Figure 2 - uploaded by Mohamed A. Eno
Content may be subject to copyright.
Similar publications
A proposta desse trabalho é pensar relações comuns ou, pelo menos, aproximadas sobre os processos e os instrumentos de segregação urbana racial, generificada e social nas cidades de Soweto (Joanesburgo - África do Sul) e Ceilândia (Distrito Federal - Brasil) durante as décadas de 1950 e 1970. Para tanto, comparamos os dois processos de remoção das...
This research article argued that the current conflicts between Vhavenda and Vatsonga, two decades and four years later after the first democratic elections for a new South Africa in 1994, are manifestations of the seeds that were sown by the Voortrekkers since their arrival around the Soutpansberg in the northern parts of South Africa in 1836. Mak...
Leaders of various South African government institutions are still referring to apartheid as the reason for inequalities in the society even after more than 25 years of democracy. The purpose of this study was to investigate the impact of the South African government history on the daily operations of the democratic government. Using cross-sectiona...
There is poverty in the land, there is hunger in the midst of plenty, and women and girls continue to be object of victimisation, rejection and poverty. Going by these attributes South Africa is believed to have been out of sustainable development challenges by many students of development studies compare with other African states. Through aparthei...
Citations
... The creation of such an imagined community facilitated the claim that some Somali clans have an ancestry link to Prophet Mohammed's agnates, the Quraish. The Somali imagination about Arabness created an empty proudness over the other Africans as Eno (2008), said: "In the mind of the Somali nomad of that time, Arabness was superior compared to the African identity in his neighborhood" (Eno, 2008, p. 287). ...
Community transformation has been vital throughout human existence. It deals with community alterations of lifestyle in a new direction. Likewise, Somali communities have been experiencing strings of transformations throughout their lifespan. This transformation starts with Somali communities' first immigration to the current life experience. Therefore, this article attempts to briefly note down the significant transformation of Somali communities during pre and postcolonial periods. The article employs historical analysis as the methodology which facilitates understanding the complex process of change and continuity over time. The article argues that the significant transformations in the pre-colonial period include shaping and forming imagined clans based on genealogy and contract, their traditional system of law, and the formation of faith-based imagined Sufi communities. The article also argues the significant transformation of Somali communities, including the economic transformation from family-based production to a capitalist production system. It also highlights the alteration of the traditional public law system to the Indian Penal Law and the Indian Code of Civil Procedure which was never applicable and transparent to the Somali communities. Finally, it argues that Somali communities transformed into having discrete beyond-border identities in Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somaliland as the consequences of colonial jurisdiction.
... Beginning from the early 1990s, however, the situation deteriorated extensively in the wake of the civil war and amid the chaos that brought down all functioning institutions, thereby collapsing the provision of all public services (Yarow et al., 2021). As a consequence of the war, Baidoalike other areas inhabited by the Digil -Mirifle communities -was devastated by marauding, armed militiamen who crisscrossed the entire Digil -Mirifle territory, either in pursuit of their enemies or in retreat to escape from them (Kusow, 1993;Eno, 2008). Many lives were lost, and properties-including livestock and crops -were either looted or deliberately wasted (Abdinor et al., 2021; Yarow et al., 2021, p. 28) describe the situation, writing that "…during the civil war, Baidoa has experienced a calamitous health situation. ...
This study explores the prevalence of incomplete exclusive breastfeeding (IEBF) in the district city of Baidoa in Bay Region, SWSS. The aim of the study is to get insights into the practice and prevalence of incomplete exclusive breastfeeding among mothers, especially a group selected from women who visit Darussalam MCH center. A mixed methods design was used to collect and analyze questionnaire data. Purposive sampling was employed to obtain data from 25 mothers who had stopped breastfeeding by the time the study was conducted. The study found that the practice is common among internally displaced women living in the IDP camps and their counterpart mothers from the host community in Baidoa. Each of the mothers in the survey has undergone the experience of IEBF with at least one child while one woman admitted 4 of her babies had experienced termination of breastfeeding before the recommended period of six months. A variety of reasons including illness, divorce, and economic factors were expressed as contributing factors to the occurrences of IEBF among women. A high level of awareness is needed to educate women in particular and society in general about the effect of IEBF on child health in order to avoid the occurrences of preventable diseases caused as a result of the practice.
