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The exclusive economic zone (EEZ), territorial sea and archipelagic waters of the Philippines. The map shows the territorial limits of the Philippines under the Treaty of Paris in comparison with the baselines and EEZ afforded under the Law of the Sea (Carpio, 2014b). Note: A colour version is available online. Source: The Institute for Maritime and Ocean Affairs (www.imoa.ph). This website is published under a Creative Commons 3.0 Unported license.
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This paper draws on critical cartographic studies to analyse the territorial evolution of the Philippines and problematize how Filipino politicians leverage historic maps to bolster claims in the South China Sea. The analysis juxtaposes the dispute in the South China Sea, the legacy of colonialism in the Philippines and historic cartography of mari...
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Citations
... China did not budge on the issue, however, and the case was eventually settled in The Hague under a tribunal determined by the United Nations Convention for the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). 26 After three years of heavy deliberation, the tribunal determined that China did not have rightful jurisdiction over these islands, but the ruling was vehemently rejected by Chinese officials who claimed it to be an "external provocation." 27 Despite the increasing tensions, in 2017 (one year after Duterte's inauguration), the Philippines' partnership in the BRI was "affirmed and welcomed" by Chinese officials. ...
As one of the few nations in the world (and the only one in the vicinity of China) to be a former colony of the United States, the Philippines is in a unique position on the world stage. This article delineates the history of the complex relationship between the Philippines and the United States since the Spanish-American war while placing an emphasis on modern relations. Since its independence to the end of the Cold War, the Philippines was unequivocally an ally to the United States, though this did not stop tensions from mounting. As China's contemporary foreign policy fosters further amicability between it and the Philippines under the Belt and Road Initiative, this has given rise to worries of a potential pivot to China. Furthermore, hostile sentiments conveyed from certain facets of the Philippines’ leadership towards the United States accelerate these concerns. This article delves into the current relationship between the Philippines and the United States while outlining avenues for further cooperation via mutual benefit, particularly within the realm of developmental assistance.
This report provides an overview of contemporary scholarship on the political geographies of oceans. While oceans were overlooked for many years as theories of sovereignty, territory, and borders focused on terrestrial politics, the significant impact of climate change resulted in a new focus on the role oceans place in global environmental and political systems. At the same time, the enclosure of over 40 percent of the oceans as territorial seas, exclusive economic zones, and extended continental shelves through the Convention on the Law of the Sea produced burgeoning literature on maritime borders and conflicts. The report proposes the concept of blue geopolitics to capture an oceanic turn in political geography theories.
This article undertakes a two-part exploration of China’s and Taiwan’s attempts this century to re-imagine identity through the creation of new imagined geographies to fit longstanding geobodies. Building on work that examines the South China Sea territorial and maritime rights disputes, it first shows both the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) are using the South China Sea’s location in the geobody to develop new imagined geographies and transform their identities. Beijing seeks to develop a balanced continental–maritime imagined geography to better fit a geobody that includes vast tracts of maritime space, while Taipei is using the same body of water to turn away from the mainland and build a wholly maritime sense of self. The paper then argues that China’s and Taiwan’s new imagined geographies suffer from a unique combination of three characteristics that may undermine their political and rhetorical power. Their South China Sea claims are not based on a sacred homeland, a co-ethnic population or future settlement: taken together, these powerful factors’ absence may make it particularly difficult for the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) to convince their populations – and others – of their new identities.