Tax rates of Nordic countries, world Europe and OECD countries 4. Taxation: Since the government depends upon public funds for carrying out different social welfare schemes, the tax rates, especially personal tax rates are comparatively higher than in other European and OECD economies. The average tax rate in the world is 31.37%, the European average is 32% and the OECD average is 41.58%. In the Nordic countries however, the tax rates are higher with Denmark at 55.56%, Finland at 51.25%, Iceland at 46.22%, Norway at 47.2% and Sweden at 57% 6 .

Tax rates of Nordic countries, world Europe and OECD countries 4. Taxation: Since the government depends upon public funds for carrying out different social welfare schemes, the tax rates, especially personal tax rates are comparatively higher than in other European and OECD economies. The average tax rate in the world is 31.37%, the European average is 32% and the OECD average is 41.58%. In the Nordic countries however, the tax rates are higher with Denmark at 55.56%, Finland at 51.25%, Iceland at 46.22%, Norway at 47.2% and Sweden at 57% 6 .

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In a world where inequality is on the rise alongside an increase in income, it becomes of paramount interest for anyone to find a nation or a group of nations which manage to have well-performing economic and social indicators. This curiosity about finding a ‘third’ model led us to the Nordic Model.

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... The model used by Nordic economies, which are characterized by a free market, globalization, outsourcing and a democratic form of government, includes certain characteristics of capitalist countries, but it also includes high tax rates and therefore Development of global competitiveness resembles a welfare state (Iqbal and Todi, 2015). Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden are models of the Nordic state. ...
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... Traditionally, Scandinavian countries (Finland, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden in our database), have been associated with higher levels of public (and government) expenditures due to their emphasis on equality and social spending [92]. This approach to public intervention has been dubbed the "Nordic model" [93]. When we look at the data gathered for discussed research at "face value" we may reach similar conclusions. ...
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... Third, there has been a growing international interest in the Nordic model in general (e.g. Booth, 2014;Hodgson, 2018;Iqbal & Todi, 2015) and the Nordic model of education and LLL in particular (Antikainen, 2010;Blossing, Imsen, & Moos, 2014;NordForsk, 2017;Rubenson, 2006)a model that at the same time is facing challenges of its own (Andreasson, 2018). ...
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... Over many years, outside observers have associated the Nordic countries with high employment rates, even among young adults. Yet, a growing criticism frequently raised against the Nordic welfare states is that the Nordic model has created exclusionary mechanisms with respect to vulnerable groups, such as the low-skilled, individuals with disabilities, minority ethnic groups and other groups whose work capacity potential employers perceive as uncertain (Hvinden, 2010;Iqbal and Todi, 2015;Halvorsen, Hvinden and Schoyen, 2016;Plenty et al., 2018). ...
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Tarih boyunca görülen toplumsal eşitsizlikler, Sanayi Devrimi ile birlikte üretim ve tüketim ilişkilerinin değişmeye başlaması ile beraber işçi-işveren sınıfı arasında büyük bir sorun haline gelmiştir. Bu sorun, işçi sınıfının örgütlü şekilde hak arama çabalarıyla başka bir boyuta taşınmış ve halk tabanından gelen refah talebi karşısında devlet otoritesinin tanımı değişmiştir. Bu süreçte; Birinci Dünya Savaşı, 1929 Büyük Ekonomik Buhranı ve İkinci Dünya Savaşı gibi büyük yıkıcı etkileri olan olaylar sonucunda egemen yaklaşım “laissez faire” ekonomik yaklaşımı, yerini “Keynesyen” ekonomik yaklaşıma bırakmış ve ekonomide devlet müdahalesi meşru görülmeye başlanmıştır. Böylece, Refah Devleti anlayışı kurumsallaşmasını tamamlamıştır. Keynesyen yaklaşım çerçevesinde Refah Devleti anlayışı, özellikle 1950-1973 yılları arasında en görkemli yıllarını yaşamıştır. 1970’li yıllardan itibaren ortaya çıkan ekonomik ve siyasal krizler neticesinde neo-liberal politikalar hâkim paradigma konumuna geçmiş, ülkeler kendilerini bu çerçevede konumlandırmaya başlamışlardır. Bu nedenle, Refah Devleti anlayışında büyük bir değişim ve dönüşüm yaşanmıştır. Ancak; Nordik ülkeleri bu değişim ve dönüşüm rüzgârı karşısında, kendilerine özgü kurumsallaştırdıkları Refah Devleti kavramının temel değerlerine sıkı sıkıya tutunmuş ve bu refah anlayışını sürdürülebilir kılabilmişlerdir. Böylece Nordik Model, bünyesinde rekabetçi serbest piyasa mantığı ile klasik anlamda eşitlik, sosyal adalet ve hakkaniyet temelinde kurgulanan Refah Devleti yapısını harmanlamayı başarabilmiştir. Öte yandan Nordik ülkelerin, Türkiye ve gelişmekte olan ülkelerle sosyo-ekonomik ve kültürel açıdan farklılıklar göstermekteyken diğer Batı ve özellikle Güney Avrupa ülkelerinin yapı itibariyle gelişmekte olan ülkelere daha yakın bir profil çizdiği ifade edilebilir. Ancak, bu ülkelerde temel Refah Devleti mantığında eşitlik, sosyal adalet ve hakkaniyet; refahın bölüşümünde asli unsurlar olarak öne çıkmamaktadır. Nordik ülkelerin, diğer gelişmiş ülkelerden en önemli farkı da budur. Bu açıdan, bu tezde, Nordik Modelin; Refah Devleti anlayışı ile sürdürülebilir kalkınma yaklaşımını nasıl bütünleştirdiği ve bunun sonucunda ortaya nasıl bir mantık sunduğunu kavrayabilmek amacıyla incelemelerde bulunulmuş, gelişmekte olan ülkelerin kalkınma