... Indeed, the cultural practice, tradition, and customary institutions all provide a long history of social cohesiveness-call it family-or extended family-based work, tribal group work, clan or kin-based work, or just any other form of communal work done to contribute to the well-being of either an individual or a family or any group in need of the service concerned. I also take the opportunity to illuminate in this thesis of limited scope that while some of these services were paid for and purchased in one way or the other, similar to today's provision of professional social work service, others were offered selflessly and purely on the basis of philanthropy and self-help, as was mentioned elsewhere by Ahmed ( , 1996 and Eno (2008). ...
... Caring for one another, in many cases without consideration of or regard to tribal, social or kinship background, represents the common traditional practice of the Somalis (Eno 2008; C. C. Ahmed 1995, A. J. Ahmed , 1996. But with disregard to all these attributes, Lewis (1994), and about a decade later Kapteijns (2013), and a section of Western scholars calibrate the Somali society mainly on the basis of the horrendous situation of instability that engulfed the country and haunted it since the civil war. ...
From clan-based politics in the years leading to independence to clan-shaped legislature and clan-oriented cabinets in the civilian governments following independence, military dictatorship and malfeasance dominated 1970s and 1980s Somalia. Early in 1991, the country became swamped in a clan-based civil war that crumbled state structures and the public services they provided. The ensuing lawlessness increased monumentally, making violence and abuse against women, children, minorities, and the vulnerable among the society very rampant. Social workers, in other words professionally trained people who could steer the provision of the crucially needed social services to the vulnerable ones among the society, most of whom were psychologically traumatized in one way or the other, either did not exist in the country or were barely known about. As the state of neglect became a major concern, UNICEF, the Ministry of Women and Human Rights Development of the Federal Government of Somalia, in conjunction with the Swedish government, created a platform to address the conundrum by contracting six selected universities in Somaliland, Puntland and Mogadishu in 2018 to start training the first batch of Somali social workers in certificate and diploma programs that culminated into a 4-year bachelor's degree study. From this background, this essay aims to contribute to the existing literature on social work by discussing the introduction of formal social work education in Somalia.
... For instance, citizens of Bay Region as well as the entire Digil-Mirifle regions have experienced the darkest and deadliest period of their life during the civil war as innocent people were killed wantonly in the cross-fire of the disastrous war between armed supporters of ousted president Siad Barre's regime and armed clan militias pursuing them (Kusow 1993;Eno 2008). The number of deaths was unimaginable as urbanites were forced to flee from their dwellings. ...
Background: Maternal mortality (MM) has been described as a critical problem of global dimension. In 2017 alone, according to a report by the World Health Organization in collaboration with its partners (WHO et al. 2019), MM is estimated to have claimed the lives of 295,000 women worldwide. Considering this concern, the University of Southern Somalia’s faculty and students from the Faculty of Medicine and Health Sciences and a faculty member from the Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities of the USS, in association with Hakaba Institute for Research & Training, Baidoa, SWSS, carried out this study to highlight the causes of MM in Baidoa City. The purpose of the study is to shed light on the extent at which cases of MM occur and the causes inherent to it by focusing on incidents at Bay Regional Hospital (BRH) in Baidoa city, SWSS, in the year 2019. Methods: The study benefits from quantitative case study method by utilizing observation of data available in the archives of Bay Regional Hospital. Analyzing frequencies of occurrences of MM and their causes, the study uses 4 tables to demonstrate the comparisons of the incidents and causes of death from January to December 2019. Results: A total number of 1950 pregnant women visited the hospital; 883 were consulted, treated and returned home; 1049 underwent safe delivery; while 18 women died in the process of childbirth. Conclusion: MM poses a great threat to expecting mothers in Baidoa as they are exposed to the risk of dying from obstetric complications linked to numerous direct and indirect causes. Eclampsia, PPH/APH and numerous types of infections have been identified to be among the direct and indirect causes, although many of them are classified as preventable, treatable, or manageable in nature. Keywords: Baidoa, childbirth, healthcare, maternal mortality, research, South-West State of Somalia
... As a result, the national history of Somalia and national heroes as well as cultural intellectuals is predisposed in favor of only certain cultures in some specific regions of the country (A. J. Ahmed 1995Ahmed , 1996Eno 2008Eno , 2017Eno & Eno 2014;Eno et al. 2016); hence, as Kusow (1995) suggested, the need to research histories of all Somali regions and cultures. ...
