Citations

... Likewise, the term has been used to define some associated concepts such as satire, parody, clickbait, propaganda, hoaxes and others (Sitek et al., 2020). Earlier studies considered the label "fake news" as a fresh addition to the news media terminology (Martens et al., 2018). Some studies have avoided handling the term "fake news "with a straightforward acceptance for the reason that "news" is supposed to give accurate information shared in the interest of the public and any information which doesn't meet this criterion is not worthy of the label news. ...
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This study investigated one of the main ethical challenges regarding the legitimate role of media in maintaining professional standards and ethics during the COVID-19 outbreak, with a focus on the case of Moroccan media. It principally deals with the conundrum of fake news spread in the midst of COVID-19 pandemic. In fact, it is apparent that there seems to be hardly an area left untouched by fake news regarding pandemic propagation. One should know that more attention has been drawn to the vulnerability of democratic societies to fake news and the ethical challenges brought by the pandemic to people across the globe.
... In fact, critical thinking, understood as the "reasonable reflective thinking that is focused on deciding what to believe or do" [38] (p. 46), is paramount in the case of conspiracy theories. These usually rely on ambiguity [39] and on "a series of fallacious arguments" [40] (p. ...
... This dramatic change in people's media diet raises mixed reactions. While some scholars praise the equality in information access, production, and dissemination [44] made possible by the advent of these platforms, others point out that the lack of gatekeepers, of objectivity and balance or the insufficient use of fact-checkers [45] transform them into a fertile ground for the uncontrolled spread of false content [46,47]. Additionally, within their social media networks, individuals tend to consume and disseminate ideas and information with which they already agree, without or barely taking into consideration alternative opinions [48,49]. ...
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The current COVID-19 pandemic has been accompanied by the circulation of an unprecedented amount of “polluted” information, especially in the social media environment, among which are false narratives and conspiracy theories about both the pandemic and vaccination against COVID-19. The effects of such questionable information primarily concern the lack of compliance with restrictive measures and a negative attitude towards vaccination campaigns, as well as more complex social effects, such as street protests or distrust in governments and authorities in general. Even though there is a lot of scholarly attention given to these narratives in many countries, research about the profile of people who are more prone to believe or spread them is rather scarce. In this context, we investigate the role of age, compared with other socio-demographic factors (such as education and religiosity), as well as the role of the media (the frequency of news consumption, the perceived usefulness of social media, and the perceived incidence of fake information about the virus in the media) and the critical thinking disposition of people who tend to believe such misleading narratives. To address these issues, we conducted a national survey (N = 945) in April 2021 in Romania. Using a hierarchical OLS regression model, we found that people who perceive higher incidence of fake news (ß = 0.33, p < 0.001), find social media platforms more useful (ß = 0.13, p < 0.001), have lower education (ß = −0.17, p < 0.001), and have higher levels of religiosity (ß = 0.08, p < 0.05) are more prone to believe COVID-19-related misleading narratives. At the same time, the frequency of news consumption (regardless of the type of media), critical thinking disposition, and age do not play a significant role in the profile of the believer in conspiracy theories about the COVID-19 pandemic. Somewhat surprisingly, age does not play a role in predicting belief in conspiracy theories, even though there are studies that suggest that older people are more prone to believe conspiracy narratives. As far as media is concerned, the frequency of news media consumption does not significantly differ for believers and non-believers. We discuss these results within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic
... These opportunities are still available; but so are significant new risks: exposure to misinformation, lack of choice and of transparency in the algorithmic selection of content, opaqueness of sources, abuse of personal data, hate speech, reduction of the quality and diversity of information, economic threats to the traditional news media model. A growing concern about the digital threats to media pluralism arose, related to the dominance of a few online platforms that have reshaped the whole ecosystem of the media, even if the new players operate in a different market, not directly in the production of information (Evans 2009;Martens et al. 2018; ACCC 2019; Ofcom 2019; Parcu 2019; The Cairncross Review 2019). Social media, search engines, news aggregators and messaging apps may not be considered as 'media' , as they neither produce-or produce to a very limited extent-original informative content nor have editorial responsibility for the third-party content they disseminate. ...
... Acting as intermediaries, the digital platforms collect consumer data and in so doing harvest market resources through targeted advertisement. This leads to 'a vertical disintegration between news production on the one hand and distribution and advertising on the other hand' (Martens et al. 2018); and provides information for free, reducing the consumers' willingness to pay for the news. The role of digital platforms as gatekeepers goes far beyond the media; recently, the European Union put forward new European regulation with the Digital Service Act and the Digital Market Act, both identifying the 'digital gatekeepers' or the 'very large online platforms' as players that need specific regulation, the traditional competition and regulation frameworks being unfit to tackle the consequences of the scale of their business across the whole digital ecosystem. ...
