TABLE 1 - uploaded by David Rueda
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In much of the political economy literature, social democratic governments are assumed to defend the interests of labor. The main thrust of this article is that labor is divided into those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders). I argue that the goals of social democratic parties are often best served by pursuing policies t...
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... the small n, in this case I did not estimate panel- corrected standard errors and simply ran a bivariate OLS regression on the variable of interest. Table 1 provides the estimates for the determinants of labor market policies. Here, it is most important to point out that, as hypothesized, cabinet partisanship is not significant as an influence on the levels of ALMP or PLMP. ...
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... results reinforce the conclusions of the regres- sion analyzing ALMPs: when insiders do not share the goals of outsiders, social democratic governments do not promote pro-outsider policies. Other authors have observed results similar to those presented in Table 1. In a very direct fashion, they are confirmed by the anal- ysis in Moene and Wallerstein (2003). ...
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... Hsiao (1986), I include country dummies to control for those influences that are country specific and that could affect the accurate estimation of the variables of interest (country-specific omitted variables). 23 Cabinet partisanship is an insignificant determinant of ALMPs (as was the case with Table 1) but a significant variable 23 Dummies for all countries are present in the regressions with fixed effects. I ran these regressions without a constant. ...
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... Christian democracy turns out to be insignificant as a determinant of PLMPs. This means that the insignif- icance of partisanship effects observed in Tables 1 and 2 is not caused by ignoring Christian democratic effects. ...
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... second column in Table 2 substitutes the ex- pert opinion-based measure of partisanship for one that uses party manifesto data. While the results in Table 1 are confirmed regarding ALMPs, the use of this alternative measure results in a significant partisan- ship effect on PLMPs. Although the sign of the coef- ficient indicates that more social democratic govern- ments promote higher levels of passive labor market policies, the size of the coefficient (−.002) suggests that the substantial effect of this variable is extremely small. ...
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... therefore check these fixed-effects results by using a two-stage instrumental variable procedure similar to the one explained in Rueda and Pontusson 2000. The findings regarding ALMPs are confirmed but government partisanship loses significance as a determinant of PLMPs in the instrumental variable model (confirming the main results in Table 1). 25 Results not reported but available from the author. ...
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... openness interactions are also insignificant. It seems, therefore, that even when the influence of social democratic governments, wage bargaining, and union strength is put together, the main observations made about Table 1 stand. The analysis presented in Tables 1 and 2 follows the standard procedures of recent comparative politi- cal economy work relying on pooled time series data. ...
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... seems, therefore, that even when the influence of social democratic governments, wage bargaining, and union strength is put together, the main observations made about Table 1 stand. The analysis presented in Tables 1 and 2 follows the standard procedures of recent comparative politi- cal economy work relying on pooled time series data. The models, however, ignore the question of whether the impact of social democratic government is subject to a lag. ...
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... results presented in the previous pages are therefore vulnerable to the criticism that they do not show a significant government partisanship effect simply because they do not capture social democratic influences only discernible after some time. To address this issue, I run the regressions in Table 1, substituting yearly cabinet partisanship for a 2-, 5-, and a 10-year average. The main results hold and government parti- sanship was found to be an insignificant determinant of ALMPs and PLMPs no matter the lag. ...
Citations
... Yet, social democrats may have lost and may be losing votes because of factors that are not primarily related to their policy programs. Some authors emphasize more structural changes, such as the numerical decline in the working class (Benedetto, Hix and Mastrorocco, 2020), changes to the labour market (Rueda, 2005), the weakening influence of unions (Pontusson, 1995), the lower relevance of welfare state policy (Loxbo et al., 2021), and the cumulative effect of crises (Hernández and Kriesi, 2016;Hobolt and Tilley, 2016). ...
In this article we provide a novel framework and empirical test of the strategic trade-offs of political parties' programmatic appeals. In a pluralized issue space, political positions have the potential to create severe strategic trade-offs for political parties, with gains among one group of voters offset by losses among another. Existing research assumes that these trade-offs are especially prominent for Social Democratic parties, but does not directly test whether different sub-electorates indeed respond differently to particular programmatic appeals. To identify trade-offs for Social Democratic parties, we ran con-joint experiments in 6 Western European countries. Respondents could choose between programs that varied on a number of issue dimensions. We find that trade-offs among potential social democratic voters are less pronounced than expected in the literature, especially with regard to economic policies. Yet, our findings also establish two underrated challenges for Social Democrats: the existence of stronger trade-offs between age groups, and the potential longer-term consequences of salience trade-offs.
