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Outlaw motorcycle gangs (OMGs) are an iconic element of the criminal landscape in the United States, the country of their origin. Members of OMGs may present to the emergency department (ED) as a result of motor vehicle accidents or interpersonal violence. When one member of an OMG is injured, other members and associates are likely to arrive in th...
Contexts in source publication
Context 1
... OMGs have two hues associated with their respective insignias. For example, the Hells Angels MC use red and white with their "Death's Head" logo (Figure 3), whereas the Bandidos MC use red and gold with their "Fat Mexican" logo ( Figure 4). 7 Non-member associates of the club and members of support and satellite clubs often use the color scheme, but never the insignia, of the larger sponsoring club. ...
Context 2
... OMGs have two hues associated with their respective insignias. For example, the Hells Angels MC use red and white with their "Death's Head" logo (Figure 3), whereas the Bandidos MC use red and gold with their "Fat Mexican" logo ( Figure 4). 7 Non-member associates of the club and members of support and satellite clubs often use the color scheme, but never the insignia, of the larger sponsoring club. ...
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treated in the emergency department (ED) and to describ...
Citations
... According to Quinn and Forsyth (2009) OMGs can be divided into different categories (as summarised in Bosmia et al. (2014)) such as support and satellite clubs which have minor to moderate involvement with criminal activity and maintain a relationship with a larger one-percenter club for protection and to bolster their reputations or are created and controlled by members of the larger one-percenter clubs and serve as sources of recruits to the larger clubs. Members of a satellite club perform tasks related to the criminal activity of the larger club. ...
Outlaw motorcycle gangs (OMGs) have received increased attention from both law enforcement agencies and the research community. This study investigates the criminal collaboration patterns of two OMGs with a long history of hostilities. We use government data on individuals registered as belonging to Hells Angels MC, Bandidos MC and individuals with multiple OMG memberships, and suspicion data from 2011 to 2016 to build co-offending networks. Our results show that members of multiple OMGs tend to have higher centrality and clustering. These members also have the highest levels of suspicions per capita, and most of the co-offending is related to nexus links involving multiple membership individuals. They can be described as ‘criminal nomads’, collaborating with individuals from different organisations. Our results suggest that core members tend to engage in white-collar crime to a greater extent than those on the periphery, which tend to engage more in violence and drug crime.
... Their recklessness and violent behavior are so pronounced as to have resulted in special instructions for hospital emergency room personnel whenever "outlaw" riders present themselves for care (Bosmia et al., 2014). To be sure, these "outlaw" riders do not represent the attitudes and values of motorcyclists as a whole and are sometimes known as "one-percenters" among 3 A cudgel, by the way, is a short, thick stick used to beat someone. ...
... Non-white race is associated with a significantly increased risk for OC membership in most effect sizes. The only clear-cut exception is a significant decreased risk for biker gang membership, in keeping with previous research asserting that biker gangs are a predominantly white phenomenon, at least in the US (Bosmia, Quinn, Peterson, Griessenauer, & Tubbs, 2014). Similarly, black race is associated with a strong increase in risk of OC membership in most effect sizes, although a few effect sizes indicate a nonsignificant negative association. White race is associated with a significant decrease in risk of OC membership in most effect sizes. ...
This systematic review synthesizes the existing empirical quantitative
evidence on the factors leading to recruitment into organized crime. The eligible
studies are presented descriptively and their methodological quality is assessed
analytically. Next, the quantitative information they contain is extracted and used
to carry out meta-analysis.
In the first chapter I introduce the rationale and general structure of systematic
reviews (sections 1.1 and 1.2). After discussing the existing systematic reviews in
fields related to organized crime (section 1.3), I identify the need for such a review
on organized crime along with a few potential issues (section 1.4). I then discuss
and operationalize the three basic theoretical components of this work - organized
crime (section 1.4.1), recruitment (section 1.4.2) and risk factor (section 1.4.3).