Chapter
The role of the digital platforms as intermediaries to the news has deeply changed the media environment. The chapter focuses on the economic threats to media pluralism, related to the concentration of the market and the disruption of the news media industry, resulting from the digital platforms’ business model; and argues for the role of fiscal policy in redistributing part of the tech dividend and in supporting media plurality. The policy proposal is a digital tax designed to support news media viability and media pluralism. The need for a reform of international corporate tax rules to tackle tax avoidance in the digital economy has been largely debated at OECD and at EU level, with different proposals of a digital tax; less attention has been given to the use of the revenues raised by such a tax. We argue that earmarking part of the digital tax’s revenue to sustain professional journalism is a way to finance a public good that, in the new digital environment, risks being undersupplied. Public media policies should be carefully designed to guarantee fair, objective and non-discriminatory distribution of the resources, to avoid media being captured by political interests. The search for resources to fund the post-Covid economic crisis in most of the EU countries could act as an accelerator of the adoption of a digital tax; to use part of its revenue to support media pluralism may be a structural way to counteract the ‘infodemic’.
... One of the most frequently cited scholarly definitions is that of Allcott and Gentzkow (2017): "news articles that are intentionally and verifiably false". Similarly, The European Commission (2018) defines fake news as "intentional disinformation spread via online social platforms, broadcast news media or traditional print" (Martens et al., 2018). These definitions propose the inclusion of both malintention and falsehood in the structure of fake news . ...
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The online proliferation of misinformation is pressing both society and business actors to provide effective mitigation strategies. The current study aims to bring more clarity to the common belief that engagement with reliable data will lead to disengagement from inaccurate information. The proposed experiment on 290 volunteers simulates the process of reading a narrative on terrorism — under misinformation or accurate information — followed by exposure to official data. Participants that consulted official data following exposure to misinformation (N = 43) did not differ from participants exposed solely to misinformation in regard to the level of worry about terrorism (N = 43). Similarly, there was no significant difference between misinformation (N = 43) and accurate (N = 47) information groups in the level of worry about terrorism after consulting official data. However, the role of media engagement has proven essential: when presented with accurate information followed by reliable data, participants’ worry about terrorism decreased significantly, but only for those highly engaged with news concerning terrorism. Similarly, when presented with misinformation followed by reliable data, participants’ worry significantly increased, but only for those not engaged with terrorism-related news. Further analyses revealed a polarization effect within the group of participants exposed to inaccurate information and reliable data, with the engagement with terrorism-related news and conservatism as predictors. These findings broaden the literature on strategies to tackle misinformation, by clarifying the role of fact-checking and narrative unpacking.
... Regarding its dissemination, some studies show that "fake news" spreads faster on the web than real news, especially through social networks like Facebook and Twitter (Martens et al., 2018) ...
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This study investigates the communication strategies developed by three companies in the food sector: Starbucks, Mercadona and Burger King; in order to manage an image crisis caused by the dissemination of false or confusing information on the Internet. A descriptive analysis was carried out using a sheet of own elaboration as measure source. The results determined that the keys to this management were the preferential use of social networks, the speed and transparency of responses and the repeated use of the word “false” to deny the deception with which these companies had been related.
... Sobre su difusión, algunos estudios muestran que las "noticias falsas" se propagan más rápido en la red que las verdaderas, sobre todo a través de redes sociales como Facebook y Twitter (Martens et al., 2018) Sin embargo, la gestión de crisis de la reputación online es una temática relativamente nueva, por lo que es necesario fomentar su conocimiento y aplicación (Álvarez & Murillo, 2018). ...
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Este estudio indaga en las estrategias de comunicación desarrolladas por tres empresas del sector alimentario: Starbucks, Mercadona y Burger King, con objeto de gestionar una crisis de imagen provocada por la difusión en Internet de información falsa o confusa. Se ha realizado un análisis de contenido empleando una ficha como instrumento de medida. Los resultados determinan que las claves de esta gestión fueron el uso preferente de las redes sociales, la rapidez y la transparencia de las respuestas y el empleo reiterado de la palabra ‘falso’ para desmentir el engaño con el que se había relacionado a estas compañías.
