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Swahili has two existential constructions, one formed with a possessive copula and a locative subject marker (locative-possessive constructions), the other formed with a locative copula and a non-locative subject marker agreeing with the theme argument (locative-copula constructions). Both constructions can be used to express existence in a place o...
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Context 1
... constructions include locative concords used as subject marker like ku-in (5) and (7), while locative-copula constructions have a non- locative subject marker, but a locative copula such as -po in (6) and in (8), which is formally identical to the so-called referential concord used, for example, in relative clauses and anaphoric demonstrative pronouns, as will be discussed in more detail below. The position of these locative forms in the noun class system is given in the noun class overview in Table 1, where the locative classes (conventionally numbered as classes 16, 17, and 18) are highlighted in italics. While both existential constructions in Swahili involve locative agreement morphology, the difference in the specific locative morphol- ogy (locative subject concord vs. locative copula/referential concord) is correlated to a number of other differences between the two copula forms and the constructions in which they are found. ...
Context 2
... forms called 'concord' in Table 1 function as subject or object markers in inflected verb forms, such as the subject marker ku-in the verb form kulikuwa in (7), and in copula constructions such as kuna in (5). There are three locative classes in Swahili, approximately denoting proximity (class 16 pa-), distance (class 17 ku-) and inte- riority (class 18 m-). ...
Citations
... The latter existential copula is recurrent in Bantu (Creissels 2013, Guarisma et al. 1982, Marten 2013) and has been reconstructed as part of Proto-Bantu existential locational constructions by Devos & Bernander (2022). ...
This corpus-based study examines presentational constructions in Kirundi (Bantu JD62) from both formal and functional perspectives. Syntactically, presentationals are just like clefts formally complex biclausal constructions conveying a propositional content that is logically simple (Lambrecht 2001). Nonetheless, both formally and functionally, clefts and presentationals are in near complementary distribution in Kirundi. Morphologically speaking, both types of constructions have distinct morphemes introducing the head clause. After presenting Kirundi's dedicated cleft markers in Lafkioui et al. (2016), we present the different kinds of dedicated presentational markers, i.e. (1) markers involving expletive ha-; (2) desemanticized possession verbs; (3) presentational nga-+ demonstrative; (4) desemanticized perception verbs. Pragmatically speaking, clefts are primarily used for marking argument focus and presentationals for sentence focus. Accordingly, we argue here that unlike what several cross-linguistic typologies propose (e.g., Furukawa 1996; Léard 1992; Lambrecht 2001), presentationals cannot be considered as a subtype of cleft constructions in Kirundi.
... Aidha, wanasarufi waliochunguza sentensi kasimio katika lugha tofautitofauti wamevirejelea vishirikishi kama vitambulishi vya fokasi katika Kuhusu kishirikishi {ndi-} katika sentensi kasimio, huambikwa kiambishi rejeshi kinachotokana na ngeli ya nomino inayorejelewa kama fokasi. Hii ni kwa sababu kila ngeli ya nomino huwa na kirejeshi chake(Marten, 2013). Jedwali Na. 1 linaonesha virejeshi vinavyotokana na ngeli za nomino: ...
Usimbaji wa fokasi katika lugha za Kibantu hutofautiana kutoka lugha moja hadi nyingine. Utofauti huo hujitokeza katika mikakati, mazingira na athari za usimbaji wa fokasi katika sentensi. Utafiti huu ulichunguza usimbaji wa fokasi katika sentensi za Kiswahili kwa kujikita katika: mikakati ya kisintaksia, mazingira na athari za usimbaji wa fokasi katika muundo wa sentensi za Kiswahili. Utafiti huu ulifanyikia katika Kata ya Mkolani, Wilayani Nyamagana, na Kata ya Kirumba, Wilayani Ilemela, zote za Jijini Mwanza. Data za utafiti huu zilikusanywa kutoka katika simulizi ya kuzama kwa meli ya Mv. Bukoba, mapokezi ya mwili wa Hayati Dkt. J.P. Magufuli jijini Mwanza na simulizi ya Mwanamalundi. Data zingine za utafiti huu zilikusanywa kutoka katika usimulizi wa picha. Mbinu za ukusanyaji data zilizotumika ni usimulizi wa hadithi na