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... In the face of growing unemployment, poverty, housing needs and the associated social dissatisfaction, local authorities have begun to seek new ways of solving social problems. Urban activists' transition from the logic of protest to the logic of a subcontractor-which some researchers also call the 'NGOization of civil society' (Korolczuk 2011;Jacobsson and Saxonberg 2013)-was very much visible in the CEE countries, which in the 1990s went through the accelerated scenario of civil sector professionalization (Polanska 2011;Schreier 2016). ...
This paper introduces the special issue and explains the diversity as well as common features of mobilization practices present in cities around the world. The paper starts with presenting the specificity and history of urban movements worldwide, as well as the development of ‘right to the city’ frame. Drawing on the existing literature, it focuses on presenting different forms of urban activism and interpretations of ‘right to the city’ slogan. This paper strives to fuse the framework of social movements as networks (Diani, in: Diani, McAdam (eds) Social movements and networks, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 299–318, 2003) of challengers (Gamson in The strategy of social protest, Wadsworth Publishing, Belmont, 1990) with the concepts of diffusion and translation of ideas, borrowed from Finnemore and Sikkink (Int Org 52(4):887–917, 1998). It also illustrates the application of the theoretical concepts of incumbents and challengers (Gamson 1990), organizational platform and norm life cycle (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998) as well as the development on movement networks within and between localities (Diani in The cement of civil society: studying networks in localities, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2015). The theoretical model helps to explain the rapid global spread of the notion of the ‘right to the city.’ The paper concludes with a discussion of the urban context, both ‘glocal’ and global, as an arena of social mobilization around different aspects of the ‘right to the city.’
... Stoler studerar den koloniala staten och visar på att dess maktutövning fordrade en utbyggd administration för att producera, arkivera, distribuera och katalogisera, men även förstöra dokument. 56 Statliga arkiv avspeglar enligt detta synsätt informations-och kunskapsbehoven hos de aktörer som har byggt upp och som upprätthåller arkiven. Således rättfärdigar arkiven sina upphovsmäns agerande såväl som det samhälle som arkiven producerades i. Mer tillspetsat betraktas statliga arkiv som ett resultat av inflytelserika aktörers arbete med att skydda eller förstärka sina positioner. ...
... Lars Johan Ehrenmalm ställde sig bakom Boijes memorial som han betraktade som "et så godt och nyttigt förslag". 56 Han sade sig också instämma till alla delar vad gällde att man borde förbättra antagningsförfarandena vid landets lärosäten. Han påpekade vid tillfället att han dessutom producerat ett memorial som gällde "Finlands uphielpande". ...
... Anthony J. La Vopa har studerat hur frågan om fattiga studenter eller studenter från vad som ansågs vara lägre stående samhällsskikt hanterades vid de tyska universiteten vid denna tid. Enligt honom väckte dessa studenter kontrovers hos överheten på grund av - 56 Adelns riksdagsprotokoll 1740 /41 s. 192. 57 Adelns riksdagsprotokoll 1740/41 s. 192. ...
Regulating education is a vital part of government. This thesis is inspired by recent changes on the political landscape of higher education. It is guided by an interest in how political objectives and concepts of ideal social relationships are transformed and expressed through government university policies and their consequences. An early stage of what is now commonly referred to as the modern state and the modern research university, rather than present or relatively recent developments, will be explored. Instead of studying trends on the European continent, the thesis inquiries into an attempt made by the Swedish government to revise the constitutions of Swedish schools and universities through the so-called Educational Commission appointed in 1745.
The purpose of the thesis is to apply a modern policy perspective to the Educational Commission’s attempt at reforming the constitution of the Swedish universities. The aim is to illuminate the construction of university regulations and to place this within a larger framework of policy making during the Age of Liberty (Frihetstiden) in Sweden.
The Commission was an attempt by the Swedish government to implement educational changes based on a holistic view of the realm. It was one of several contemporary initiatives with nationwide ambitions. The Commission did not, however, succeed in reaching its formal objectives, but by placing too much emphasis on what the Commission did not achieve one risks overlooking other results and consequences. It initiated new communication structures, operating procedures and accountability schemes. It changed the regulations for assessing higher education making the university transparent and accountable to the government in new ways. New administrative routines for producing university reform were introduced.