... As Saunders (1978) suggests, the formation of a "housing class" consciousness among property owners engenders a worldview centered on asset protection and stability, often at the expense of solidaristic commitments to redistribution. Within insider-outsider frameworks, homeowners occupy structurally advantaged positions relative to renters, recalibrating their expectations of the state accordingly (Rueda, 2005;Carling et al., 2014). For immigrants, homeownership not only marks upward mobility but also facilitates identification with native property owners and symbolic distancing from less economically incorporated co-ethnics (Alba & Logan, 1992;Elias & Scotson, 1994). ...
This study examines how housing wealth influences the political incorporation of immigrants in South Korea, identifying asset accumulation as a key factor shaping redistributive preferences. Using nationally representative panel data, the analysis demonstrates that immigrants who acquire housing assets—whether through ownership or appreciation in property value—become less supportive of public provision directed at other foreign residents. While immigrants initially exhibit stronger support for state intervention, greater exposure to the housing market is associated with a growing perception that existing government support is adequate and a reduced inclination to endorse expanded immigrant-targeted spending. These shifts reflect not a uniform turn toward conservatism, but a reconfiguration of political attitudes shaped by economic security, social positioning, financial constraints, and the redrawing of intra-group boundaries. In South Korea’s asset-based welfare regime, housing functions not only as a source of private stability but also as a mechanism that mediates immigrants’ evolving relationship to the state and to other immigrant groups. By situating these dynamics within a non-Western context, this study contributes to broader debates on immigration, housing, and the stratifying effects of economic incorporation.
... SCHOLARS OF COMPARATIVE POLITICAL ECONOMY have long studied the working class (Korpi 2006), employers (Hall and Soskice 2001), labor market insiders (wage earners with protected jobs), and labor market outsiders (individuals who are either unemployed or hold jobs with weak protection and employment rights) (Rueda 2005) to explain how social interests influence partisan politics in advanced capitalist countries. However, insufficient attention has been devoted to another significant employment category: the selfemployed. ...
... This study contributes to the study of comparative political economy in several ways. First, it addresses the partisan dilemma of advocating for both labor market outsiders and the self-employed, looking beyond the traditional insider-outsider division (Lindvall and Rueda 2014;Rueda 2005). As labor markets become more flexible and economies shift toward services, the self-employed sector has not only grown but also diversified significantly (Jansen 2019). ...
... In a pivotal study of the politics of labor market insiders and outsiders, Rueda (2005) argued that social-democratic governments tend to prioritize labor market policies that align with the interests of insiders, potentially neglecting the concerns of outsiders. Rueda's rationale is rooted in electoral incentives. ...
The self-employed population has grown significantly in recent decades due to rapid deindustrialization, increased immigration, and the rise of advanced platforms and the gig economy. This study explores potential conflicts between the self-employed and labor market outsiders, particularly regarding left-leaning parties’ pro-outsider policies. Right-leaning parties may strategically mobilize the self-employed against these policies, potentially fostering a new partisan divide in post-industrial economies. Using a mixed-methods approach, we analyze South Korea’s rapid minimum-wage increases under the Moon Jae-in government (2018) and legislative proposals from 2016 to 2020. We find that conservative legislators are more likely to support bills benefiting the self-employed, while progressive legislators prioritize labor market outsiders, pointing to a growing partisan cleavage around these groups.
... Actualmente, una parte importante de los y las trabajadoras se encuentra empleada en trabajos precarios, de baja calidad, descalificados o informales en las que las posibilidades de sindicalizarse son muy bajas (González et al., 2021;Jensen, 2020). La literatura internacional ha definido a este tipo de trabajadores/as como "outsiders" (Rueda, 2005). Según esta literatura, los outsiders se contraponen a los "insiders" (trabajadores/as con empleos protegidos) no solo por sus condiciones de trabajo, sino que también por vínculo con los sindicatos: debido a su incapacidad para representar a los outsiders, los sindicatos han terminado convirtiéndose en organizaciones que, en la práctica, representan solamente los intereses de los segmentos más "privilegiados" (insiders) de la clase trabajadora (Culpepper & Regan, 2014;Rueda, 2005). ...