... A discussion on religious leadership, according to Somali national historiography, prioritizes the role of Sayyid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, known also as the 'Mad Mullah', and his 'Dervish' movement. Although Mohamed Abdulle Hassan is gratified as a hero, who fought against colonialism, his role as a prominent teacher of Islam, with students learning in a religious center, is absent even from the state-sponsored historiography (Ahmed 1995;Eno 2008). Despite the title 'sayyid' or 'sheikh' and the attribute conferred upon him as a religious figure, the literature is clear about his engagement in war rather than in Islamic edifice and Islamic education. ...
Somalia has a long history and well known figures who developed unique systems of governance, which allowed economic development, social harmony and political participation long before the colonial occupation. The history of the Jama'a of Baardheere offers one such example. This work part of a larger project exploring the Jama'a system of administration, structure of governance, Indexed by: SCOPUS, IBSS, EBSCO, COPERNICUS, ProQuest, J-Gate and SABINET Volume 7, (Number 1), June, 2020 Pp 73-105 Indigenous Leadership and the Legacy of Religious Jama'a… 74 leadership and how their legacy is a living history in parts of present day Somalia. It gives an overview of the history of Baardheere, the oldest and most famous Jama'a in Somali territories. It looks at its emergence, establishment as a settlement and religious center in the interior of Somalia in the late 18th century. Using oral history, unpublished written documents and perusal of available literature, the paper will provide valuable insight into aspects of history that was not available to external researchers. It is hoped that this contribution at this junction of Somali history will help resuscitate and reconstruct Somalia's crumbled make-up and poor image of self-governance and provide a better understanding of what happened in the past and how it relates to the present.
... As a result, the national history of Somalia and national heroes as well as cultural intellectuals is predisposed in favor of only certain cultures in some specific regions of the country (A. J. Ahmed 1995Ahmed , 1996Eno 2008Eno , 2017Eno & Eno 2014;Eno et al. 2016); hence, as Kusow (1995) suggested, the need to research histories of all Somali regions and cultures. ...
... A discussion on religious leadership, according to Somali national historiography, prioritizes the role of Sayyid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, known also as the 'Mad Mullah', and his 'Dervish' movement. Although Mohamed Abdulle Hassan is gratified as a hero, who fought against colonialism, his role as a prominent teacher of Islam, with students learning in a religious center, is absent even from the state-sponsored historiography (Ahmed 1995;Eno 2008). Despite the title 'sayyid' or 'sheikh' and the attribute conferred upon him as a religious figure, the literature is clear about his engagement in war rather than in Islamic edifice and Islamic education. ...
... Another form of resistance was the battling against forced labor and slavery. This movement, which was called the "Gosha Revolt" and led by Nassib Buunto, lasted from 1890 to 1907 and was against both the colonizers and the Somali overseers that collaborated with the colonialists (Mukhtar, 1996;Eno, 2008;Ahad, 2019). The forced labor of the Bantu in southern Somalia led to large-scale deaths from forced work and disease. ...
My purpose in this article is to assess the impact of Somalia's 4.5 power sharing formula on the consolidation of national post-conflict governance in the hands of a representative Somali body. Per the Arta Peace Agreement, seats in parliament are awarded to the four major clans, which also dominate the election process. This has led to the perpetuation of many of the same social (clan) dynamics that lead to conflict in the past. Even though the 4.5 formula is not part of the Somali constitution adopted in 2012, the 2017 presidential elections were primarily derived from the formula. Although the goal was to move towards a one-man one-vote system, the use of the 4.5 formula in the 2017 elections signifies a struggle which mostly stems from the lack of physical security or resistance to limit the influence clan has in the election process. This article will argue that clan influence is likely to remain a challenge for Somalia's transition to democracy until a civilian-based voting system is put into place.
