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... discussions generated information about social and gender norms, family and marriage practices, and how these had changed within the community and across generations. Table 1 gives an overview of respondents in each of the three sites. The data collection tools used were adapted from existing Young Lives interview guides ( Crivello et al. 2016) and were part of the shared tools developed for use in the wider comparative study. ...Similar publications
MAFAP Project (FAO) Research report (Ethiopia)
Citations
... Young men do not always remain in the partnership when informally coupled, but it is harder for women to repartner than men, especially with children. Tafere, Y., Chuta, N., Pankhurst, A., and Crivello, G. (2020). Young marriage, parenthood and divorce in Ethiopia. ...
... Ethiopia had a higher prevalence of lone-mother families and extended families with additional adult members but not grandparents. This result may be related to a trend for young couples to move to cities to cohabitate outside of wedlock and then separate, leaving mothers alone without local extended-family support (Tafere et al. 2020). In contrast, young Peruvian women often live with maternal grandparents, possibly offsetting high unemployment rates with elderly pensions (Reynolds, Forthcoming). ...
Objective: Using data from developing countries, we determine the proportion of children in these samples that experience stable household composition over childhood and the proportion of children that experience each stable household type. We also describe the most frequent household structure trajectories among children who have experienced household transitions. Methods: We apply sequence analysis to data from the Young Lives longitudinal study implemented in Ethiopia, India, Peru, and Vietnam. This study follows over 1,800 children in each country and provides information on adult household members' relationships to the focal child at five time points between ages 0 and 15 years. Results: In all countries, less than half of children had a stable household structure throughout childhood. Coresidence with a grandparent is typical in early childhood, with a later transition into household types without grandparents, although this pattern was not as prominent in Ethiopia. In all countries, households with stepfathers were least prevalent of the various household structures considered. Conclusions: Future research and family policies supporting child development in developing countries should consider family complexity and household transitions in a longitudinal framework. Contribution: Research indicates that household structure is influential to child development, yet little has been quantitatively documented from non-Western countries about the trajectories of household structure that children experience.
... Gender inequality also intersects with other dimensions of discrimination in the school environment, such as religion (Barker and Rich, 1992;Tuwor and Sossou, 2008), meaning that girls will experience the provisions of schooling and their capacity to enact those provisions differently. One approach to trying to understand whether and how (some) girls make the leap between provision and enactment is raised by researchers who consider girls' agency in the marriage-schooling nexus (Thapan, 2003;Bhatti and Jeffery, 2012;Murphy-Graham and Leal, 2015;Shah, 2016;Tafere et al., 2020). They have explored how access to, and qualities of, formal schooling affect girls' aspirations, behaviours, and outcomes in relation to marriage. ...
... Data show that many millions of adolescent girls have married, and will marry, during their school years, and that the explanations for, and stories of, their marriages are diverse and complex (UNICEF, 2016;Petroni et al., 2017;Tafere et al., 2020). Much research has tried to understand the risk factors for early marital timing (<18), underscoring the significance of poverty, location, gendered social norms, conflict and religion, and recognise the dual significance of formal schooling to protect and promote marriage among adolescents. ...
... Quantitative and qualitative data indicate that married school-age girls in Sub-Saharan Africa seldom go to school (Singh and Samara, 1996;Delprato et al., 2015;Young Lives, 2018;Tafere et al., 2020;UNICEF Ethiopia and Center, 2020). Practical responsibilities, including new motherhood, and the gendered social and spatial boundaries of marital life tend to curtail re-enrolment (Tafere et al., 2020, p.2). Studies investigating the implication of women's empowerment (resources, agency and achievements) on marital timing and years ...
