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This thesis locates itself in the field of critical green political theory. It takes the present environmental crisis as its object of study to provide a critical account of the way it is currently addressed in dominant Anthropocene narratives and liberal capitalist growth-based institutions. This work offers a constructive and emancipatory delinea...
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The dimensions of real estate which begin as spatial within time added, and the time being includes ecological and economic self-history besides the sociality with cultural capitalized values influenced by technology and ethics. The aim of this paper, is to discuss the philosophy of value and valuation methods described for sustainable real estate...
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... This republican critique of arbitrariness is extensively discussed byFremaux (2018), who engages in a debate concerning economic liberalism and market democracies. This is a topic that requires attention and is closely related to the present article. ...
This paper elucidates the inseparable connection between the pursuit of a more ecologically sustainable society and the quest for socioeconomic justice. It also demonstrates why Unconditional Basic Income (UBI) is an effective policy to act on both fronts. First, the corresponding theory on environmental and socioeconomic oppression sheds light on the argument that both types of domination stem from the same historical process and are inherently interconnected. Addressing one without considering the other is essentially flawed; they are both features and consequences of present society. Acknowledging the historical debt owed to vulnerable economic classes and developing countries is imperative. Green republicanism could potentially establish a theoretical foundation for social-ecological thinking. Defining freedom as non-domination and applying this concept to nature are essential prerequisites for overcoming socioeconomic and environmental oppression. UBI is presented and discussed theoretically as a strong solution to address these two challenges. It serves not only as a means to facilitate the transition to a post-productivist society, transforming labor relations, but also as a catalyst for the development of circular economies and more sustainable occupations. Additionally, the basic income policy implemented in the city of Maricá, Brazil, is cited as empirical evidence showcasing the environmental and socioeconomic values of UBI.
... Despite his anthropocentrism, there is much that is valuable in Dobson (2003) and a great deal more in Barry's more recent work (Barry 2012(Barry , 2016. Other important contributions are Fremaux (2018) and Cannavò (2018). One of us has also made an initial attempt to redefine community in an eco-republican way (Curry 2000). ...
I am fortunate to have had wild places close to home for most of my life, places to which I could escape from the nerve-shattering madness of civilization. Woods, creeks, ponds, old fields, pastures, abandoned limestone quarries—all places that were damaged to varying degrees by humans but in which people do not now have a dominating presence. None of these places could be called wilderness by any stretch of the imagination. They are not natural areas in the pure sense of the term. They are semi-natural, but they are wild. Processes as old as life on Earth still operate within them, not completely overwhelmed by human activity and technology. And they are quiet, except for the songs of birds, frogs, and insects, the bubbling of brooks, the wind through the trees, and occasional sounds of automobiles, airplanes, or guns in the distance. These have been places where, since childhood, I could relax but also feel exhilarated, where I could contemplate difficult questions about life and death, where I could exercise my body and break a sweat, and where I could hone my skills as a naturalist. The other beings in a wild place, and even the rocks and waters, feel like friends and family. I am never alone there.
The paper aims to provide a conceptual basis for reconciling the radical resistance to totality posed by Adorno’s negative dialectics with contemporary considerations of the environment, capable of developing a more symbiotic educational approach in the context of contemporary crises. This is done by exploring the notion of ‘second nature’, the significance of which is underlined by its rootedness in the dialectical tradition of German philosophy and Adorno’s emphasis on the nonidentical as an essential condition for critique and a link between subjectivity and what is understood as nature and history.
With the emergence of the so-called Blue Economy, various conservation finance mechanisms and financial structures are being proposed as a means of simultaneously securing marine biodiversity and profit-making. A novel approach that is being applied within this new conservation finance frontier is the integration of ecosystem-based adaptation and insurance. By synthesizing recent literatures in political ecology on the notion of rent and the biopolitics of nature, this article explores how the integration of ecosystem-based adaptation and insurance can be seen as a technique that is mobilized for governing ecosystem rents biopolitically. The article urges political ecologists to pay attention to how biopolitics and governance of rents intersect in market-based environmental governance. While surveying the breadth of projects that involves both adaptation and insurance, I pay particular attention to a parametric coral reef insurance that was recently introduced in the Mexican state Quintana Roo. Such a project, this article argues, involves reconceptualizing the coral reef as an infrastructure that provides benefits – ultimately rents – to the local tourist industry and indirectly the state, but this coral infrastructure is itself in need of being protected through insurance as a biopolitical measure that can ensure the future life of the coral reef by rendering calculable uncertain, future climate threats to the reef. By reconceptualizing ecosystems as infrastructure that can be insured, the notion of ecosystem-based adaptation operationalizes otherwise systematic risks posed by climate change and biodiversity loss on a local scale. Finally, I highlight some of the complications that are involved when insurance is used as a biopolitical means of making nature live.
Green republicanism can be described as a subset of republican political theory that aims to promote human flourishing by ensuring a non-dominating and ecologically sustainable republic. It expands the republican idea of social interdependence with the natural world, and therefore requires promoting and protecting the autonomy within those interdependencies. As such, green republicanism will focus on moving away from the current situation of ecological unsustainability while protecting freedom as non-domination. In this article, I offer a green republican justification for non-neutrality while remaining non-perfectionist. Furthermore, I argue that participation and deliberation is essential in defining the concrete politics that should guide green republicanism. To do so I examine the idea of conviviality and argue that green republicanism is the political theory best placed to ensure the objective of conviviality: it allows individuals to confront their views and to cooperate, acknowledging the finitude of the planet’s natural resources.
As we witness the sixth mass extinction unfold, it is hard not to feel exasperated by the lack of a say in human democracy for all the species and ecosystems that are suffering, if not being destroyed outright, at the hands of humans (see Washington in A sense of wonder towards nature: healing the world through belonging. Routledge, London, 2018). We are making decisions that have dramatic impacts on their fates without stopping to think what they might want. But this does not need to be the case. This paper is intended to contribute to the creation of political processes that recognize the intrinsic value of non-human nature (a value that is independent of any benefits for humans). We present, first, a review of the background—exploring where ecodemocracy fits into broader political and ethical theory—and then turn to consider how representation for non-human nature might be practically implemented in political processes. We are considering a political scale ranging from local groups all the way up to international alliances of governments—ecodemocracy can be put into practice at any of these.