... Additionally, and despite the two sharing some etymological similarities, presumably due to contact or fringing of one from the other as a proto-language, they are mutually unintelligible with each other. Both of them have a variety of dialects characterized by ethnic group and/or the geographic location and culture that shape each sociolinguistic group (Eno, 2008;Kusow, 1995). In essence, the adoption, adaptation, and implementation of the Maxaa language was enforced without considering the reality that many Somalis lack access to or have very limited understanding of what the state endorsed as the national official language. ...
... 16) The elite of the Maay speakers believed that the specific dialect of Maxaa selected was the one dominant in the central and northern regions, the same dialect of those also dominant in the Supreme Revolutionary Council, including President Siad Barre himself. It is a variety that might thus be used by fewer speakers than others spoken in the south, with an assumption that the choice was also based on an ethnically situated ideology (Eno, 2008;Mukhtar, 2010Mukhtar, , 2013. In any case, to the speakers of that variety, its selection marked an elevation of their linguistic and cultural identity considering that their superiority in that regard had won state affirmation through the nationalization of their dialect and therefore their cultural identity. ...
As was the case with many newly independent African nations, Somalia was beset by a language problem whose complexity had begun well before independence and the unification of British Somaliland and Italian
Somaliland in 1960. With three languages (English, Arabic, and Italian) used as media of communication in government offices and in schools, various Somali administrations struggled to contain the impasse but
found no tangible solution. Barely three years after Mohamed Siad Barre seized power in October 1969, he had his military regime introduce the Somali orthography in the Latin alphabet. Based on this milestone, Siad Barre’s military rule is highly commended for taking a remarkable step forward in what came to be known as the Somalization project. However, officials of the government and Somali scholarship failed to examine the social impact of the Somalization project on sections of the multi-ethnic and multilingual entities in the country, in addition to overlooking the possible alternative interpretations that could be drawn from the factors underlying the project. Hence, in this essay, we bring into focus some of the factors related to the adoption and implementation of the national language, particularly in two aspects: (a) the selection of Af Maxaa (Mahaa language) over other vernacular tongues (b) the central/northern variant of Maxaa that was standardized as the national language. In more specific terms, we dwell on how ethnic politics and hegemony were not only longstanding problems in Somalia’s language issue but also significant actors in the military regime’s language
decision and how despite the pride that underpinned nationalizing the language of the supposedly homogeneous monolingual nation, aspects of linguicism and cultural prejudice remain visible in Somali studies and scholarship, a likely reason that scholars have been too shy to examine the considerable pitfalls of the process throughout sections of the society.
... Despite their mythical nature, these narratives have been very successful in effectively marginalizing and stigmatizing a significant portion of Somali society as having an unholy origin, despite Eno's (2008) argument claiming the absence of substantive historical evidence. These groups are variously known as Yibir, Midgaan, Tumaal, and Boon. ...
... This epithet cannot even be attributed to an actual human being, let alone a fellow Muslim. Even though this story is historically uncorroborated (Eno 2008), this stigma had been attached for generations to the descendants of that forefather. Kabo-tole (shoemaker) in Somali culture is an abusive word directed against those skilled in shoemaking, an occupation relegated to people of low status. 2 The term gun refers to the lowest part, or bottom-most rung of society. ...
... Unlike the outcast communities, the Somali Bantu or Jareer are oppressed as a group on the basis of their African ancestry (Kusow 2004;Eno 2008;. Most prevalent in the hate discourse directed against the Bantu Jareer is the word adoon (slave). ...
... A monument intended to represent a 'Somali liberty' was later 4 For the controversy of Taako's killing and how southern Somalis reacted to it in prose and in poetry, see Eno (2008: 126-129). 5 Hanoolaato is described as one of the most fatal incidents in southern Somalia's colonial history, with 15 Somalis, including Taako, and 52 Italians losing their lives. ...
This article explores the role of Somali women in the twentieth-century history of modern Somalia. This includes exploring the role of women in the decolonisation and post-colonial movements and gender changes during the military dictatorship. The article examines women’s social movements that made some significant changes in Somalia over the past seventy years, even though these have not paved the way for fruitful results. In demonstrating that the current attempts to position themselves in political circles by Somali women has its roots during the decolonisation and post-colonial successive Somali governments, the article argues that women failed to benefit from their feminist agenda as the notion of governmentality changed on the way from democratisation to the dictatorial military regime.