stratejilerine örnek teşkil edip edemeyeceği; literatür taramasıyla elde edilen verilerin analiz ve karşılaştırma metodolojisi kullanılması yoluyla değerlendirilmiştir. (Socio-economic inequalities, which can be seen in the whole history, became a great problem between working class-employers with the effect of the Industrial Revolution’s on production and consumption dynamics. This problem leaped to a different dimension through the working class’ organized efforts to demands of social welfare rights. And the meaning of the state authority has changed against this demand motivated by people. In this process, because of the havocs of both World Wars and the Great Depression obliged to change the paradigm from “laissez faire” to “Keynesian”. And the state intervention to the economy was started to perceived as legitimate. Thus, the concept of the Welfare State became institutionalized and it has lived its Golden Era between 1950-1973 in the Keynesian economic framework. Yet, in the 1970’s through the effects of both economic and political crisis, neo-liberal approach has become the prevailing paradigm and states aligned themselves with neo-liberalism. Therefore, the concept of the Welfare State has changed and transformed. However, Nordic countries stood adhere to their deeply-rooted and institutionalized welfare model. Moreover, they succeed to reconcile sustainability and basic values of the Welfare State in their distinctive characteristics. In this respect, the Nordic Model achieved to blend the logic of free market economy and the basic principles of the Welfare State. Nevertheless, there are differences in terms of socio-economic and cultural structure between Nordic countries and developing countries like Turkey. Other Western especially Southern European countries have more similar profiles with developing countries than Nordics. Yet, equality, social justice and equity are not essential elements for sharing of welfare in these countries. And this is the most important difference between Nordics and other developed countries. In this context, in this thesis, the concept of the Nordic Model is analyzed to grasp both how it accomplished to blend the Welfare State understanding and sustainable development approach and its logic and whether or not it will be an example for developing countries’ development strategies through data which was obtained by literature review and comparison methodology.)
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In this paper, we explore the policies related to support structures surrounding national game industries, with focus on the three Nordic countries Finland, Norway and Sweden, and investigate what kind of context the Nordic welfare state model has provided for game development. The three cases illustrate how Nordic welfare state measures have interacted with the games industry over time. While the political ideals have been fairly similar, our study demonstrates how the objectives and practical means of state engagement have differed significantly. We argue that although the three countries all have support schemes of which game companies can take advantage, there are significant differences in the degree to which each individual country has organized government interventions and support. While the Finnish state has treated game development as an endeavour in business development, the regional Nordic game program and the Norwegian state has developed a cultural policy that primarily aims to protect the cultural heritage. The Swedish state has not established a tailormade policy directed towards game development but has a broad spectrum of general policies for supporting research and business development. We suggest that future research should investigate how the public funding is structured and how discourses are formulated around appeals for more public funding for the games industry.
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Introduction. The Nordic countries are the most economically developed and stable ones in terms of the political and social context. However, the processes of globalization, social and demographic change, business development, increased competition and commercial interests modify the functioning of the economic and social model of the Nordic countries, which experienced a number of crisis phenomena at various stages of its development. The objective of this piece of research is to analyze the prospects for the development of the Nordic model of the social state based on the study of its structure and historical development. Materials and Methods. The economic situation in the Nordic countries is the object of this study. To achieve the goals and objectives set, the research employed concrete structural analysis (to describe the theoretical aspect of the model) as well as concrete historical analysis (to study the processes of formation and development of the model). Results. The analysis of the Nordic economic and social model has been carried out; the theoretical aspect of the social and economic model as well as the historical context and the process of its development have been studied. The crisis phenomena and methods used to overcome the crisis of the social and economic model have been analyzed. A range of potential challenges have been identified and the prospects for the development of the region have been presented. Discussion and Conclusion. The model studied is capable of structural changes provoked by external factors and challenges. The economic experience of the Nordic countries is of interest to us not only in terms of the success of this model, but also in terms of overcoming the crisis. The results of the study can be used when developing new models that can be applied in other countries, taking into account their economic characteristics.