usimulizi wa picha. Watoataarifa 9 walisaidia kupatikana kwa data za utafiti huu. Watoataarifa hao waliteuliwa kwa kutumia usampulishaji tajwa na fursa. Uchambuzi wa data za utafiti huu ulitumia mkabala wa kitaamuli, tukiongozwa na Nadharia ya Upanguaji wa Umbo la Kifonetiki ya Kidwai (1999, 2000). Matokeo ya lengo la kwanza yanaonesha mikakati mitano ya kisintaksia ambayo ni ukasimishaji, upinduzi wa viambajengo (upinduzi wa kimahali na upinduzi wa kijalizo), utenguaji kushoto, ukadimishaji wa kielezi na ujalizaji wa taarifa. Kuhusu lengo la pili, imebainika kuwa fokasi husimbwa katika mazingira ya namna mbili, yaani katika ukingo wa kulia na wa kushoto wa kitenzi. Katika ukingo wa kulia wa kitenzi, fokasi husimbwa baada ya kitenzi elekezi (upinduzi wa kimahali), baada ya kijalizi (ujalizaji wa taarifa) na baada ya kishirikishi (ukasimishaji wa sentensi kasimio sahili na sentensi kasimio kifani pamoja na upinduzi wa kijalizo). Kwa upande wa ukingo wa kulia wa kitenzi, fokasi husimbwa kabla ya kishirikishi (ukasimishaji wa sentensi kasimio kifani-geuzi), kabla ya kitenzi elekezi (utenguaji kushoto) na kabla ya kiima (utenguaji kushoto pamoja na ukadimishaji kielezi). Kuhusu lengo la tatu, imebainika kuwa mikakati ya usimbaji wa fokasi huathiri muundo wa sentensi za Kiswahili. Mathalani, utenguaji kushoto husababisha ugubikwaji wa yambwa katika kitenzi na upangukaji wa kiima-kitenzi-yambwa (KTY) kuwa yambwa-kitenzi-kiima, yambwa-kitenzi au yambwa-kiima-kitenzi. Vilevile, ukasimishaji husababisha ubebwaji wa kishazi kirejeshi katika sentensi na upangukaji wa KTY kuwa yambwa-kitenzi-kiima, kitenzi-yambwa-kiima au kitenzi yambwa. Pia, upinduzi wa kimahali husababisha ukwezaji wa kimahali kuwa kiima cha kisarufi. Upangukaji wa kiima-kitenzi-kijalizo kuwa kijalizo-kitenzi-kiima husababishwa na upinduzi wa kijalizo. Zaidi ya hayo, ukadimishazi kielezi husababisha uhamishaji wa kielezi kuelekea mwanzoni mwa sentensi. Mwisho, ujalizaji wa taarifa husababisha ubebwaji wa kishazi kijalizi katika sentensi. Kuhusu mchango, utafiti huu unaongeza maarifa mapya kwamba upanguaji mwingine wa viambajengo vya sentensi hutokana na usimbaji wa fokasi katika sentensi, tofauti na ule unaosababishwa na unyambuaji wa kitenzi kama ilivyoelezwa na Vitale (1981) na Moore (1996). Pia, ugubikwaji wa kiambishi yambwa katika kitenzi ni wa lazima katika utenguaji kushoto isipokuwa kwa nomino za yambwa kutoka ngeli ya 15-18 (kimofolojia) tofauti na maarifa ya awali kuwa ugubikwaji wa kiambishi yambwa ni wa hiari kama ilivyoelezwa na Nicolle (1996) na Mursell (2018). Kutokana na matokeo haya, inapendekezwa kwamba utafiti mwingine ufanyike katika lugha ambazo hazijatafitiwa. Vilevile, utafiti mwingine unaweza kuangalia usimbaji wa mada katika sentensi za Kiswahili.
... Mfano Na. 1 (b) unaonesha tungo yenye upinduzi kimahali katika lugha ya Kiswahili: (1989), Demuth na Mmusi (1997), Salzman (2004), Marten (2006), Buel (2007), Diercks (2009), Creissels (2011), Zeller (2013) pamoja na Marten na van Der Wall (2014) wamefanya tafiti kuhusu tungo hizi katika lugha za Kibantu. Aidha, Krifka (1959), Mkude (2005), Marten (2013) Aidha, baada ya kukusanya data, data hizo zilichambuliwa na kufasiriwa kwa kutumia misingi ya mkabala wa Sarufi Leksia Amilifu (Bresnan na Kanerva, 1970). ...
Kuna uhusiano baina ya udarajia wa dhima za kisemantiki na dhima za kisarufi. Uhusiano uliopo ni kwamba kiambajengo kilichopo katika nafasi ya juu katika udarajia huo ndicho kinapaswa kuwa kiima na sio kiambajengo kilichopo katika nafsi ya chini. Tungo zenye upinduzi wa kimahali zinakiuka uhusiano huo. Katika tungo hizo, kimahali, ambacho kipo katika nafasi ya chini, kinakuwa kiima ilihali sio mtenda au kithimu. Wataalamu mbalimbali wamefafanua tungo hizi katika lugha za Kibantu. Licha ya kufanya hivyo, hakuna uwazi kuhusu sifa za muundo wa taarifa na sababu za upinduzi wa kimahali katika mawasiliano. Hivyo, makala haya yanafafanua na kubainisha masuala hayo katika lugha ya Kiswahili. Data zilizotumika zimepatikana kwa mbinu ya uchambuzi wa matini, upimaji wa usahihi wa kisarufi pamoja na usaili. Data hizo zimefasiriwa kwa kutumia misingi ya Nadharia ya Sarufi Leksia Amilifu (Bresnan na Kaplan, 1982). Baada ya kufasiri data hizo, makala haya yanabainisha kwamba muundo wa taarifa wa tungo hizi una aina mbili za taarifa, yaani mada na fokasi. Aidha, makala yanafafanua kwamba upinduzi wa kimahali unatokea kwa sababu ya umadaishaji wa kimahali na ufokalishaji wa kithimu/mtenda.
