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The article analyzes the network structure and dynamics of the Spanish field of catholic-inspired secular organizations (CISO-N), and their mobilization against the Euthanasia Bill amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition to a relational perspective, it adopts a historical-comparative approach to political opportunities that affect the praxis of t...
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Context 1
... analyzed in this article come from a multi-methods qualitative study supported by a 7-year fieldwork divided into two phases (see Table A1 in the appendix). During the first phase we conducted (1) in-depth interviews with a purposive sample of CISO-N activists (n = 20; see Table A2); (2) participant observation of their demonstrations (n = 4); and (3) secondary data analysis (e.g., official documents). ...Context 2
... set of CISO-Ns studied (Forum, Platform, CG-HO, and Vividores) is detailed in Table A1. These organizations played a fundamental role in the anti-euthanasia mobilization, together with the main organizations of the expanded anti-rights field: (1) the CEE, the administrative institution under the authority of the Roman Pontiff integrated by all bishops leading Spanish catholic dioceses, and the highest authority of the Catholic Church in Spain; and (2) the radical right-wing party VOX, currently the main CISO-N political ally (particularly of its most radicalized organizations), after the dissolution of the tie with the conservative Popular Party (PP). ...Context 3
... investigations highlight euthanasia as one of the most controversial moral policies worldwide (Euchner, 2019), generating sharp levels of social polarization ( Preidel and Knill, 2015). As of today, only 11 countries out of 195 have managed to regulate it (see Table 1). ...Context 4
... 'physician-assisted suicide' (PAS), suicide by a patient facilitated by means (such as a drug prescription) or by information (such as an indication of a lethal dosage) provided by a physician aware of the patient's intent. While PAS is legislated in 11 countries, active euthanasia, considered more ethically compromising and therefore facing stronger opposition, is legislated in only eight of these countries, Spain being one of them (see Table 1). ...Citations
... 6. Conclusiones. 7. Bibliografía Cómo citar: Perugorría, Ignacia (2024): "Repolitizando lo religioso: La movilización neoconservadora de inspiración católica contra las políticas morales desde el marco de la postsecularidad", Ἰlu. Revista de Ciencias de las Religiones, 29, e-95448. ...
La controversia en torno a las llamadas ‘políticas morales’ ha adquirido creciente visibilidad en España durante las últimas décadas. Frente a estas políticas, legisladas en un contexto de progresiva secularización, ha surgido un campo de organizaciones civiles laicas, de inspiración católica e ideología neoconservadora (OLIC-N) que busca defender el marco normativo católico. Librando una doble batalla, cultural y política, estas organizaciones proporcionan nuevos ángulos para analizar la relación entre religión y política desde el marco de la postsecularidad. Las OLIC-N desprivatizan el catolicismo en la esfera pública mediante repertorios de protesta y marcos discursivos estratégicamente secularizados. Se alinean, así, con la estrategia vaticana de ‘nueva evangelización’, que aboga por una «recristianización velada» de las instituciones y la sociedad protagonizada por el laicado. Sus miembros pueden caracterizarse, consecuentemente, como ‘ciudadanos-creyentes’ y activistas. Basándonos en la literatura sobre postsecularización y movimientos sociales, y en un estudio cualitativo de 7 años, trazamos el ciclo de protesta y la estructura organizacional del campo OLIC-N a lo largo de 40 años. A continuación, comparamos dos eventos de protesta organizados por los bloques OLIC-N «moderado» y «radicalizado» durante la última fase del ciclo, caracterizada por una ascendente ‘polarización afectiva’ provocada por la «transversalización» de los postulados feministas, y la institucionalización de dinámicas de 'cultural backlash' desde la llegada de VOX a las instituciones. Nuestros datos muestran que la movilización del ‘laicado organizado’ no es siempre o necesariamente «aliada» de la pluralización de los sistemas democráticos, indicando la necesidad de repensar algunos de los postulados de la postsecularización.
... Protest Cycle and Networks of Catholic-Inspired Neoconservative Organisations (1978 was the COVID-19 pandemic, during which the parliamentary debate on the Euthanasia Bill (2021) was revived. Faced with COVID-related high mortality rates in nursing homes, Vox adopted the discursive frameworks developed by a CISO-N called Vividores (the first specifically anti-euthanasia organisation in the field) began a strong anti-government campaign (García Martín and Perugorría, 2024). As we will explain in the next section, the "clustering" of the field produced during IMAGE 3. Vota Valores, Citizen Go-Hazte Oir's pressure group, general election campaigns, 2023 Note: Starting at the top left-hand corner, clockwise: 1) a bus with the faces of candidates Pedro Sánchez (PSOE) and Alberto Núñez Feijóo (PP), with the slogan "Two sides of the same coin?"; 2) memes and profile pictures for social media with the slogan "Let Txapote vote for you" used to "denounce" the pacts between Sánchez's PSOE and Catalan and Basque pro-independence parties; 3) one of the five "requests for centre-right candidates" (the other four are "repealing trans and LGBTQ+ laws; stopping the indoctrination of children in "gender ideology, LGBTQ+ and radical feminism"; "defending Christian symbols"; and "lowering taxes for families"); and 4) a voting guide with the "grades" obtained by the aforementioned candidates, plus Yolanda Díaz (Sumar) and Santiago Abascal (Vox). ...
El artículo analiza el ciclo de protesta (1978-actualidad) del campo de organizaciones laicas de inspiración católica e ideología neoconservadora (OLIC-N) español contra las políticas morales progresistas. Para ello, utiliza un enfoque histórico-comparativo y relacional, centrándose en la cambiante interacción entre 1) estructuras de oportunidad cultural y política; 2) estructura y dinámica de red del campo OLIC-N, y su «campo ampliado antiderechos», compuesto por organizaciones religiosas y políticas; y, 3) su triangulación táctico-discursiva. La investigación se basa en un estudio cualitativo que comprende entrevistas en profundidad, observación participante y netnografía. Los datos muestran que, lejos de ser meras correas de transmisión del mensaje eclesiástico, o de estar al servicio de los partidos políticos conservadores, las OLIC-N lideran una compleja estrategia de «repolitización de lo religioso», de acuerdo con una lógica propia.
In recent years, the debate on non-religion has gained prominence in the sociology of religion, making it one of the most interesting areas for further reflection on (post)secularization. Drawing on the key works on the subject, this article adopts a postsecular, religion-related field, constructivist approach, with the main aim of understanding the diverse sector that is included within non-religion. This study uses a multimethod approach, focusing on the preliminary findings of a qualitative fieldwork on non-religion in Spain. The presentation and discussion of the results will be structured around two main axes: (a) an analysis of the growth of non-religion in Spain through three dynamics (irreligion, areligion, and hybridization) and (b) an exploration of the complexity and plurality of non-religion, paying particular attention to the blurred boundaries between religion and non-religion in the Spanish nones. Through both axes, the present research will challenge the idea that the rise of non-religion is merely a confirmation of ’religious decline’ and seek to understand it as a nuanced process in which the redefinition of the religious and spiritual also plays an important role, with implications for the postsecular debate and discussions of secularization, social theory, and sociological analysis.
