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There are both positive and negative aspects of waging a counter-insurgency war in the Sahel. The impediments are easy to see. The terrain of the Sahel does not lend itself to conventional warfare. There are broad expanses of sand and dunes, broken up by small villages and, occasionally, a town or city. There are no petrol stations, wells, repair s...
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... The arrival of a high-level Russian delegation in Bamako through 11-12 October 2017 cannot have been comforting for Western powers. [13] Agadez the contemporary military base for major powers, in late September 2016, the United States interest is being expressed in different dimension, which includes 3km runway and associated infrastructure for a drone in construction at Agadez (Niger) by the former as declared by Pentagon spokeswoman, Michelle Baldanza. This will be used to conduct reconnaissance operations over Niger and Chad, as well as Libya and Nigeria, and further afield. ...
... German's Ambassador to Niger, Bernd von Muenchow-Pohl, made an announcement few days after Pentagon's, Bernd von Muenchow-Pohl address was on Germany building a military base in Niger (close to the Malian border) to support the UN mission in neighboring Mali. [13] In the words of the German Ambassador, "Niger is a central partner, a key country, for us in the fight against terrorism and illegal migration from West Africa." Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor after her arrival from her visit to Mali and Niger, she hosted Chad's President Idriss Déby. ...
... Keeping enough troops on the ground in such a vast area creates overextended supply lines which are difficult to secure, Busch G.K. [13]. Dealing and engaging these consequences of a flawed military intervention strategy in order to build more sustainable peace and security in the Sahel will not be easy or quick. ...
This paper explores the major impediments to peace and widespread interest in Sahel violence and stability. It examines the expansion of violent extremism across the Sahel and the direct consequence of unrest across North Africa. It assesses worrisome development in the region’s security landscape as these violent extremist organizations grow and develop sophisticated networks. It discovers that these emerging threats can be illustrated by the unique challenges facing Libya, Mali, Nigeria, and other countries in the region. Hence the
strategies and assistance of Major Powers in ensuring the security and stability of the Sahel region, as it goes well beyond terrorism.
Methodologically, it employs the use of descriptive analysis relying solely on secondary information for data generation and articulation. The study therefore suggests among others that, rather than attempt to stifle regional conflicts through military intervention, Major Pow-
ers should encourage regional initiatives. Many regional conflicts are so deeply rooted, however powers involve should recognize that, for there to be success in ending the fighting and instability, it should avoid policies that often clash with realities and needs on the
ground, without which no outside party, from within or outside the region will succeed in putting an end to the threat to peace and security challenge.
Keywords: Instability Sahel, International cooperation; Intervention; Major Powers; NATO; Regional conflict.
... 52 In spite of these reservations, the US did involve itself in the management of the Mali crisis, assisting the deployment of 4000 French troops. 53 The motive for doing so was that decision makers in Washington found that the US had to contribute to preventing the establishment of a safe haven for the growth and operations of 'Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb' in Northern Mali. 54 In that sense, the American decision makers were influenced by hard-core security priorities despite finding that radical and extremist Islamist groups mainly threatened Algeria and France and other European States but not the United States. ...
Since 9/11, the American policy towards Africa has been strongly influenced by national security interests and in particular by the fight against international terrorism and Islamic radicalisation. Traditionally, the American Africa policy has been the result of bureaucratic policymaking with the Pentagon and the State Department playing prominent roles. The paper argues that in the current century, evangelical Christian lobby groups have gained increasing influence on policymaking on Africa. Because policymaking has been influenced by a number of different actors, the American Africa policy may appear incoherent and ambiguous if judged narrowly on the expectation that it only aims to take care of US national security concerns and economic self-interests. The paper concludes that Africa was important to the United States during the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama because of the combination of strong security interests and strong domestic lobby groups that have pressured to place Africa on the US foreign policy agenda.
... In spite of the fact that around 2000 US troops have been based on Djibouti since 2001, Washington maintained its aim is to avoid deploying troops on the ground in Africa. At the same time, the USA has carried out a significant number of clandestine military interventions involving American troops on the ground (Busch 2013). ...
When Barack Obama came into office in January 2009, there were high expectations that he would change the policy towards Africa. It has not happened. Critics maintain that the current policy is not only a continuation of the policy of George W. Bush but has also become increasingly ‘militarized’. The paper argues that it is not adequate to describe US Africa policy as having become ‘militarized’. It is too incoherent and too inconsistent to possibly describe it by such a term. The policy is much more country specific and case specific depending on the coalition trying to influence policy-making at a given moment towards a given issue or country/region. This type of policy-making is to be explained by the nature of the American decision-making system dealing with Africa. It is pluralistic and open to all kinds of pressures and interests. And not to forget, the Africa policy is a bipartisan issue in the USA.
The geographic area of the Sahel is of particular interest when examining regional security issues that have negatively affected political, economic and social interaction on the African continent for decades. The region has seen a massive upsurge in lethal violence, and militant groups continue to expand their activities southward, now threatening coastal West Africa. The paper examines the links between the growing dynamics of the Sahel and the security of Liptako-Gourma, composed of groups of contiguous states rooted in historical and geographical environments. The paper empirically applies the Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver’s “Regional Security Complex Theory” (RSCT) as a framework for studying the discourse of security threats and the dynamics of security challenges in the region. The application of RSCT theory makes a significant contribution to understanding these regional security issues in the Liptako-Gourma region. The complex links between threats demonstrate the likely impossibility of addressing these threats in isolation, and the need for a broader approach. The study interprets the current relationship between France and Mali in relation to Mali’s withdrawal from the G5 Sahel Force as hostile. The authors argue that the regional nature of the security threats strongly supports the claim that geographic proximity is a major contributor to security interactions. The paper also reveals that the individual security of each state cannot be separated from that of its neighbors. Therefore, it is suggested that mutual interests could contribute to a stronger regional security initiative that integrates the fight against a common threat such as terrorism.
