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The church complex of the monastery at Peć achieved its final form with the projects undertaken by archbishop Danilo II (1324-1337). He began with the church of the Virgin Hodegetria (circa 1330) that would house his tomb. His sarcophagus was placed in the northwestern corner of the church below the vault of a small, elongated space. A shared narth...

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... The motif appears on Early Dynastic and Ur III cylinder seals (Keel 1998: Figs. 67, 68), on Old Babylonian terracotta plaques (Keel 1977: Fig. 207;Ornan 2001) and on cylinder seals of the second millennium BCE and may also indicate the emblem of Harran (Keel 1998: 89). ...
... 6 The pole on which the small winged disc rests identifies the motif as a rare local imitation of the common contemporary display of the moon crescent surmounting a pole representing Sin, the northwest Syrian moon god of Haran-a divine emblem disseminated throughout the western territories of the Assyrian Empire. Although most of the local glyptic items depicting the crescenton-pole date from the heyday of Assyrian hegemony in the later 8th and the 7th centuries (Spycket 1973;Keel 1994), the diffusion of the motif in the southern Levant probably started earlier, in the late 9th-early 8th centuries, as we may conclude from inter alia the complex representation of the crescent-on-pole found on the Bethsaida stele (Bernett and Keel 1998;Ornan 2001). 7 Since the right side of the bulla is not preserved, it is unclear 5 For a chair with a high backrest in a banquet scene on a Middle Bronze Age sealing from Area A at the Ophel in Jerusalem, see Schroer 2018, No. 1354 and bibliography therein. ...
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A seal impression found on a bulla from the City of David depicting a throne and two winged discs may corroborate the assumption that the conceived image of Yahweh in Iron II Jerusalem was of a human-like form. Through a succinct description on the emergence of the hegemonic concept that negates any (conceived) material aspects of Yahweh, a distinction is made between the practical-cultic nature of the biblical Image Ban and the Bible’s ontological perception of the god of Israel as a human-like entity in form and ‘nature’.
... The Sumerians believed that the bull represented Nanna, the god of the moon. Early texts describe him as the Lapis Bull (Ornan 2001), which is parallel to the imagery on the Lyre of the King. In addition to being the "decider of fate" and associated with healing rituals, he was a protector of livestock (Hall 1986). ...
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The image of a figure holding two wild animals, often called the “Mistress/Master of Animals”, has appeared across many ancient periods and regions, on artifacts from proto-literate Mesopotamia in the Near East to the Aegean Iron Age. This motif has a demonstrable chain of cultural custody that is closely tied to concepts of both divinity and royalty. Rather than following a linear progression of diffusion with consistent interpretation, the Master/Mistress motif is culturally translated by adopting populations to suit the understandings of the individuals within those populations. Though some concepts such as healing remained constant from culture to culture, the symbol was reinterpreted or modified based on the role it played in adopting populations’ cultural schemas. This resulted in the two seemingly separate motifs of the “Master” and “Mistress”. This translation demonstrates the close relationship these early cultures had to one another in spite of their perceived distinctness.
... The Sumerians believed that the bull represented Nanna, the god of the moon. Early texts describe him as the Lapis Bull (Ornan 2001), which is parallel to the imagery on the Lyre of the King. In addition to being the "decider of fate" and associated with healing rituals, he was a protector of livestock (Hall 1986). ...
... The mixing of such attributes is visible on seals, and reliefs on stelae and orthostats. Closest to Ammon is the stele from Bethsaida (Figure 8) that combines weather god, bull, and lunar symbolism in one figure (Bernett and Keel 1998;Ornan 2001). The apparent amalgamation or merging of weather god and moon-god iconographic features might well have taken place in Ammon given the connection between a lunar crescent and bovine figures on Tall al-Mazar 18 and Tall al-ʿUmeiri 11 (Figure 6c,d). ...
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In the Iron Age II (ca. 1000–500 BCE), the region around Amman, Jordan, was home to a sociopolitical group known as the Ammonites (literally, “the sons of Ammon”). This paper investigates the religious traditions of the Ammonites through an analysis of the extant archaeological and textual sources. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the religious tradition of the Ammonites is a specimen of the broader religious tradition of the Iron Age II Levant. One distinguishing feature of Ammonite religion is the state god Milkom, whose name is probably an epithet for the god ʾEl, and who appears to be represented in a tradition of stone sculptures that have been found in the vicinity of Amman. The rest of the non-physical realm was understood to be inhabited by gods, goddesses, a variety of other non-human beings, and dead ancestors. Also visible in the extant evidence is a blending of local and foreign elements, especially those from Mesopotamia. Unique in this respect is the probable temple to the moon-god at Rujm al-Kursi, which most likely reflects a local tradition of lunar worship influenced by the iconography of the Mesopotamian moon-god Sîn.
