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File: WWIintroduction7 PREFACE During the twentieth century the world experienced two deadly global wars followed by a "cold war" of unparalleled expense and danger. World War I opened this brutal epoch. To many who took part the experience was little less than apocalyptic; it seemed like an end, not a beginning. They saw it as putting a stop to hi...
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... we cannot track the changes for all countries, the figures available suggest further substantial swings which worked primarily to favour Britain and America. Figure 1, based on Table 4, shows that in wartime the British and American economies expanded by over 10 per cent. The trend in Italy's output is not really known but the Italian economy certainly kept going and did not collapse (see the appendix to chapter 00). ...
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Citations
... The coefficients of democracy are significantly positive and the coefficients of political instability are significantly negative; results that are in line with the theoretical predictions and the findings of Ross (2006), Bäck and Hadenius (2008), and Besley and Persson (2009). The coefficients of War are not statistically significant; a result that is inconsistent with the findings of Taylor and Botea (2008) and Besley and Persson (2011), among others, but consistent with the findings of Broadberry (2005) and Aidt and Jensen (2009b). Aidt and Jensen (2009b), for example, find that the establishment of temporary income taxes often coincided with the outbreak of wars. ...
Research shows that state capacity is crucial for economic development, yet the impact of inequality on state capacity is not well understood. This paper examines the impact of income inequality on three key dimensions of state capacity, namely legal, fiscal and collective capacity using annual data for a core of 21 OECD countries over the period 1870–2013. We find that the marked reduction in inequality over most of the last century starting from 1916 was pivotal to the significant improvements in legal, fiscal and collective capacity in the OECD countries over the same period.
... A critical survey of various estimates and methods to estimate World War I costs of lost lives is provided byBroadberry and Harrison (2005). ...
... However, in its analysis of the costs and the finance of the war, Heckscher's 1915 book provides several original insights, two of which I believe still warrant consideration. First, Heckscher's use of the Marshallian distinction between the short and the long run-in particular his focus on the potentially large short-run costs of the peace crisis-a calculation that cannot be found in later texts dealing with the total cost estimates of World War I, such as Bogart (1920), Bowley (1930), Clark (1931) or Broadberry and Harrison (2005). Second, Heckscher's stress on the investigation of the sources of war finance as coming from consumption or investment would add to our understanding of war economics from an intertemporal perspective. ...
Heckscher published in 1915 a book on the economics of World War I in Swedish. He analyzed the costs and the finances of war along similar lines as his contemporary Pigou (1916). Heckscher reached farther by making a distinction between the short and the long-run costs of war. He also provided a comprehensive theoretical and empirical analysis of the sources of funds for war finance, including a pioneering analysis of the inflation tax.
... I t is commonly acknowledged that WWI had serious effects on the world economy (Broadberry and Harrison 2005). For Germany, the war and its immediate aftermath reversed the catch-up in labor productivity with the United States and the United Kingdom. ...
The discussion of the rationalization wave in German industry (1924–1929) still lacks proper industry-level estimates of the rate of technological progress. To close part of this gap, this article investigates total factor productivity (TFP) growth in hard coal mining over the extended period 1913–1938. Stochastic Frontier Analysis is applied to a sample of firms from the Ruhr coal district. TFP grew positively overall and specifically from 1924–1929. Surprisingly, however, TFP growth was even faster from 1933–1938, suggesting that the Nazi economy heavily capitalized on the Weimar rationalization movement, the effects of which are usually not traced beyond 1932.
... According to Rondo Cameron and Larry Neal (2003), the direct financial losses arising from the Great War were circa 180-230 billion 1914 US dollars, whereas the indirect losses of property and capital rose to over 150 billion dollars. According to Broadberry and Harrison (2005b), the economic losses arising from the war could be as high as 692 billion 1938 US dollars. But how much of their resources did they have to mobilize and what were the human costs of the war? ...
... Their more democratic institutions supported the demands of the total war effort better than their authoritarian counterparts, especially in terms of being able to mobilize their societies farther than their competitors. Therefore, the richer countries mobilized more men and materiel for the war, and their war industries proved quite capable of adapting to fulfill the needs of the war machine (Broadberry and Harrison 2005b). ...
This article is a review of the many perspectives from history, political science, sociology, and economics that economic historians have applied to the study of war. Here I first review some of the scholarship on the premodern period, especially the formation of European nation states and conflicts. It is fairly clear that Europeans emerged out of this period with a comparative advantage in violence, through technological innovations and repeated warfare. Fiscal innovation and expansion was a key part of this. The period of the revolutions and Napoleonic conflicts represented a change in the nature of warfare and the arrival of total war, as well as the industrial age. The period of the world wars represents perhaps the best represented area of study for economic historians as of late. New data and scholarship has shown the mechanics of mobilization and highlighted the importance of resources in deciding these conflicts. Conversely, the Cold War period has been relatively sparsely studied, at least from the perspective of conflicts or military spending. Given the availability of new data and the opening of many archives, it is highly likely that this state of affairs will change in the near future. Economic historians have clearly made an impact in the study of long-run phenomena such as state formation, empires, and democracy. Cliometrics is well suited to the study of such topics, given the new panel and time series techniques, the rapid development of computing power, and the many new online databases.
... In the early twentieth century, dramatically enhanced effectiveness of industrialized killing combined with prevalence of defense over offense turned warfare into mechanized mutual annihilation of huge immobilized armies (Ferguson 1999;F€ orster 2000;Van Creveld 2000). To fight year after year in a war of attrition, like World War I, rulers had to draft millions of recruits and organize their societies to serve the purposes of total war (Broadberry and Harrison 2005). A draft removed millions of men from their local environments and mundane routines. ...
