Diefenbach, Lena Dreier, Johannes Ebner, Özkan Ezli, Anja Frank, Lisa Harms, Jörg Hüttermann, Sarah Kaboğan, Ines Michalowski, Olaf Müller, Cemal Öztürk, Gert Pickel, Detlef Pollack, Anna Felicitas Scholz, Reinhard Schulze, Mustafa Şen, Levent Tezcan and Monika Wohlrab-Sahr.
Dieser Beitrag liefert eine vergleichende Analyse der jüngsten Welle der European Values Study und beleuchtet den Zusammenhang von antimuslimischen Ressentiments und der Unterstützung für rechtspopulistische Parteien. Hierbei zeigt sich, dass (a) ablehnende Haltungen gegenüber Muslim*innen eine Identifikation mit rechtspopulistischen Parteien begünstigen, (b) dass sich dieser Individualzusammenhang zu einem paneuropäischen Phänomen entwickelt hat, welcher losgelöst von der An- oder Abwesenheit von Muslim*innen operieren kann und (c), dass die Prävalenz eines antimuslimischen Gesellschaftsklimas den machtpolitischen Aufstieg rechtspopulistischer Parteien begünstigt hat. Da das „Feindbild Islam“ besonders gut in Gesellschaften gedeihen kann, in denen kaum Muslim*innen leben, konnten Osteuropas Rechtspopulist*innen sogar paradoxerweise von der Abwesenheit von Muslim*innen profitieren. Getragen von einem nationalistischen Grundkonsens in der Gesellschaft sind Rechtspopulist*innen in Osteuropa in Machtpositionen gelangt und verstehen es geschickt die Elitenschelte auf die Europäische Union und internationale Akteure umzulenken. Gepflegt wird das Zerrbild einer internationalen Elite, die die Einwanderung von Muslim*innen orchestriert und vorantreibt und gegen die das Volk durch die rechtspopulistischen Regierungen geschützt werden muss. Muslim*innenfeindschaft entfaltet somit mehr und mehr ein antidemokratisches Potenzial und begünstigt die Abwendung von der liberalen Demokratie.