... The visual amalgamation of moon and storm is known from the first millennium imagery, perhaps a lunar storm god, as represented by reliefs from Malatya, Carchemish and the 9th-8th century BCE Aramean stele from Bethsaida (Bernett and Keel 1998, pp. 87-92;Ornan 2001). The clay model of sacred architecture, a cheap object for humble piety, kindled the devotion of the person who possessed it, who attributed divine power and efficacy derived from the deity to the replica. ...
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The present article focuses on the imagery of the shrine model found at Tell el-Far‛ah North, Biblical Tirzah, seat of the ruling dynasty of the Northern Kingdom in the early days of the Israelite monarchy. It examines the multiplicity of connotations, changeability and ambiguity in the representation of the lunar crescent image in the figurative language of the ancient Near East. Finally, the article offers a reconstruction of the model’s place within the cult of the late 10th–early 9th century BCE.
... 19-21). (Ornan, 2001, fig. 15 [detail]) ...
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In Mesopotamia, gods were associated with the bull from at least the Early Dynastic Period until the Neo-Babylonian or Chaldean Period. This relationship took on many forms – the bull could serve as the god’s divine animal, the god could be likened to the bull, or he could actually take on the form of the beast. In this paper, the various gods identified with or related to the bull will be identified and studied in order to identify which specific types of god were most commonly and especially associated with the bull. The relationships between the gods and the bull are evident in textual as well as iconographic sources, although fewer instances of this connection are found in iconography. Examples of the portrayal of the association between the various gods and the bull in texts and iconography can be compared and contrasted in order reveal differences and similarities in these portrayals.
... del Olmo, 1998, pp. 133;Ornan, 2001), associação que muito provavelmente terá encontrado um eco, direto ou indireto, entre as comunidades do Extremo Ocidente. Existem assim fortes razões para pensar que a inclusão de figurações destes animais no âmbito funerário poderá responder a motivações de ordem simbólica e religiosa. ...
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O presente contributo constitui o primeiro estudo monográfico aprofundado de duas terracotas exumadas por Vergílio Correia na década de 1920 na necrópole do Olival do Senhor dos Már-tires (Alcácer do Sal). Correspondem a duas representações de bovídeos, uma razoavelmente completa e a outra em estado muito fragmentário, que pelo seu contexto e tipologia se podem enquadrar numa etapa tardia da I Idade do Ferro. A sua análise permite ampliar o panorama da produção iconográfica do território meridional português durante o período em apreço, bem como discutir a seriação das representações de bovídeos documentadas nesta região ao longo do I milénio a.n.e. This contribution constitutes the first in depth monographic study of two terracottae retrieved by Vergílio Correia during the 1920's in the necropolis of Olival do Senhor dos Mártires (Alcácer do Sal). These represent bovines, one fairly complete while the other is very fragmentary, and their context and typology suggest they belong to a late stage of the Early Iron Age. The analysis of these pieces enlarges the panorama of the iconographic production in the southern Portuguese territory during the period under analysis, and allows for the discussion of the overall seriation of the bovine representations documented in this territory throughout the first millennium B.C.
... In Egyptian iconography, Khonsu is so portrayed (Knigge Salis 1999). The similarity of the crescent moon to the horns of mature cattle led to the bull becoming an attribute or manifestation of the moon good (summarized by Bernett/Keel 1998: 32-44 andsee Green 1992: 25-26), but the bull is also a symbol of other gods, especially storm gods (Ornan 2001). This should elicit interpretive caution; Ornan has suggested that the conflation of deities and their symbols may be intentional and symptomatic of a process of henotheism. ...
... In this case, Beck was forced to entertain the idea that this was a deity, since the figure stands on the bull's back, though there were no parallels for deities wearing pendants with their own emblem. Bernett and Keel (1998) and Ornan (2001) have supported the identification of these statues as portrayals of moon-god deities, though Ornan agrees with Beck as to the possible storm-god attribution as well. ...
... Even architecture may have dialogued with the moon deity: the «Jethro Cairn», a massive stone structure located in the northern Galilee of Israel, dated to the Early Bronze Age, has recently been interpreted as a monumental reproduction of the crescent moon (Wachtel, paper presented at the 9 th ICAANE, 2014). A great many other lunar deity manifestations have been discussed by Bernett and Keel (1998) and more recently by Ornan (2001). The lunar deity's prominence was studiously ignored, or subtly undermined in the Biblical text, perhaps because the bible's deity is a solar deity (e.g. ...
... VIII-X; Krebernik & Seidl 1997: 106-7) ( Figure 10) and on a stamp seal of unknown provenance dated to the eighth to seventh centuries BC now in the Israel Museum ( Figure 11). The recent appearance of the stela from Beth-Saida now provides us with a more solid point of reference for the dating of these three other Syro-Palestinian stelae (Ornan 2001;Barnett & Keel 1998). ...
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The famous stelae from the Tartessos region of southern Iberia are compared with new discoveries from the Levant. Similarities of theme and iconography endorse the Phoenician connection, but show it to be more a cultural dialogue between east and west than an imposition by colonists.