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... arrows connecting different phases (intentions, nascent, new, etc.) in Figure 3 are uneven, reminding us that, although successive phases draw on those who graduate from earlier phases, not everyone progresses from one phase to the next. For example, not everyone who starts a business will become a new business owner, and some new businesses will fail to become established. ...
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... Figure 3 includes societal attitudes, which indicate a society's supply of potential entrepreneurs and like-minded stakeholders who can support their efforts. These indicators exhibit the degree to which people see opportunities, believe they are capable of starting a business, and are willing to take risks, as well as their personal acquaintance with entrepreneurs. ...
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... the investor perspective, financial support follows a similar pattern, as Figure 13 shows. The GEM 2012 survey revealed that 5.3% of Americans have invested in an entrepreneur; half of those people funded an immediate family member or other relative. ...
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... following analysis of entrepreneurship rates will adjust for these workforce participation rates in order to better reflect entrepreneurship levels among those available for employment. Figure 23 clearly shows that, with the exceptions of seniors, entrepreneurial intentions are highest for the youngest group and decline with age, probably because people either see their intentions clouded by perceptions of reality or choose non- entrepreneurial careers. The high levels of intentions among youth may reflect both a lack of traditional employment opportunities in a still-recovering economy and a desire to pursue entrepreneurial dreams. ...
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... probability, however, increases as entrepreneurs age; by 55 years old nearly one workforce participant in five owns a business. Figure 23 reveals quite dramatic results among seniors, in large part due to their low participation in the workforce. The majority of seniors are retired or otherwise not working. ...
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... perceptions may be influenced by the types of business activity one has in mind, and typical Florida businesses may be different than in other parts of the country. Figure 30 illustrates the differences in attitude measures among the three states compared with the national average. ...
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... combination of intent and nascent activity, however, reveals some notable differences ( Figure 31). Those two indicators exhibit the most current propensity for entrepreneurial entry, indicating how many people are ready to jump in or have just taken the plunge. ...
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... men are more than twice as likely to engage in entrepreneurial activity as women, and Ohio reported a similar ratio. As Figure 32 shows, the percentage of females engaged in entrepreneurship in Florida is on par with the national average, while high male activity gives the state an elevated overall TEA rate. Conversely, male activity in Ohio matches the national average, while low participation among women pulls the overall rate downward. ...
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... the United States, participation in entrepreneurship is high among youth, increases slightly through mid-career and then tapers off, as Figure 33 illustrates. Texas shows a similar distribution by age group, but at higher than average levels of activity from youth through mid-career, then falling off beyond that to match national rates. ...
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... industry breakdown for entrepreneurship in Texas is very similar to the national-level profile, as Figure 34 shows. Florida and Ohio, on the other hand, show higher involvement in the transforming sector. ...
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... attitudes may fuel this optimism. For example, Figure 31 shows that an above-average number of Texans believe there are good opportunities for entrepreneurship. This optimism may, in turn, stem from external factors such as population growth, high and growing GDP, and favorable tax and employment rates. ...

Citations

... This is similar as the "push" factor approach based on necessity, where inadequate financial resources and lack of employment opportunity drive individuals to become entrepreneurs (Wainwright et al., 2015). The other group, opportunity-driven entrepreneurs, with greater personal financing, better education, more extensive business networks, and employment opportunities than their necessity-driven counterparts, choose to become entrepreneurs (Kelley et al., 2013). This is similar as the "pull" factor approach based on more opportunities that individuals could obtain for achieving a higher degree of social inclusion (Wainwright et al., 2015). ...
... For these reasons, they tend to start larger, better planned, and ultimately more successful businesses with wider social and economic impact. A disproportionate share of senior entrepreneurs is opportunity-driven entrepreneurs (Kelley et al., 2013). ...
... First, the current literature has not developed the links between the goal contents and motives of senior entrepreneurs as antecedents, their choice to launch entrepreneurial ventures, and the consequent outcomes. Our research has linked these together with clear evidence to support the outcome as presented in Fig. 4. The present study goes beyond the previous work on the necessity-driven entrepreneurs (Amoros & Bosma, 2013) or "push" factordriven entrepreneurs (Maalaoui, 2019); opportunitydriven entrepreneurs (Kelley et al., 2013) or "pull" factor-driven entrepreneurs (Hoyte et al., 2019;Perenyi et al., 2018); different dimensions of entrepreneurship to performance (Parker, 2009;Parker & Rougier, 2007); and individual's utility of monetary and non-monetary outcomes (Kautonen et al., 2017). We advance a new pattern of senior entrepreneurship transition from the triggers for becoming entrepreneurs, the capabilities to manage inner and outer challenges, to achieving needs satisfaction and overall well-being, as suggested in Fig. 4. ...
Article
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Seniors strive to achieve aging well by engaging in entrepreneurial activities subsequent to ceasing their organizational employment. While this is a common practice in many societies, scant research exists on what motivates seniors to engage in entrepreneurial activities once they end their formal employment. We adopt the self-determination theory (SDT) to investigate the effects of goal contents and motives on the well-being among seniors who launch their entrepreneurship journeys. Based on in-depth interviews with senior entrepreneurs in China, India, and Turkey, we contribute to extant knowledge by linking separate paradigms. These are as follows: goal contents and intrinsic motivation-driven entrepreneurship, management of inner and outer challenges, and achievement of the eventual outcome of aging well. We also investigate the culture-specific drivers of senior entrepreneurship in a comparative framework.
... First, new startups' locations are often coupled with business owners' residential location choices in light of the pervasiveness of home-based small businesses in the U.S. With the advent and surge of affordable information technologies and e-commerce logistics, more and more entrepreneurs are launching businesses from their homes. It is estimated in the 2012 Global Entrepreneurship Monitor Report that in the U.S. over two-thirds of all new firms started at home and about 59 percent of established businesses with active employees continue to be operated out of business owners' homes (Kelley at al., 2012). The coupling of residential and firm location choices, i.e., where to start a business equates where to live, renders entrepreneurs to the Tiebout sorting process in deciding the co-locations of their homes and startups. ...
Article
Full-text available
This paper examines the effects of local taxes and local fiscal expenditures on small businesses in Florida. Our analysis sheds light on the linkage between small business development and local fiscal decisions, which seem to have no obvious or direct connection with targeted business assistance and incentives. Spatial panel regression models are calibrated with county-level tax, expenditure, and social and economic factors for the period of 2008-2013. The estimation results suggest that local tax and expenditure structure and decisions affect the number of small business establishments not only in their “home” counties but also in their neighboring jurisdictions.