... La literatura internacional ha definido a este tipo de trabajadores/as como "outsiders" (Rueda, 2005). Según esta literatura, los outsiders se contraponen a los "insiders" (trabajadores/as con empleos protegidos) no solo por sus condiciones de trabajo, sino que también por vínculo con los sindicatos: debido a su incapacidad para representar a los outsiders, los sindicatos han terminado convirtiéndose en organizaciones que, en la práctica, representan solamente los intereses de los segmentos más "privilegiados" (insiders) de la clase trabajadora (Culpepper & Regan, 2014;Rueda, 2005). De este modo, es probable que las actitudes prosindicales sean mucho más fuerte entre los insiders que entre los outsiders. ...
... Esto sugie-re que las actitudes hacia los sindicatos también dependen de las opciones que tienen los y las trabajadoras de estar protegidas efectivamente por una organización sindical. Como lo ha señalado la literatura sobre "insiders" y "outsiders", la expansión del trabajo informal y precario puede debilitar a los sindicatos en la medida en que afecta su capacidad para representar a los segmentos más desprotegidos de la clase trabajadora (Culpepper & Regan, 2014;Rueda, 2005). Nuestra evidencia es coherente con este argumento, ya que sugiere que en Chile existen personas de clases sociales precarizadasen nuestro caso particular, trabajadores/as auto-empelados/as con tendencia a operar en el sector informal-, cuya confianza en los sindicatos tiende a ser más baja que la exhibida por personas de clases asalariadas, que se encuentran en una posición comparativamente más protegida en las relaciones de empleo y de producción. ...
... This theory assumes a direct, linear relationship between the party in power (e.g., social democratic or conservative) and political output (Häusermann 2010). In this sense, Rueda's early work (Rueda 2005(Rueda , 2006(Rueda , 2007 found that social democratic governments defended wage earners' interests and promoted policies oriented toward insiders to outsiders' detriment (fervent activation policy demanders) (Clasen and Mascaro 2022). According to Rueda, these parties widened the insider-outsider gap for electoral reasons despite corporatist agreements. ...
... A third factor explaining dualization processes' scope and intensity is the configuration of certain coalitions of interests between actors and the mediating role of electoral issues. The insider-outsider theory argues that a durable coalition of actors determines and explains the extent and intensity of labor market segmentation processes and the underlying policies (Rueda 2005;Emmenegger 2012). Palier and Thelen (2010) point out that the evolution toward new forms of institutionalized dualism (especially since the 1990s) in the intersection between industrial relations, labor markets, and social protection systems can be explained by a series of interclass coalitions seeking to safeguard certain institutions and maintain economic efficiency. ...
... There is no consensus in the literature at the time of writing this article. Some authors, such as Lindbeck and Snower (2001), Emmenegger (2009), or Rueda (2005, measure these risks using a simple metric: the real situation of an individual in the labor market at a given moment. Other academics, relate the individual to their occupational reference group as they analyze individuals throughout their working life. ...
This thematic review offers a conceptual and analytical framework to assess, identify, and explain the processes of dualization in labor markets and social protection systems in 21st‐century welfare states. After a brief historical examination of the concept's origins, we review the primary definitions, theories, and typologies developed to explore and measure dualization, connecting the fields of social policy and political economy. Our systematic review reveals that dualization varies significantly across welfare regimes. Following an institutionalist approach, we identify four key institutional factors that shape the differential impact and scope of dualization: trade unions' strategies, governmental partisanship, coalitions of interests, and the growing influence of international organizations, particularly the EU. Our findings demonstrate that these factors interact through complex direct and indirect mechanisms, mediated by electoral considerations, power resources, institutional constraints, and political opportunities. The review acknowledges the complexities and ambiguities surrounding the notion of dualization. We highlight the importance of institutional and policy responses at national and international levels to address dualization processes, particularly in light of recent crises like the COVID‐19 pandemic.