Concerns of global education policy with gender disparities in access to, and achievement in, basic education in Sub-Saharan Africa since the millennium have repeatedly turned to the prevalence of early marriage to explain educational inequalities, positioning marriage as a barrier to education and girls as its victims. This thesis investigates the philosophical basis and empirical evidence for this global policy discourse by examining the connections between education and marriage for adolescent girls in Kaduna state, North West Nigeria. The study maps and unpacks data and discourses on girls’ education and early marriage across academic scholarship, policy literature, and empirical data, asking whether and how education is protective of adolescent girls in relation to marriage, and why girls marry. It adopts a mixed methods approach, connecting quantitative and qualitative methods and data to evidence different aspects of the interactions between marriage and schooling, deepening - contextually and conceptually - explanations for when, how and why school-age girls marry. Qualitative data, in the form of interviews and focus groups with girls, teachers, and policy makers, augment findings from analyses of quantitative data from the Nigerian Demographic and Health Survey, to illuminate the significance of girls’ agency and relationships to expectations and experiences of schooling and marriage. Inter-personal relations and negotiation are central tenets of Nigerian feminist theorisations of women and girls’ everyday lives, which this study promotes in seeking to reframe and reformulate assumptions about adolescent girls, marriage, and education. The study shows that girls marry for myriad reasons associated with their social conditions and experiences of formal schooling. The interplay of schooling with marriage suggests that the rhetoric on education as protective against marriage is simplistic and over-stated. Basic education, marriage and adolescence are deeply interconnected and living these interconnections is a dynamic and negotiated process among girls, families, schools and communities. Consideration to these interactions and, in particular, to the gendered and relational microcosms of schools and their effects on norms and agency is critical for progress towards equality in education and in girls’ social lives.
... Marriage is an important event in an individual's life and a symbol of agreement between a man and a woman, based on equal rights and obligations of both parties (1). Although marriage should be carried out at an adult age when a person generally have good physical and psychological readiness to form a family, early marriage occurs in some parts of the world, especially in developing countries (2)(3)(4)(5). Although the Declaration of Human Rights in 1954 explicitly opposed child marriage, ironically, the practice of early marriage is still ongoing in various parts of the world, which reflects the neglected protection of the rights of young people (6,7). ...
... Elle quitte son « mari » peu après la naissance de leur second enfant (1998). Les divorces sont assez courants, le mariage ne prenant pas toujours une forme officielle, et les séparations augmentant avec la précocité des unions (Tilson & Larsen, 2000 ;Yisak Tafere et al., 2020). Elle laisse son aînée avec son conjoint et emporte le bébé avec elle car elle sait qu'elle n'aura pas les moyens de faire vivre les deux enfants. ...
Le secteur floricole éthiopien au prisme de l’emploi féminin : marche-pied, impasse ou planche de salut dans le parcours des travailleuses.
Résumé long
Activité absente du pays au début des années 2000, la floriculture a connu en Éthiopie un essor rapide en faisant un des premiers secteurs exportateurs du pays, employant plus de 80 000 personnes dès le début des années 2010 (Haileleul Tamiru, Solomon Gizaw, Quinlan, Jones, 2014). C’est aussi un des secteurs pris comme exemple par Arkebe Oquaby, dans un des premiers ouvrages sur l’économie éthiopienne (2015) pour mettre en exergue les réussites de l’État développemental éthiopien. Notre article vient en regard de la traduction en français du chapitre consacré à l’industrie floricole dans cet ouvrage. Sur la manière « d’utiliser la main d’oeuvre », l’ouvrage d’Arkebe Oqubay ne s’appesantit guère, s’inscrivant dans une littérature économique aveugle au genre (Sassen, 2003). Retracer les parcours de vie de ces salarié.e.s permet, outre de donner la parole aux travailleur.se.s, de saisir la place de l’emploi salarié dans leur histoire individuelle et familiale comme dans la division sociale et genrée du travail. L’article se base sur une enquête ethnographique auprès des entrepreneurs et des associations d’entreprises dans différents secteurs dont la floriculture. Des analyses monographiques d’entreprises ont de surcroît mobilisé des entretiens auprès des salarié.e.s. dont nous rendons compte ici.
Les travailleur.se.s de la floriculture appartiennent à une première génération de travailleur.se.s du privé formel, découvrant les normes d’entreprises capitalistes interagissant sur les marchés internationaux, tout en étant dépourvue des systèmes sociaux associés au salariat en Europe. L’important turn-over qui caractérise le secteur est à la fois le reflet de la nouveauté de l’engagement à durée déterminée mais surtout de la désillusion du salaire, en particulier pour les populations rurales qui migrent en ville et doivent se loger. Le montant du salaire doit aussi être mis en regard de l’obligation de solidarité qui pèse sur les femmes alors que le salariat éthiopien s’est peu accompagné d’une protection sociale.