In 1999, soon after the European Union member states had decided to establish the European Security and Defence Policy, the processes of appointing adequate tools for its accomplishment also started. Decisions were made to create organs and institutions and to elaborate appropriate procedures which would enable fast and precise decision-making of planning and conduct in the field of security and defence. Since that time the European Union and its Security and Defence Policy have evolved in many aspects and are still evolving. Security researchers currently attempt to provide the answer to an important problem: what are the trends characterising changes in the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. The author, basing on research and own experiences of work in the politico-strategic planning structures of the European External Action Service, analyses current trends in the Common Security and Defence Policy, especially regarding the evolution of the Union’s organs and institutions, crisis management procedures, implementation of comprehensive approach and tendencies in the newly-deployed missions. This material is a result of extensive discussions and consultations conducted within a broad international and interinstitutional crisis management environment. It is based on interviews with high-level subject-related personnel and the listed bibliography
Мета. Всебічне та постійне тилове забезпечення військ вважається одним із основних факторів успішного ведення бойових дій будь-якою державою. Зміни геополітичної та воєнно-стратегічної ситуації в Європі спричинили зміни у збройних силах держав, у тому числі й у тиловому забезпеченні, що обумовлює необхідність пошуку нових, більш ефективних шляхів вирішення завдань тилового забезпечення під час сучасного бою. Це актуально сьогодні й для Збройних Сил України. Тому метою роботи є розгляд (з точки зору втілення в практику) інновацій у тиловому забезпеченні силових структур держави, які постають у вигляді нового, вдосконаленого продукту: модульних комплексів, що включають в себе різні блок-контейнери (кухня-їдальня, душова, пральня, блок-пост, амбулаторія та інші). Вони різко змінять у майбутньому якість побуту військовослужбовців під час виконання бойових завдань у зонах надзвичайних ситуацій та при участі у збройних конфліктах. Методика. В основу методики покладені суттєві заходи щодо вдосконалення системи тилового забезпечення в найближчому майбутньому. Вони полягають у реорганізації існуючої системи тилового забезпечення Збройних Сил та створенні модульних структур, які легко адаптуються та призначаються надалі для виконання конкретних завдань. Результати. Авторами пропонується комплект конструкторської документації на блок-контейнер польових пральні та душової. Також розробляються технологічні модулі бойового (блок-пост), тилового (кухня-їдальня), медичного (пересувна амбулаторія) значення та інші. Наукова новизна. Однією з особливостей реформ, які проводяться в Збройних Силах України, є їх наукове обґрунтування. Для теоретичного забезпечення, розробки й обґрунтування перспективних ідей щодо поліпшення життєзабезпечення військовослужбовців при тривалому розміщенні в польових умовах вперше пропонується використання блок-контейнерів – мобільних багатофункціональних приміщень. Практична значимість. Враховуючи, що військово-політичне керівництво України розглядає тилове забезпечення військ як одну із складових всебічного забезпечення збройних сил у мирний та воєнний час, використання запропонованих ідей із поліпшення побуту військ дозволить сформувати новий вигляд системи матеріально-технічного забезпечення Збройних Сил України.
The article asks why the area stretching from Senegal over Nigeria to the Horn of Africa/East Africa is so important to European security. The area is clearly not the “near abroad” like the Middle East/North Africa or the former communist countries to the east. The article launches three arguments aimed at explaining the European Union's crisis management policy towards the region and in particular its strong focus on failed states and terrorism. First, there is a perception among EU decision-makers that Europe's security is threatened by a “Somaliasation” of African states. The second argument states that EU decision-makers are so strongly influenced by French and US security priorities that fighting terrorism becomes a remarkably high priority of the Union's Africa policy. Third, EU decision-makers share a common notion that immigrant communities in Europe might be inspired by the radicalisation taking place among Muslims in some African countries. Thereby, the Muslim immigrant communities may contribute to breeding “home-grown” terrorists. The article concludes that the perception of a threat stemming from “Somaliasation” in Africa, the impact of French and US security priorities and the fear of “home-grown terrorists” explain the comprehensive crisis management initiatives launched by Brussels in recent years.
The French intervention in Mali in early 2013 emphasizes that the decision-makers in Paris, Brussels, and Washington considered the establishment of the radical Islamist regime in Northern Mali a threat to their security interests. The widespread instability including the rise of radical Islamist groups in Somalia was perceived as a threat to western interests. It is the core argument of the paper if western powers decide to provide security in Africa, they will be inclined to use proxy instead of deploying own troops. Security provision by proxy in African means that African troops are doing the actual fighting and peacekeeping on the ground while western powers basically pay the costs, the logistics, and the training of local African troops. The paper concludes that the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) in Somalia and The African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) in Mali are proxies for the USA and the European Union.