... According to Shivachi et al. (2021), Swahili is an agglutinative language with polysemous features. For more details about the Swahili language structure, see Marten (2013), who explains that the Swahili language's metaphorical expressions differ from high-resource languages. ...
p>This study tests the new Swahili Lexicon (SWAHILILex.01 ) annotated by native Swahili speakers for polarity analysis using pre-tagged datasets. The testing is against existing methods for polarity analysis that use lexicon-based methods, pre-trained models with transformers, and supervised machine-learning tools. The metrics for overall classification performance were accuracy, recall, precision, and F1-Score. The performance of the new SWAHILILex.01 lexicon was similar to the results of supervised machine learning and outperformed other methods when classifying the regular Swahili dataset but underperformed when classifying the tweets dataset. These preliminary results emphasize the need for domain-based Lexicons or new techniques that account for the multidomain experience common in social media data. The future research plan will expand SWAHILILex.01 to include other Swahili dialectics, extend polarity levels that focus on the emotional context, and create a pre-trained model for Swahili sentiment analysis for multidomain sentiment analysis. </p
... According to Shivachi et al. (2021), Swahili is an agglutinative language with polysemous features. For more details about the Swahili language structure, see Marten (2013), who explains that the Swahili language's metaphorical expressions differ from high-resource languages. ...
p>This study tests the new Swahili Lexicon (SWAHILILex.01 ) annotated by native Swahili speakers for polarity analysis using pre-tagged datasets. The testing is against existing methods for polarity analysis that use lexicon-based methods, pre-trained models with transformers, and supervised machine-learning tools. The metrics for overall classification performance were accuracy, recall, precision, and F1-Score. The performance of the new SWAHILILex.01 lexicon was similar to the results of supervised machine learning and outperformed other methods when classifying the regular Swahili dataset but underperformed when classifying the tweets dataset. These preliminary results emphasize the need for domain-based Lexicons or new techniques that account for the multidomain experience common in social media data. The future research plan will expand SWAHILILex.01 to include other Swahili dialectics, extend polarity levels that focus on the emotional context, and create a pre-trained model for Swahili sentiment analysis for multidomain sentiment analysis. </p
... (4) Swahili G42d (Marten 2013: 61 for (4c), Bernander et al. Forthcoming(a) for (4a) and (4b)) a. ki-tabu 7-book ki-po sm7-cop meza=ni 9.table=loc 'the book is on the pé also e-zal-í sm.3sg.inam-cop-prs ...
... Unfortunately, it is often not clear whether the different expressions are in free variation or not. Marten (2013), who gives a detailed account of the two ELs attested in Swahili G42d concludes that they differ in syntactic structure and usage range. The non-dedicated strategy with a locative copula and agreeing inversion in (4b), i.e. 1.C.ii in Table 2, has a less rigid word order (non-inverted constructions are possible) and wider usage range than the strategy with the comitative copula and locative inversion (38), i.e. 2.A.i in Table 2. ...
This chapter proposes a Proto-Bantu reconstruction of existential constructions based on a convenience sample of 180 Bantu languages, which points towards "ex-istential locationals" (ELs) as a suitable base for comparison. ELs include inverse-locational predications as well as expressions of generic existence. We develop a detailed typology of ELs through a careful examination of the morphosyntactic variation which their building blocks display across Bantu. This typology clearly singles out two types of ELs with high frequencies and Bantu-wide distributions, which are reconstructable to at least node 5 in the phylogenetic tree of the Bantu family of Grollemund et al. (2015). Both display locative subject markers and "fig-ure inversion" in relation to plain locational constructions. The difference between the main types lies in the selection of the copula: either a locative or a comitative one. NorthWestern and Central-Western Bantu languages show few reflexes of the suggested reconstructions. Instead, they often have non-inverted ELs which are cross-linguistically uncommon or, less frequently, ELs involving expletive inversion. The non-dedicated EL can be considered a retention of the original structure or a (contact-induced) innovation. Our preference goes to the second hypothesis assuming that a severe reduction of (locative) noun classes and ensuing (locative) agreement triggered a more rigid word order and consequently non-inverted ELs or inverted expletive ELs exempt of locative marking.