... Jahrhunderts sind tiefgreifende Veränderungen auf den Arbeitsmärkten, in den Familienstrukturen und in den Wohlfahrtsstaaten der westlichen Demokratien zu beobachten. Generell ist eine Tendenz zur Dualisierung der Erwerbsbevölkerung zu verzeichnen (Rueda 2005). Das bedeutet, dass immer weniger Menschen in ihren Erwerbsbiografien dem durch die Industrialisierung geprägten Muster einer geschützten, unbefristeten, stabilen, vollzeitigen und voll versicherten Insider-Beschäftigung nachgehen. ...
Artikel analysiert die Bestimmungsfaktoren der Zustimmung zum bedingungslosen Grundeinkommen in 65 Europäischen
NUTS-1-Regionen. Mithilfe der CUPESSE-Daten von 18–35-jährigen Befragten
aus Dänemark, Deutschland, Griechenland, Italien, Spanien, der Schweiz, Tschechien, der Türkei, Ungarn, dem Vereinigten Königreich und Österreich und ihren
jeweiligen Eltern wird dabei der Einfluss der politischen Sozialisation durch die
Eltern im Rahmen der intergenerationalen Wertetransmission ebenso analysiert wie
weitere potenzielle Einflussfaktoren. Die Ergebnisse zeigen einen signifikanten und
starken substanziellen Einfluss der elterlichen Einstellungen zum bedingungslosen
Grundeinkommen auf diejenigen der jungen Erwachsenen. Anders als wesentliche
Teile der Literatur zum Einfluss von Generationen, beispielsweise der Generation Y
oder Z, auf den Wandel von Arbeitsmarktwerten suggerieren, zeigt sich also ein
hohes Maß an Wertekongruenz zwischen den Generationen und ein großer Einfluss der politischen Sozialisation durch die Eltern auf die Sozialstaatseinstellungen
junger Europäer*innen. Zudem steht die individuelle Erfahrung prekärer Lebensverhältnisse in einem positiven Zusammenhang mit der Befürwortung des BGE. Auch unterschiedliche regionale ökonomische Opportunitätsstrukturen und wohlfahrtsstaatliche Arrangements zeigen einen signifikanten Einfluss auf die Einstellung zum BGE.
... El punto de partida eran los trabajos de mediados de década de David Rueda (2005Rueda ( , 2006Rueda ( y 2007. Influido por las investigaciones de Saint Paul (2002), Rueda retoma la oposición entre insiders y outsiders, que había sido empleada por , 2001, Blanchard y Summers (1986) y otros economistas laborales para explicar el fenómeno de la histéresis de la tasa de desempleo en los años 80 y 90, y la aplica al campo de la Economía Política. ...
El propósito del presente estudio es reevaluar la fase de moderación salarial que tuvo lugar en las economías avanzadas durante el periodo 2008-2016 desde un enfoque que combina algunos de los hallazgos de la literatura sobre polarización en Economía Política Comparada con aquellos que pueden encontrarse en la serie de trabajos que abordaron el aplanamiento de la curva de Phillips salarial durante el mismo periodo. Para ello, partimos de la hipótesis de que la disminución del crecimiento de los salarios en la fase que sucedió a la Gran Recesión obedece tanto al fenómeno de la segmentación laboral, que se agudiza durante la fase 2008-2016, como a la evolución de la generosidad de las políticas distributivas dirigidas a los outsiders. Los resultados empíricos que obtenemos permiten sostener esta hipótesis y apuntan a que allí donde la presión salarial deflacionaria de la dualidad laboral era menor, como en el caso de algunas economías anglosajonas o europeas continentales, esta podría haberse visto compensada por otros mecanismos de dualización en sentido amplio y, más concretamente, por la evolución de las políticas de compensación dirigidas a los outsiders.