... Often referred to as dark user experience, interaction designers are creating experiences and interfaces that are fun, immersive, and addictive, but without the proper ethical thought in order to suitably consider the context or ramifications of fake news in the social networking sites they design [10]. It could be considered that this has partly contributed to the spread of falsehoods on digital platforms and profoundly influenced the worlds of politics, business, and media [11]. There are significant peer-reviewed sources regarding fake news generally, particularly on the user side, with many attributing the spread of fake news to cognitive bias [12], distrust in mainstream media [9] and digital literacy [13]. ...
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The purpose of this research was to understand differences in UK users’ perceived credibility of real and fake news posts in Facebook’s news feed based on location, age, gender, education level, frequency of Facebook use, and intention to interact. A survey was designed to collect and measure demographic data from UK-based Facebook users, their behaviors, and perceived credibility of real and fake news posts. The study has made it evident that the perceived credibility of a Facebook post is dependent on the post origin and its truthfulness. The study also points to an interesting phenomenon that users are more likely to interact with posts that are seen as more credible.
... Since 2009 Google and subsequently other search engines have personalized results, be it for the individual or the place where the search has taken place (Pariser, 2011;Puschmann, 2018). Increasingly engines are thus both providing ranked political information but also tailoring it to user preferences and/or location (Martens et al., 2018). ...
... Fake news articles are intentionally fabricated to be deceptive and can be proven that they are false Martens et al., 2018 (fake news) as disinformation that includes all forms of false, inaccurate or misleading information designed, presented and promoted to intentionally cause public harm or for profit (e.g., commercial click-bait) Zhang & Ghorbani, 2020 Fake news refers to all kinds of false stories or news that are mainly published and distributed on the Internet, in order to purposely mislead, befool or lure readers for financial, political or other gains Gelfert, 2018 The fake news term should be reserved for cases of deliberate presentation of typically false or misleading claims as news, where these are misleading by design, (…) systemic features of the sources and channels by which fake news propagates and thereby manipulates (…) consumers' pre-existing cognitive biases and heuristics. Rochlin, 2017 Fake news can be roughly defined as a knowingly false headline and story is written and published on a website that is designed to look like a real news site, and is spread via social media. ...
... However, there is still uncertainty and inconsistency around the definitions of fake news (Shu, Sliva, Wang, Tang, & Liu, 2017). Some authors adopt a narrower definition (Allcott & Gentzkow, 2017;Rini, 2017;Gelfert, 2018), while others favour a broader one (Tandoc, Lim, & Ling, 2018;Martens et al., 2018). In addition, definitions also show confusing treatment of fake news as either misinformation or disinformation, two distinct concepts. ...
Article
There is growing concern amongst policy makers, managers and academic researchers over the role that social media plays in spreading misinformation, widely described as ‘Fake News’. However, research to date has mainly focussed on the implications of fake news for political communication and debate. There has been less focus on the implications of social media misinformation upon marketing and consumers. Given the key role of social media as a communication platform, there is a gap in our understanding of fake news through a consumer lens. We address this gap by conducting an interdisciplinary systematic review of the relevant literature. Through critical evaluation and synthesis of the literature, we identify five themes that explain the fake news phenomenon: the dissemination process, spreading channel features, outcomes, fabricated legitimacy and attitudes. Finally, we propose a theoretical framework that highlights themes’ relationships and research propositions to guide future research in this area.
... Since 2009 Google and subsequently other search engines have personalized results, be it for the individual or the place where the search has taken place (Pariser, 2011;Puschmann, 2018). Increasingly engines are thus both providing ranked political information but also tailoring it to user preferences and/or location (Martens et al., 2018). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
Disinformation and so-called fake news are contemporary phenomena with rich histories. Disinformation, or the willful introduction of false information for the purposes of causing harm, recalls infamous foreign interference operations in national media systems. Outcries over fake news, or dubious stories with the trappings of news, have coincided with the introduction of new media technologies that disrupt the publication, distribution and consumption of news -- from the so-called rumour-mongering broadsheets centuries ago to the blogosphere recently. Designating a news organization as fake, or der Lügenpresse, has a darker history, associated with authoritarian regimes or populist bombast diminishing the reputation of 'elite media' and the value of inconvenient truths. In a series of empirical studies, using digital methods and data journalism, the authors inquire into the extent to which social media have enabled the penetration of foreign disinformation operations, the widespread publication and spread of dubious content as well as extreme commentators with considerable followings attacking mainstream media as fake.