In the second chapter I focus on the methodology to be adopted. I describe
the inclusion criteria for this review (section 2.1), the systematic study search
process (section 2.2) and study selection and coding (section 2.3). I present the risk of-bias assessment guide used to evaluate the quality of the eligible studies (section
2.4). I then describe the statistical procedures adopted to carry out the meta-analysis
proper (section 2.5), including issues with effect size extraction (section 2.5.1) and
the techniques used to convert all measures to one single non-parametric measure
(section 2.5.2) and to synthetize the results (section 2.5.3). Finally, I discuss various
diagnostic and corrective techniques to be adopted in the meta-analyses. These
include assessing heterogeneity among the included studies (section 2.5.4), carrying
out subgroup analysis (section 2.5.5) and assessing the risk of publication bias
presented by the included evidence (section 2.5.6).
In the third chapter I present the results of the current systematic review. I
visually describe the screening phase and its outcomes using a PRISMA diagram
(section 3.1). I then present descriptive statistics on the included studies (section
3.2) and their quality assessment (section 3.3). Having carried out a second layer of
screening at the effect size level, I present descriptive evidence on these effect sizes
(section 3.4). Finally, I present the forest plots (section 3.5) and meta-analyses
(section 3.6) and comment on the evidence they present. The diagnostic measures I
described in the methodological chapter were applied very sparingly to the meta-analyses; the reasons for this are explained at the beginning of section 3.6.
In the fourth chapter I discuss the results of this review, including their
limitations. In particular, I focus on the primary, deep limitation of this study; that
is, the limited number of eligible studies. I reiterate the innovative nature of my
review in the field of organized crime and encourage researchers to carry out more
primary quantitative research in this field, so that future systematic reviews can
reach more conclusive results and influence criminal policy accordingly.
Finally, in the conclusion I highlight the main takeaways from this innovative
systematic review on the factors leading to recruitment into organized crime.
... 32 Motorcyclists are also sometimes connected to political lobbying, social action, and renegade defiance. 33 All these points highlight com- munity values and serve as remind- ers that statistical science must respect culture and preferences. ...
Many measures have been taken to counter recidivism into gang criminality, amongst other the efforts to prevent arrested gang members to return to their gangs after imprisonment. Whereas the conditions for successful intervention may be hard to unravel, this article will claim that some efforts may be destined to failure by default, because they do not adequately address issues of social identity as a central part of the problem, e.g. replacing one identity with another when leaving one community to establish a meaningful life in another. This article presents some views on social identity from the standpoint of pragmatism and demonstrates how their application on recidivism into gang-related crime reveals problematic issues for social work. To that end, this article takes departure in outlaw-biker communities as illustrative example and make use of two interviews with former presidents of a well-known club.
In the next three chapters, I move the focus of attention across the Atlantic from the USA to northern Europe. Continuing with the prominent focus of the book, I firstly draw upon a comparative perspective to explore and examine the issues relating to gangs and masculinity in Scotland and Denmark, highlighting the key similarities and differences. In the following two chapters I then move on to explore the perceived impact of religious-oriented and ascetic-spiritual interventions in terms of supporting small samples of male offenders in both countries to begin to move away from embracing violent and criminal identities.
This article investigates the social function and underlying logic of trademark law by using the unique and unconventional example of self-proclaimed ‘outlaws’, the Hells Angels Motorcycle Club, and their paradoxical utilization of the IPR law for the protection of their reputation and ‘goodwill’ in both legal and illegal markets. Hells Angels worldwide are passionate about legally protecting their club designs, logos and insignia, as well as logos and designs relating to their legal fashion and accessories businesses with support merchandise. Analysing the example of the Hells Angels and their relationship to their club insignia, it is revealed that the trademarked logos clearly function as fetishes in the anthropological sense. Consequently, it is argued that the trademark law protects precisely this power of the fetish over people, rather than being a mere protection against ‘consumer confusion’ or a mark of ‘origin’. Hence, it is argued that trademark law operates on principles of magic as identified by J. G. Frazer and thus belongs to a magico-legal realm rather than a realm of purely rational law as the legal discipline would like to argue. The power of designed logos is at the crux of the argument.