... The focus on labour formal arrangements is motivated by the unprecedented flexibilisation of labour market institutions, which has accompanied the service transition-both as a determinant (Fern andez-Macías, 2012) and a consequence (Thelen, 2014)enhancing the creation of non-standard (or atypical) employment. Consequently, a cleavage has emerged between the so-called "insiders" of the labour market, provided with open-ended and full-time contracts and the "outsiders," trapped in temporary and part-time jobs (Rueda, 2005). The second group is largely composed of low-skill service workers (e.g., sales workers, caregivers, janitors, waiters, etc.) (Häusermann & Schwander, 2009), characterised by low earnings, little chances of upward mobility and-as a result of fragmented careers-poor social protection (through insurance schemes) (Häusermann & Schwander, 2012). ...
The literature on labour market segmentation traditionally looks at servitisation as the main structural driver behind the rise of employment precariousness, overlooking another crucial engine of the knowledge‐economy transition: the Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) revolution. This paper proposes a task‐based approach to complement the skill‐biased framework usually applied to labour market segmentation, investigating the correlation between occupational exposure to the risk of automation and low‐quality employment. The empirical analysis, based on 14 countries sampled from ESS (2002–2018), shows a strong correlation between technological replaceability and low income across all of Western Europe, especially after the Great Recession, while its association with atypical employment is mainly driven by fixed‐term contracts in Central and Southern Europe and by part‐time arrangements in Anglo‐Saxon and Scandinavian countries. Overall, a “recalibrated” dualisation emerges in Western European labour markets, characterised by the diffusion of low labour earnings and atypical contracts among mid‐skill routine workers, besides the low‐skill service precariat.
... The impact of labor market disadvantages varies. Rueda (2005) defined disadvantaged workers as those unemployed or in low-wage jobs, while Häusermann and Schwander (2011) considered those in high-unemployment occupations as disadvantaged. We controlled for labor market integration and assessed occupational vulnerability using two measures: unemployment history and reliance on manual labor versus communication skills. ...
A well-documented fact is that Muslim citizens tend to vote for the left in greater proportion than non-Muslim citizens. In Western Europe, this difference in the vote for left-wing parties exceeds 30%. Interestingly, the gap endures despite Muslims’ integration into the host society, which is expected to militate against group voting. Why, then, do Muslims continue to vote as a group? And what factors account for their leaning towards the left? We argue that exclusion and discrimination, to which Muslims are regularly subjected as a group, work against the effect of integration on their vote choice, as it strengthens the saliency of group interests and “linked fate” in their voting calculus. Using public opinion survey data, we show that the more Muslims feel discriminated against by their host society, the more likely they are to engage in group voting and vote for the left. We also show that political exclusion, proxied by the electoral strength of radical-right parties, has a positive association with Muslims’ support for left-wing parties. Finally, we delve into the British case and show that experiences of physical violence are also manifested in stronger group voting by non-Western immigrants. Our article sheds light on a phenomenon that has the potential to reshape the electoral landscape in Europe by rendering ethnic and religious identity a crucial dimension of party competition.
... Much contemporary research on labour market dualism has focused on social closure by dominant groups, largely around age, gender, ethnicity and citizenship inequalities in employment opportunities (Barbieri and Cutuli 2016;Häusermann et al., 2015;Schwander and Häusermann 2013). Researchers have explored the impact of specific institutions on employment insecurity, including employment protection, union membership and density, collective bargaining arrangements and political partisanship (Anderson and Pontusson, 2007;Eichhorst and Marx, 2021;Giesselmann 2014;Palier and Thelen 2010;Rueda 2005). The 'group closure' approach linked these together to suggest that 'insiders' could use institutional rules to marginalise 'outsiders' in the labour market (e.g. based on age and gender). ...
This paper uses the European Working Conditions Survey to investigate how different forms of work organisation, or 'workplace regimes', affect the prevalence and distribution of non-permanent employment in 14 EU countries from 2005 to 2015. These regimes include variants of Lean, Learning, Simple and Taylorist forms of work organisation. In particular, the paper investigates the relative effects of workplace regimes and social and institutional factors on permanency of employment; how social and institutional factors are amplified or ameliorated by insecure workplace regimes; and how workplace regimes are characterised by particular internal gender, age and citizenship profiles of employment insecurity. Furthermore, it sheds light on the ways in which workplace regimes shape employment insecurity across worlds of capitalism.