The Commission also provided university actors with a legitimate channel for voicing their opinions in relation to the government. They were given a legitimate position to formulate problems, questions and solutions regarding the university. The demands of the professors for increased autonomy in seeking knowledge and providing education stood against the claims made by the government for added control and insight into academic affairs. Through the Commission, the views of the professors were put into circulation in an official political context.
... Proces polaryzacji, opisywany najczęściej na przykładzie miast lub regionów miejskich, prowadzi do formowania się dwubiegunowej struktury społeczno-przestrzennej. Spolaryzowany społecznie i przestrzennie system osadniczy wyraźnie dzieli się na rejony cenne, zamieszkane przez grupy wysokiego statusu i mało atrakcyjne, zamieszkane przez grupy zdegradowane społecznie. Powstają prace poświęcone problemom fragmentacji przestrzeni, obszarom o lepszych i gorszych warunkach życia zarówno w skali makroglobalnej, jak i mikrolokalnej (Dzeciuchowicz 2011;Groeger 2013;Czerny 2012), powstawaniu enklaw bogactwa i ubóstwa, dezintegracji społeczności lokalnych i zajmowanej przez nie przestrzeni (Jałowiecki, Łukowski 2007;Suliborski, Przygodzki 2010;Polańska 2011). Proces polaryzacji często przyczynia się do wybuchu konfliktów i dezintegracji grup społecznych (Rembowska 2010). ...
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... Proces polaryzacji, opisywany najczęściej na przykładzie miast lub regionów miejskich, prowadzi do formowania się dwubiegunowej struktury społeczno-przestrzennej. Spolaryzowany społecznie i przestrzennie system osadniczy wyraźnie dzieli się na rejony cenne, zamieszkane przez grupy wysokiego statusu i mało atrakcyjne, zamieszkane przez grupy zdegradowane społecznie. Powstają prace poświęcone problemom fragmentacji przestrzeni, obszarom o lepszych i gorszych warunkach życia zarówno w skali makroglobalnej, jak i mikrolokalnej (Dzeciuchowicz 2011;Groeger 2013;Czerny 2012), powstawaniu enklaw bogactwa i ubóstwa, dezintegracji społeczności lokalnych i zajmowanej przez nie przestrzeni (Jałowiecki, Łukowski 2007;Suliborski, Przygodzki 2010;Polańska 2011). Proces polaryzacji często przyczynia się do wybuchu konfliktów i dezintegracji grup społecznych (Rembowska 2010). ...
... They are followed by people without diplomas, whereas the city of Warsaw itself, is more homogenous than the entire metropolitan area (Table 3). This results from the city's past socialistic profile; that is, the promotion of an egalitarian city through a residential policy and is not that different from all other socialist bloc countries (Kovacs 2013;Polanska 2011;Sýkora 1999). The difference between the cities of Western Europe and Poland has been shrinking since the 1980s (Polanska 2011). ...
... This results from the city's past socialistic profile; that is, the promotion of an egalitarian city through a residential policy and is not that different from all other socialist bloc countries (Kovacs 2013;Polanska 2011;Sýkora 1999). The difference between the cities of Western Europe and Poland has been shrinking since the 1980s (Polanska 2011). This shrinking difference was the effect of housing deficiencies and the construction system, which introduced various living conditions in individual cities, regions, and districts, and thus the urban space became more elite from the 1970s onwards (Węcławowicz 1992(Węcławowicz , 2007. ...
Social segregation is a subject common in contemporary studies of metropolitan areas. Until recently, studies of segregation focused on the distribution of ethnic groups, immigrants, and the poor. Today, they also cover additional indicators such as demographic properties, education, and affiliation with social and professional categories, which can also serve to determine the causes of the segregation (including the self-segregation of the rich). This article aims to point out the measures of segregation that present the segregation levels in the most complete manner, along with their application in the context of three European metropolitan areas: Warsaw, Berlin, and Paris. The first part of the article is a review of the existing approaches to segregation measures, followed by the selection of research method, presentation of the analysis’ results, and evaluation of the applied methods; presenting the opportunities and limitations in research of the social segregation phenomenon.