According to classic interpretations of the communist revolutions, political mobilization of peasantry was critical for the success of the revolutionary forces. This article, which reexamines the experience of civil wars in Russia, Finland, Spain, and China, argues that peasants’ contribution to the revolutions in Russia and later in China became possible under two historical conditions: breakdown of state authorities during the mass mobilization wars and existence of an unresolved agrarian problem in the countryside. Neither of these conditions alone, as the experience of other countries has shown, was sufficient for a success of the revolutionaries. The Spanish civil war of 1936–1939, for instance, was not preceded by a major international war. Because institutions of the traditional social order had not been undermined by war, Franco was able to defeat the Popular Front government, despite the peasants’ support of the revolution. In the Finnish civil war of 1918, which broke out in the wake of World War I and the Russian Revolution, state institutions did not collapse completely and the peasantry was divided in their responses to the revolution; the rural smallholders, for example, aligned with the Mannerheim's White army, not with the urban revolutionaries.
... The economic reality of World War I, however, was different from this expectation. According to Broadberry and Harrison (2005), the size of the war overwhelmed the ability to manage the necessary resources effectively. Ultimately, this situation led to a victory based solely on the ability to outlast the opponent rather than domination on the battlefield. ...
The relationship between defense spending and economic growth has been a major topic of research and political debate for more than one hundred years. Although the relationship of interest is economically oriented, its theoretical underpinning has relied upon the social spillovers of the defense sector. This includes programs on community health, education, and access to technology. Despite this reliance, little is known about what social spillovers exist. This article furthers our understanding of the defense-growth relationship by introducing the social spillovers that exist and clarifying how these spillovers occur. The author concludes with a discussion about the direction of future research into the relationship.
... The economic reality of World War I, however, was different from this expectation. According to Broadberry and Harrison (2005), the size of the war overwhelmed the ability to manage the necessary resources effectively. Ultimately, this situation led to a victory based solely on the ability to outlast the opponent rather than domination on the battlefield. ...
This article explores the link between military spending and society. Particular attention is paid to the impact of internal instability, external threat, and economic capacity on military-spending patterns as a prelude to modeling the effects of high defense burdens and rapid military increases on economic growth. The findings demonstrate the negative consequences of both patterns on growth but clearly indicate the importance of historical period and other contextual factors in understanding these connections. The relationships between causes and consequences of military spending indicate important intervention points for the international community to mitigate the worst effects of military spending on societies.
Artikkelissani analysoin Kansainvälisen Sovinnonliiton julistuksia vuosilta 1919–1927. Kansainvälinen Sovinnonliitto oli maailmansotien välisenä aikana keskeisin kansainvälinen kristillissosialistinen ja ekumeeninen järjestö. Siten oletan sen julistuksien kuvanneen osaltaan myös ensimmäisen maailmansodan jälkeistä kristillisen sosialismin mentaliteettia. Viitekehyksenä aineiston jäsentämisessä toimii Burton Mackin teoria kristillisestä mentaliteetista, jonka mukaan dualistinen ajattelu sekä kristinuskon suuret narratiivit ohjaavat yksilön tapaa tulkita ja ymmärtää todellisuuttaan. Teoriaan nojaten esitän, että kristillisen sosialismin mentaliteetissa korostui kristinuskon narratiiveista erityisesti Jeesuksen elämä, opetukset ja kuolema. Ensimmäisen maailmansodan tapahtumat ja sen jälkeiset vallankumoukset tulkittiin Kansainvälisen sovinnonliiton julistuksissa eskatologisina lopunaikoina. Tapahtumat kertoivat siitä, että saatanallinen Mammona hallitsi maan päällä. Kristuksen nähtiin olevan väkivallaton vallankumouksellinen, joka kamppaili Mammonan valtaa vastaan ihmisten rauhaa ja oikeudenmukaisuutta edistävien tekojen avulla. Tämä ajattelun logiikka vaikutti mahdollistavan Kansainvälisen Sovinnonliiton kristillissosialistisessa mentaliteetissa myös sen, että muidenkin kuin vain kristittyjen ajateltiin olevan osa hyvää. Ainakin jos he jakoivat näkemyksen oikeudenmukaisuuden ja rauhan tärkeydestä.
Yaklaşık 40 yıldır Türk finans sisteminde kendisine yer bulan ve özellikle son yıllarda kamu kesimi tarafından da ciddi ölçüde desteklenen katılım bankalarının Eylül 2021 dönemi verilerine göre Türk bankacılık sektörü aktiflerinden aldığı pay %7,54 seviyesine ulaşmış olup, sektör 2025 yılında %15 pazar payına ulaşma hedefiyle (TKBB, 2021b) çalışmalarını sürdürmektedir. Hedefe ulaşabilme sürecinde sektördeki karar alıcılara katkı sunması beklenen çalışmamızın bulguları; kamu tarafından verilen desteklerin de etkisiyle güçlü bir büyüme performansı ortaya koyan ve ayrıca krizlerden etkilenme dereceleri görece sınırlı olan katılım bankalarının barındırdıkları yüksek büyüme potansiyellerini hayata geçirebilmeleri için; tanınırlık/ bilinirlik, kamuoyu algısı, fiziki şube yatırımları, ürün-hizmet çeşitliliği ve insan kaynakları konularında etkili çalışmalar yapmaları gerektiğine, işaret etmektedir.
