Table 3 - uploaded by İsmet Parlak
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Tweet Contents of JDP and RPP in Total
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Social uprisings clearly show that social media tools, especially Twitter, help news spread more than the press does recently. In some cases Twitter substitutes traditional media if censorship is enlarged to such a level that the mainstream media channels prefer not to reflect the actual volume of the protests. Twitter is also utilized by politicia...
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This chapter examines three ‘alternative’ national parks Twitter accounts created in response to censorship about climate change imposed by the Trump administration in 2017. Drawing on Critical Discourse Analysis and theory by Fairclough (Language and power. Longman, London, 1989), Tracy and Robles (Everyday talk: Building and reflecting identities...
Citations
... International Journal of English Linguistics Vol. 10, No. 4;2020 208 support and legitimization for their own actions. Using critical discourse analysis (Wodak & Meyer, 2009), Karkın, Yavuz, Parlak and İkiz (2015) examined the repeating frequencies of speech patterns in the tweets of leading politicians during the Gezi Park protests, which originated in Istanbul Turkey in June 2013 and spread across the country rapidly. The discourses in the politicians' tweets deliberately tried to guide the public to reproduce marginalization and polarization among them. ...
Among the social media, Twitter is widely used by political leaders and the public to express opinions about various political issues. These tweets may influence the course of major political events like elections, Brexit and popularity of certain politicians. This common observation led to the research question of this paper: What are the political implications of Twitter postings? To answer this research question, an exploratory qualitative review of tweets was undertaken. Google Scholar was searched using the topic itself as the search term twice with two different time frames till 2019. The search yielded 41 papers. The papers were listed with brief description. A table categorising the methods used in the papers was useful to derive some conclusions. Generally, Twitter can be used for both positive and negative purposes and it can impact either or both the leader and the people who read them. Certain factors are involved in determining the nature of post and its outcomes. Many theories and methods had been used in the papers. Manual, machine learning and automatic analytical tools have been tested and used widely. None of the methods is perfectly suitable for all types of Twitter analysis. General content textual descriptions, characteristics of the texts, symbols, hidden meanings and presentation methods have been used in the tweets examined by the authors. The potential of negative tweets and hate speeches is quite clear. Absence of internal standard definition of these types of posts stands in the way of effective prevention. Some recommendations have been listed based on the findings of this review. A few limitations of this review have also been listed.
... In contrast to the above-mentioned studies, authorities may also fuel riots by disseminating ideological messages over OSNs. One such case is analyzed in (Karkin et al., 2015) which indicates that political parties may actively contribute to the polarization and conflict among citizens. ...
In this paper, we present a study on the impact of emotions on information diffusion during a riot event. In particular, we analyze a data-set consisting of more than 750 thousand social media messages related to the 2017 G20 summit that have been extracted from Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube. Because of the controversies surrounding police operations during violent protests, our analysis especially focuses on emotions conveyed in messages related to the local police. We found that a) negative emotions of high arousal (anger and fear) dominate in messages mentioning the police on all three social networks, b) emotional content was forwarded (retweeted) more often, regardless of the corresponding emotion valence, and c) in contrast to previous studies we found that emotions have a considerably larger impact on the retweeting behavior than the number of hashtags a message contains.
This article uses social network analysis of online contestation on Twitter from September 2018 to April 2019 to reveal how netizens' engagement in election de-bates is polarized by the politics of hashtags. This study finds that hashtags are operated to construct dichotomist debate focusing on both presidential candi-dates' figure. This finding indicates: first, the weak position of citizens in deliberat-ing public issues; second, the ineffectiveness of social media, especially Twitter as an online forum for articulating public issues; and third, online influencers, who create and propagate hashtags, play a strategic role in deliberating public issues. Strengthening the role of social media needs to be combined with contemporary citizenship political strategies that can extend access for civil society and online influencers to play an active role in articulating public issues more argumentative-ly.
There are many representations attributed to gender-based violence. Public discourse provides useful datasets that can be studied in order to study such representations. Social network modelling is a way to study that public discourse, by looking at how opinions in a discourse interact and repeat themselves on a large scale and over time. This study aims to construct a social network model using an agent-based approach to measure whether the conversation space of certain gender violence discourses are more centered on victims, perpetrators, institutions, or society. It will use network measures of centrality, immediate impact analysis, and centrality changes over time to compare the context of two cultures: Philippines and the United States. The data set from the Philippines consists of articles on the Vizconde Massacre and the data set from the United States consists of articles on the Stanford Rape Case. Results show that both datasets feature an institution-centric discourse that is consistent over time, and that society has the lowest role-centrality in both events. Perpetrators appear more central than victims, but comparatively more so in the Stanford Rape dataset compared to the Vizconde Massacre one.
Günümüzde devletler vatandaşların tercihlerine dayalı daha rasyonel kamu politikaları geliştirmeye ve daha iyi kamu hizmeti sunmaya yönelik bir baskı altındadırlar. Bu nedenle, son dönemde gerek gelişmiş gerekse gelişmekte olan ülkelerde gerçekleştirilen reformlar vatandaş-temelli kamu yönetimini inşa etmeyi hedeflemektedir. Kamu kurumu-vatandaş etkileşimini sağlamak vatandaş-temelli kamu yönetimini inşa etmenin önemli bir boyutunu oluşturmaktadır. Kamu kurumu-vatandaş etkileşimi, vatandaşların politika oluşturma ve hizmet sunma süreçlerine dâhil edilmesini ve kamu kurumları ile vatandaşlar arasındaki ilişkilerin geliştirilmesini gerektirmektedir. İnternet alanındaki son gelişmeleri yansıtan sosyal medya, bu ilişkinin geliştirilmesinde yeni fırsatlar sunma potansiyeline sahiptir. Çünkü, sosyal medyanın doğasında, ortak içerik üretimi ve iki yönlü iletişim vardır. Bununla birlikte, sosyal medyanın kamu kurumu-vatandaş etkileşimini destekleyip desteklemediğini analiz eden ampirik çalışmalara ihtiyaç duyulmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma bir ölçüm seti kullanarak, bir sosyal medya aracı olarak Facebook aracılığıyla Türkiye’deki belediyelerin vatandaşla etkileşim düzeylerini ölçmeyi ve belediyeleri bu açıdan tasnif etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Araştırmanın bulgularına göre, Türkiye’de Facebook’ta belediyelerin vatandaşla etkileşim düzeyi oldukça düşüktür. Bu bulgu, ilgili literatürdeki diğer çalışmaların bulguları ile uyumludur.
This article summarizes the first part of the findings of a larger study which gathers data on Turkish activists’ perceptions on the scope, strength and limitations of digital activism. Specifically, the study explores what strength Turkish activists attribute to digital activism in achieving certain objectives, whether Turkish activists are optimistic, pessimistic or persistent in their attributions related to digital activism, and whether they believe in the possibility of an e-revolution. Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected via a web-based survey of 302 activists. The survey employed a Likert Scale to measure the efficacy that Turkish activists attribute to digital activism in achieving different objectives as well as six open-ended questions that provide in-depth qualitative data.