... Although Lithuania's housing policy strategy envisions an increasing proportion of social housing, a reduction in housing deprivation and encouragement for renovation, there is little implementation of this vision in practice, due to legal, bureaucratic and financial obstacles . Previous studies of Central and Eastern Europe have documented how a liberal approach to housing and urban policy has been beset by problems, including increasing housing inequality, gentrification, inadequate state policy and legislation, policies favouring new private constructions and a lack of experience in public-private partnerships (Balchin, 1996;Polanska, 2011;Tsenkova, 2009). The absence of coherent and sustainable urban planning by the state, turning private agents into major players in the field, creates a situation in which many new construction projects, such as factories or even public infrastructure (e.g. ...
Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to explore urban mobilisation patterns in two post-Soviet cities: Vilnius and Moscow. Both cities were subject to similar housing and urban policy during Soviet times, and they have implemented urban development using neoliberal market principles, provoking grassroots opposition from citizens to privatisation and marketisation of their housing environment and local public space. However, the differing conditions of democratic Lithuanian and authoritarian Russian public governance offer different opportunities and set different constraints for neighbourhood mobilisation. The purpose is to contrast local community mobilisations under the two regimes and highlight the differences between and similarities in the activists’ repertoires of actions in two distinct political and economic urban settings.
Design/methodology/approach
– The paper employs qualitative methodology using data from semi-structured interviews conducted with community activists and state officials, presented using a comparative case study design.
Findings
– Although, citizens’ mobilisations in the two cities are reactions to the neoliberalisation of housing and local public space, they take different forms. In Vilnius they are institutionalised and receive formal support from national and local authorities. Moreover, support from the EU encourages organisational development and provides material and cognitive resources for grassroots urban mobilisations. In contrast, residents’ mobilisations in Moscow are informal and face fierce opposition from local authorities. However, even in an authoritarian setting, grassroots mobilisations evolve using creative strategies to circumvent institutional constraints.
Originality/value
– Little attention has been paid to grassroots urban mobilisations in post-Soviet cities. There is also a lack of comparative attempts to show variation in post-Soviet urban activism related to housing and local public space.
... Even so, said studies clearly indicate that the hypothesis of socio-spatial polarization after socialism (so far at least) can be rejected at the census tract level. What happens at the micro-level may be an entirely different story, and CEE cities offer plenty of examples where social divisions manifest themselves through high walls, wide-eyed CCTV systems, gates and guards (see Blinnikov et al. 2006;Polanska 2011), but then we are most likely no longer talking about spatial inequalities or segregation as such, but about housing inequalities. These concepts, which only partially overlap, are often confused in the literature. ...
... Hence, suburbanization swiftly rose to the top of the research agenda (e.g., Kok and Kovács 1999;Novák and Sýkora 2007;Ouředníček 2007;Hirt 2007) even though most city-dwellers are not suburbanizers (cf. Leetmaa and Tammaru 2007), and gated communities came into the spotlight (Stoyanov and Frants 2006;Blinnikov et al. 2006;Polanska 2011;Hirt 2012) even though most city dwellers remain outside of the gates. And while the inner city areas of places such as Łódź and Brno may be welcoming a new category of fluctuating 'transitory urbanites' (Haase et al. 2012), they remain the home of a much larger established sedentary population (Marcińczak et al. 2012). ...
Much has been said, yet little remains known, about the impacts of the changes associated with post-socialist transition on housing inequalities in metropolitan Central and Eastern Europe. To some extent, this depends on the scarcity of ‘hard evidence’ about the socialist epoch against which the subsequent developments may be gauged. Based on a case study of Bucharest, the Romanian capital and one of the region’s major cities, this study investigates various lines of housing inequality using data from a 20 % sample of the national censuses of 1992 and 2002. With only minor changes having taken place since the revolutionary events of late 1989, the year 1992 provides an accurate picture of the housing inequalities inherited from the socialist epoch, whereas the new societal order had largely been established by 2002. We use linear regression and binary logistic regression modeling to identify the factors that predict living space and level of facilities. The results suggest that the first decade of transition did not exert any major influences on the housing inequalities inherited from socialism, with the exception of notable improvements at the very top of the social pyramid. This finding is at odds with the literature that highlights the (suggested) effects of socio-economic polarization on the residential structure of cities after socialism. However, the results from 1992 indicate that housing was segmented along socio-economic lines already under socialism, and perhaps more so than one would have expected in the light of the literature on housing inequalities during this period.
