Fig 3 - uploaded by Ilse Helbrecht
Content may be subject to copyright.
Survey venues in Budapest. 1 = Városliget (City Park, small urban wood); 2 = Vérmező ( " Field of Blood " ); 3 = Tabán (so-called " Raitzenstadt " ); 4 = Hajógyári-sziget (Shipyard Island). Source: Design by the authors.
Source publication
The transition from industrial to post-industrial society has changed the conditions for labour protest in Europe fundamentally. In this paper recent forms of labour protest are explored in two European capital cities, Berlin and Budapest. In the context of growing job insecurity, flexibilisation and fragmentation of labour markets, the motivations...
Context in source publication
Context 1
... case of Budapest surveys were made in four different venues: Városliget (in District XIV), Vérmező, Tabán (both in District I) and Hajógyári-sziget (in District III) (Figure 3). In Hungary, the first official May Day protest was held in Városliget (City Park) in 1890, only four years after the violent Haymarket affair in Chicago. ...
Similar publications
Hungary has become a global centre of battery manufacturing for electric cars. The value chain, employing around 30,000 people in the mid-2020s, is dominated by East Asian companies.
This study analyses the Hungarian battery value chain companies, working conditions, the policy context and challenges faced by trade unions.
Citations
... For many years, several popular protests have occurred in many cities around the world and during these times many analysts have offered careful explanation of why they happen in particular instances and in general (Gurr 1970). Protests have been driven by the demand for social goods and services, the search for spatial meaningfulness and cultural identity, the drift towards local autonomy (Castells 1983), the erosion of traditional welfare rights, new competitive forms of urban development, expansion of the urban political system (Mayer 2000), urban-based class struggle (Harvey 2012), labour conditions (Helbrecht et al. 2017) and low citizen participation in decision making platforms (Awuah 1997;Castells 1983;Hasson 1993;Lowe 1986). In Africa and in many parts of the developing world, protests have derived from the fight for independence from colonial authorities, the effects of structural adjustment programmes, opposition to authoritarian and military regimes (Bratton and Van De Walle 1992;Gocking 2005;Obeng-Odoom 2017;Sayeed 1979;Seddon and Zeilig 2005) and more recently 'the intensifying globalisation of the last decades' (Mayer 2000, 141). ...
Protests in Africa have a long history. Yet, for many years, western misconceptions in protest studies have hindered our understanding of the particularities and commonalities of African protests. In this study, we scrutinize the historical continuity and discontinuity of protests in Africa, using Ghana as a case. We situate a longitudinal analysis of protests in Ghana within the theoretical model of protest logics, using the institutional-analytical method. The study finds historical continuity largely in terms of proletarian (high cost of living, dispossession and inadequate infrastructure), republican (participatory governance and corruption) and corporatist (working conditions and unemployment) mobilisation themes in Ghana. These themes are underpinned by the processes of class struggle, accumulation by (urban) dispossession, neoliberalism, splintered urbanism, gentrification and corruption. The implication of this study is that contemporary protests in Africa would be influenced by issues such as high cost of living, participatory governance, erratic power supply, unemployment, poor road infrastructure and corruption. These issues should be prioritized in the agenda of African governments in order to avert spontaneous protests.
... For many years, several popular protests have occurred in many cities around the world and during these times many analysts have offered careful explanation of why they happen in particular instances and in general (Gurr 1970). Protests have been driven by the demand for social goods and services, the search for spatial meaningfulness and cultural identity, the drift towards local autonomy (Castells 1983), the erosion of traditional welfare rights, new competitive forms of urban development, expansion of the urban political system (Mayer 2000), urban-based class struggle (Harvey 2012), labour conditions (Helbrecht et al. 2017) and low citizen participation in decision making platforms (Awuah 1997;Castells 1983;Hasson 1993;Lowe 1986). In Africa and in many parts of the developing world, protests have derived from the fight for independence from colonial authorities, the effects of structural adjustment programmes, opposition to authoritarian and military regimes (Bratton and Van De Walle 1992;Gocking 2005;Obeng-Odoom 2017;Sayeed 1979;Seddon and Zeilig 2005) and more recently 'the intensifying globalisation of the last decades' (Mayer 2000, 141). ...
Protests in Africa have a long history. Yet, for many years, western misconceptions in protest studies have hindered our understanding of the particularities and commonalities of African protests. In this study, we scrutinize the historical continuity and discontinuity of protests in Africa, using Ghana as a case. We situate a longitudinal analysis of protests in Ghana within the theoretical model of protest logics, using the institutional-analytical method. The study finds historical continuity largely in terms of proletarian (high cost of living, dispossession and inadequate infrastructure), republican (participatory governance and corruption) and corporatist (working conditions and unemployment) mobilisation themes in Ghana. These themes are underpinned by the processes of class struggle, accumulation by (urban) dispossession, neoliberalism, splintered urbanism, gentrification and corruption. The implication of this study is that contemporary protests in Africa would be influenced by issues such as high cost of living, participatory governance, erratic power supply, unemployment, poor road infrastructure and corruption. These issues should be prioritized in the agenda of African governments in order to avert spontaneous protests.
... For many years, several popular protests have occurred in many cities around the world and during these times many analysts have offered careful explanation of why they happen in particular instances and in general (Gurr 1970). Protests have been driven by the demand for social goods and services, the search for spatial meaningfulness and cultural identity, the drift towards local autonomy (Castells 1983), the erosion of traditional welfare rights, new competitive forms of urban development, expansion of the urban political system (Mayer 2000), urban-based class struggle (Harvey 2012), labour conditions (Helbrecht et al. 2017) and low citizen participation in decision making platforms (Awuah 1997;Castells 1983;Hasson 1993;Lowe 1986). In Africa and in many parts of the developing world, protests have derived from the fight for independence from colonial authorities, the effects of structural adjustment programmes, opposition to authoritarian and military regimes (Bratton and Van De Walle 1992;Gocking 2005;Obeng-Odoom 2017;Sayeed 1979;Seddon and Zeilig 2005) and more recently 'the intensifying globalisation of the last decades' (Mayer 2000, 141). ...
