Table 2 - uploaded by Judith Squires
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... then dramatically between 1992 and 1997. This, coupled with the landslide Labour victory in 1997, explains the significant rise in women in Westminster following the 1997 general election. The key factor in explaining the dramatic rise in the number of women in Westminster appears to have been Labour Party policy regarding candidate selection. Table 1: Women elected to parliament at last four general elections, by party. 1983 1987 1992 1997 Labour 209 229 271 418 women 10 21 37 101 % of The affirmative action strategies employed by the Labour party have included the provision of training sessions and mentoring schemes for women. The positive measures employed by the Labour party have included internal party quotas and candidate quotas for Westminster selections 1993-96. Only the Labour Party has used candidate quotas, ...
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Recent scientific dating programmes on the three largest mounds in Wiltshire in southern Britain allows the chronology of these prehistoric monuments to be better understood.
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... Qualitative research, on the other hand, conducts interviews to track whether political issues and styles of debate have shifted following the sudden influx of women in the late 1990s ; questionnaires to reveal the constraints of motherhood on women's full participation in parliamentary life ; discourse analysis to examine how often and in what ways female MPs intervene in parliamentary debates on issues of direct concern to women ; and process-tracing to piece together the multiple trajectories of actors and events that meet to produce the passage of bills promoting women's interests . Studies of political parties and women's organizations, in contrast, focus more exclusively on women's descriptive representation by tracking debates inside the parties on quota adoption and implementation at distinct levels of government Bradbury et al., 2000;Edwards and McAllister, 2002;Squires, 2004;Lovenduski, 2005) and moments in time (Lovenduski and Randall, 1993;, as well as activities of women's groups to pressure parties to select more female candidates Dobrowolsky, 2002;. Given the small sample size, as well as the more contingent nature of these events, few analyses in this research area make use of surveys or statistical analysis. ...
Recent methods textbooks contain chapters of sections on feminism as an approach to political research. Feminist scholars themselves, however, often express great ambivalence towards the possibility of presenting one single feminist perspective within political science. In fact, many treat methodologies as ‘justificatory strategies’ and simply employ those most suited to addressing the particular issue at hand. In this sense, we argue, there is no distinctive feminist methodology, but there is a distinctive feminist approach to methodology and methods. More specifically, feminist research is driven by substantive political problems and is thus open to the deployment of a broad range of methodological frames. To establish this claim, we survey the recent research produced by feminist political scientists on gender quotas in British politics, paying close attention to the specific approaches and methods applied by individual scholars. We discover a distinctive willingness on the part of feminists to employ various theoretical frames and to explore possibilities for synthesizing or juxtaposing methods in innovative ways. Rather than perceiving this to be a weakness, undermining any notion of an overarching ‘feminist’ perspective, we suggest that this methodological eclecticism is a strength, signalling the ability of feminist researchers to produce multifaceted research findings. Indeed, recent feminist work on British politics should be taken as a model of good practice in political research.British Politics (2006) 1, 44–66. doi:10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200002
... At the same time, they alleviate, at least to a certain degree, the tendency for women not to stand for political office, even when they deem themselves very qualified to run (Fox and Lawless 2004), by signaling the availability of constituency and list slots to women in particular. Although surveys in many countries continue to find that women become candidates primarily as a result of being asked to run, while men become can-didates as a result of wanting a political career, many "quota women" nonetheless stay on beyond their initial tenure and pursue longer-term political ambitions (Goetz and Hassim 2003;Squires 2004). While discussions about gender quotas often center around their possible negative implications, therefore, evidence from a range of cases reveals a number of important positive externalities, largely unanticipated at the moment of quota reform. ...
What country currently boasts the highest percentage of women in parliamentary office? If you ask most people, they will guess one of the Nordic countries: Sweden, Norway, Finland, or Denmark. These guesses are close in one sense but very far off in another. The answer is Rwanda. As of this writing, women make up nearly half of the members of the Rwandan Chamber of Deputies—48.8% according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (2005b). Most people find this answer surprising. Sadly, we tend to associate Rwanda with the genocide of 1994 rather than with gender equality. What has put Rwanda in the number one spot on the list of women in elective office, an important indicator of women's equality. © 2006, The Women and Politics Research Section of the American Political Science Association. All rights reserved.
Purpose
Societal barriers continue to cause gender disparities in women’s share of political authority. As a representative case study for the Arab Gulf region, this paper aims to investigate public opinion on adopting a nationwide quota for women’s participation in top government offices in the Qatar context. It gathers insights on the following question: How does public opinion respond to a proposed new political arrangement of implementing gender quota laws in Qatar?
Design/methodology/approach
Data were collected via a national telephone survey of a representative sample of 660 Qatari nationals chosen by simple random sampling. A regression analysis was performed for the primary outcome: support for a gender quota system that guarantees a specific proportion of places for women in the government and executive positions.
Findings
Unsurprisingly, the findings reveal gender variations in support for the three distinct types of egalitarian policy examined (i.e. a quota for women in top government positions; a quota for women in executive positions in public ministries; and equal wages), with women being more supportive than men.
Research limitations/implications
Assessing the public attitudes toward adopting legislative gender quotas is of interest to policy-makers and civil organizations alike that seek to advance women’s political status and democratic representation.
Originality/value
This study is among the very few to empirically examine public opinion on quotas as state-directed initiatives to promote the involvement of women in political power in Qatar.
The article addresses the issue of women’s representation in electoral legislation, focusing on the latest amendments of Chilean electoral laws. It first examines the conceptual relationship between representative democracy and equality, distinguishing between formal and substantive equality and representation, in order to fully understand the potential impact of electoral laws on women’s representation. A comparative perspective is then offered, showing the current representation of women in Parliaments and reviewing the connection with different features of electoral systems. In this context, gender quotas are analysed as one of the main mechanisms that have been used to increase women representation. Finally, the recent amendments of Chilean electoral law on this issue are presented, in order to anticipate what we can expect for women’s representation in the years to come.
This paper analyzes how the number of female managers at top positions affects other male or female workers in the workplace. We use mergers and acquisitions as a natural experiment. When a firm with few top female managers acquires another firm with many top female managers, workers in the acquiring firm suddenly face more top female managers. In such a case, this paper finds that other female workers in the acquiring firm become less likely to quit after the acquisition, but male workers become more likely to quit. In contrast, if the number of top male managers increases, female workers do not seem to care, while male workers become less likely to quit. This result suggests that gender policies such as gender quotas will help female workers as intended, but will negatively affect male workers. We distinguish whether top female managers are within the same occupation or in different occupations, and also analyze the number (or share) of female supervisors at one rank above, or the relative number of female workers below one's own rank. These analyses help us distinguish different theoretical explanations.
We study workers’ reactions to changes in the gender composition of top management during a merger or acquisition, finding that an increase in the number of female top managers within their occupation makes male workers more likely to quit, and female workers less likely to quit. These effects vary across occupations, depending on the female share, and male workers’ aversion to female managers is strongest when the female share nears fifty percent. The effects also vary over time and with age, becoming smaller in more recent years and among younger males, but increase with education level. We find little evidence that these preferences are driven by pecuniary effects.