... Sýkora, 1999;Szelényi, 1996;Vendina, 1997;Vesselinov, 2005;Węcławowicz, 1998), and while these levels varied between cities, certainly the postsocialist reforms would have increased segregation to normal market levels, often within a discourse that sets the Western European model of urban development as its backlog (Wiest, 2012). Some scholars have gone so far as to claim that the post-socialist cities are in fact undergoing not just increased sociospatial differentiation, but even polarization (Brade et al., 2009;Polanska, 2011;Sailer-Fliege, 1999;Węcławowicz, 1998). ...
This paper revisits the geographical legacy of socialism in the urban areas of the former Soviet Union. Building on research on housing and socio-spatial differentiation under and after socialism, this will be achieved by examining an important component in the spatial differentiation of the city, namely neighbourhood reputation. The analysis is based on survey data (n = 1515) from the city of Ust’-Kamenogorsk, Kazakhstan; a combination of descriptive statistics and multivariate logistic regression are deployed in order to shed light on the factors that are associated with the reputation of the neighbourhoods in which people reside. The results show that the Soviet system manufactured its own brand of socio-spatial distinction, which reflected the priority hierarchies built in the socialist planned economy. Education, age and, most importantly, area of employment appear to have been ‘rewarded’ with prestigiously located housing.
... Dunford and Smith, 2000;Stenning, 2004;Smith et al., 2008;Smith and Timár, 2010), and geographers are particularly concerned with the spatial expressions and implications of these costs. With this in mind, many scholars -though certainly not all, as opposed to what Kostreš and Reba (2010: 331) opine -have associated social and/or income polarization with mirroring developments in urban space (Vendina, 1997;Węcławowicz, 1998;Sailer-Fliege, 1999;Brade et al., 2009;Polanska, 2011). However, systematic attempts at socio-spatial pattern description have been produced only recently (e.g. ...
... Accordingly, it casts doubt on the popular notion that there is an inherent association between social stratification and residential segregation (cf. Węcławowicz, 1998;Sailer-Fliege, 1999;Brade et al., 2009;Polanska, 2011). In fact, increasing income inequalities and substantial changes in the overall socio-occupational composition have not translated into socio-spatial -or even just social -polarization. ...
Scholars have raised concerns about the social costs of the transition from state socialism to capitalism in Central and Eastern Europe, and geographers are particularly interested in the spatial expressions and implications of these costs, including apparently increasing residential segregation. Applying a range of segregation measures to 1992 and 2002 census data, this contribution studies socio-occupational residential segregation in Bucharest. The conclusion is that Bucharest was relatively socio-spatially mixed at both times; in fact, a modest, yet fully legible, decreasing overall trend is observable. This is at odds with many popular assumptions of the past 20 years.
... since the demise of state socialism (e.g., Sailer-Fliege, 1999;Węcławowicz, 2002;Brade et al., 2009;Polanska, 2011). Referring to Moscow of the mid-1990s, Olga Vendina (1997, p. 362) asserted that "[the] polarisation of society has led to its stronger spatial differentiation," and more than a decade later Temelová et al. (2011) start with a similar assumption in their assessment of the sociospatial diversification of Czech housing estates. ...
The state of the art in research on residential segregation and concentration in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) largely focuses on process description (e.g., the multitude of works on gentrification and suburbanization). Even though major advances in the conceptualization and measurement of segregation have been made, works that scrutinize the patterns of segregation and/or concentration in CEE are rare, while studies that simultaneously explore and link segregation patterns under socialism and after are virtually nonexistent. Relying on Polish census-tract level data on the educational structure of population in 1978, 1988, and 2002, this study explores the patterns of social segregation and concentration in the three major Polish cities (Warsaw, Cracow, and od), representing different paths of development under socialism and after. The results show that the population of the three major Polish cities was still socially heterogeneous at the census tract level in 2002. The results also reveal that the level of social residential segregation in the three cities has been decreasing steadily since 1978, irrespective of the prevailing economic system. [Key words: Residential segregation, concentration, socialist city, post-socialist city, Poland.]