Les femmes sont cependant appréciées par les employeurs grâce à la « continuité du rôle et des valeurs associées aux femmes dans la sphère privée » (Bereni, Chauvin, Jaunait, Revillard, 2008, p. 131) en particulier dans un environnement paternaliste. Leur endurance comme leur souci d’autrui en fait des travailleuses « modèles ». Pour autant, ces qualités ne font pas l’objet d’une reconnaissance salariale. Dès lors le salariat dans la floriculture ne représente un marche-pied que pour les plus diplômées des travailleuses. Certaines femmes plus âgées peuvent également y trouver des postes « doux » pour une fin de carrière dans les entreprises sensibles aux demandes sociales de la communauté locale. Les plus jeunes et moins diplômées, la majorité, envisagent le salariat comme une première étape avant de migrer pour occuper des emplois domestiques et si possible ensuite monter un commerce. Les parcours des travailleuses montrent toutefois que ces projets sont rarement couronnés de succès et tendent à invisibiliser leur travail comme à les ancrer dans une place subalterne dans la division du travail.
The Ethiopian floriculture sector through the prism of women's employment: a stepping stone, a dead end, or a lifeline for women workers
English Abstract :
Absent in the country in the early 2000s, floriculture in Ethiopia has grown rapidly, making it one of the country's leading export sectors and employing more than 80,000 people by 2010 (Haileleul Tamiru, Solomon Gizaw, Quinlan, Jones, 2014). Arkebe Oquaby (2015) also describes this sector as an example in one of the first books on the Ethiopian economy in order to highlight the successes of the Ethiopian developmental state. Our article comes with the translation into French of the chapter on the floriculture industry in this book. Arkebe Oqubay's book does not focus on quality of work and takes part into a gender-blind economic literature (Sassen, 2003). By documenting the life courses of employees in floriculture, it is also possible to give workers a voice and therefore better understand the place of wage labour in their individual and familial histories as well as with regards to the social and gender divisions of labour. This article is based on an ethnographic survey of entrepreneurs and business associations in various sectors including floriculture. In addition, we conducted monographic analyses of companies and interviews with employees, which are reported here.
Floriculture workers belong to a first generation of workers in the formal private sector who discover the norms of capitalist companies interacting in international markets while also lacking access to the social systems associated with wage-labour in Europe. The high employee turnover rate in the sector reflects both the novelty of fixed-term employment and, above all, the disillusionment regarding the amount of wages, especially for rural populations who migrate to cities and have to find housing. The amount of the salary must also be seen in the light of the obligation of solidarity that weighs on women, whereas social protection has not accompanied Ethiopian wage labour.
However, women are valued by employers because of the "continuity of roles and values associated with women in the private sphere" (Bereni, Chauvin, Jaunait, Revillard, 2008, p. 131) and in particular in paternalistic companies. Their stamina and care for others makes them "model" workers. However, these qualities are not recognized in terms of salary. As a result, the floriculture workforce is only a steppingstone for the most highly qualified workers. Some older women may also find "soft" positions near the end of their careers in companies that are sensitive to the social demands of the local community. Younger and less qualified women, who are the majority, see wage employment as a first step before migrating to take up domestic jobs and, if possible, to set up businesses. However, the experiences of women workers show that these projects are rarely successful and tend to make their work invisible as well as entrench them in a subordinate place in the division of labour.
Mots clés : Sociologie, travail, salariat, genre, Éthiopie, floriculture, parcours de vie, ethnographie
Keywords : Sociology, work, wage labour, gender, Ethiopia, floriculture, life course / trajectories, ethnography
Plateau State, Nigeria has experienced multiple ethnoreligious crises including devastating changes to traditional herder–farmer clashes in rural areas. Destruction of lives and property of rural autochthons in crises locations led to internal displacements from their ancestral homes. Families flee to safety, sheltering in makeshift camps under compromising conditions with few basic resources and lost livelihoods. We studied the lived experiences of internally displaced persons (IDP) in a camp, the nature of intergenerational exchange among family members and how the family structure has been affected and thrives in crisis situations. The family resilience framework and the life course theory were employed to understand constraints and agency of displaced families. Qualitative research methods were used to study IDPs living in the Geo-Sciences Camp in Jos. Two focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted in Hausa with adult female and male occupants, interviews with key informants and observations. FGD transcripts were translated to English, coded and analysed thematically. We found that the conflict had inflicted severe poverty on IDPs. They lost most material possessions, sources of livelihood and became dependent on charity to meet their basic needs. Marital relationships and gender roles changed. Parenting roles were affected in duties of provision, nurture and discipline. Critical aspects of family life were managed by ill-trained volunteers, with major support coming from international non-governmental organisations (INGOs)/non-governmental organisations (NGOs), charitable/faith-based organizations and the public with little government presence. Recommendations include reorganisation of IDP camps prioritising family spaces, robust trauma care services and more proactive governance of IDPs to restore them to secured communities.