... See alsoCreissels (2018) for a discussion of the comitative possessive in Bantu. 2(Marten, 2012) in his description of Swahili existentials referred to the na comitative as a 'possessive copula (POSS.COP)' and from here on it shall be referred to as thus. 3 This common across many Bantu languages and the associative can be analysed as being made up of a pronominal prefix (PP, hereafter), which is also used as the subject prefix and the fixed element -a. ...
This article describes the various possessive and existential constructions in the Bemba language. The research focuses on the dialect spoken in the Copperbelt province of Zambia and the data was collected through the language research questionnaire 18 of the Institute of Language Research.
... This is representative of almost all comitativeexistential constructions across Bantu. It should also be stressed that, although the "basic" meaning of na is comitative 'with', it is a polysemic element and, in those languages where it has developed an existential reading, it typically also functions as a "possessive copula" (Marten 2013, Gibson et al. 2018, thus resembling the much more widespread cross-linguistic strategy of forming existentials from possessive predicates (Creissels 2013). ...
Renewal of negation has received ample study in Bantu languages. Still, the relevant literature does not mention a cross-linguistically recurrent source of standard negation, i.e., the existential negator. The present paper aims to find out whether this gap in the literature is indicative of the absence of the Negative Existential Cycle (NEC) in Bantu languages. It presents a first account of the expression of negative existence in a geographically diverse sample of 93 Bantu languages. Bantu negative existential constructions are shown to display a high degree of formal variation within both dedicated and non-dedicated constructions. Although such variation is indicative of change, existential negators do not tend to induce changes at the same level as standard negation. The only clear cases of the spread of an ex-istential negator to the domain of standard negation in this study appear to be prompted by sustained language contact.
... Firstly, the subject marker of noun class 17 in the prototypical existential is of locative origin. In several other Bantu languages, such as Swahili, locative phrases have the ability to function as a subject, in agreement with one of the three locative noun classes (see Marten 2013). The locative noun class 17 is not productive any more in Xhosa, nor in other Southern Bantu languages, unlike many Bantu languages further to the north (Creissels 2011). ...
... STM refers to 'stem marker' inMarten (2013).8 A recent past such as in ndijonge results in an ongoing reading in this case, although -jonga 'look' is not a typical change-of-state verb (cf. ...
Bare nouns in languages without articles can be semantically ambiguous between definite and indefinite interpretations. It is here assumed that speakers of such languages can still signal to the hearer when they refer to unique and identifiable referents. This paper contributes to the long-standing cross-linguistic question of how bare nouns are interpreted and what means languages without articles have to disambiguate between definite and indefinite readings. This question is largely unexplored for Bantu languages. The answer is sought in the use of different word orders and morphosyntactic constructions, with a focus on the existential in this paper. In many languages of the world, there is a restriction on definites as pivots in existential constructions, serving as a motivation for exploring these constructions in Xhosa. Xhosa makes use of a non-verbal copula in prototypical existentials as well as predicate locatives, to express the existence or presence of a referent. The paper argues that the existential is used for inactive referents and the predicate locative for (semi-) active referents. The inactive referents of the existential are mainly indefinite referential or non-referential. The active referents of the predicate locative are referential indefinite or definite. There is no absolute definiteness effect in the existential. A further motivation for this study is the occurrence of this copula in a short and a long form, giving rise to four different structures. The paper reveals an unexpected analogy between the use of the short and long form and the use of the so called conjoint and disjoint forms in Xhosa tense-aspect paradigms.
... Non-verbal predication involves a variety of copula and existential constructions, including locative and possessive constructions (see, for example, Marten 2013, Gibson et al. 2019. While these constructions typically do not involve canonical objects, they can include complements which can be 'object'-marked. ...
There is a high degree of morphosyntactic microvariation with respect to the number and position of object markers found across Bantu languages. This paper examines variation in object marking in Swahili, against the backdrop of variation in object marking in Bantu more broadly. Verb forms in Standard Swahili are well-known to typically only permit one pre-stem object marker. However, here we show that there are isolated cases of post-verbal marking of objects from both a synchronic and diachronic perspective. The paper focuses on two case studies. Firstly, 'Old Swahili'-that is, the language of classical Swahili poetry-where examples of typologically unusual emphatic object marker doubling are found. Secondly, we show that post-verbal object marking is in fact also found in Standard (Modern) Swahili, namely in second person plural marking, in post-verbal locative markers and with non-verbal predication. However, we also show that the relationship between these forms, the Old Swahili paradigm of object marker doubling, and post-verbal object marking in Bantu more widely-in particular post-verbal plural addressee marking-is complex.
