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For the past three decades intimate partner abuse has received growing attention as a major social problem with its roots in socially structured systemic inequalities. However, much of the intimate partner abuse literature lacks adequate attention to issues of diversity, and more specifically fails to address how structural underpinnings beyond gen...
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... (2000) and Horton and Williamson (1988) for more information on how different spiritual = religious groups intersect with IPA. Very little attention has been paid to the role of religion in IPA (Horton & Williamson, 1988). Consequently, religious = spiritual groups are overwhel- mingly in denial and silent when it comes to IPA (Horton & Williamson, 1988), which poses additional barriers to religious = spiritual victims leaving their abusive relationship. Many religious and spiritual groups share common values and beliefs about relationships (e.g., the sanctity of marriage, role of wife in the relationship, rehabilitation of abusers) and about the roles, obligations, and responsibilities of religious versus secular communities in attending to issues of mental health. These values and beliefs can serve to potentially transform the dynamics of IPA and the tactics available to the abuser. For many people in the world, religious = spiritual beliefs profoundly influence their worldview (Richards & Bergin, 2000). People’s beliefs about the sanctity of marriage, the roles of a husband and a wife in a committed relationship, and the potential for rehabilitation of the perpetrator are often strongly influenced by the teachings and writings of their religious = spiritual tradition. For example, some religious = spiritual traditions (e.g., certain Christian denominations) hold that even in the face of abuse, women must not separate from or divorce their partners (Stotland, 2000). Women may be encouraged to deny abuse because it goes against family values and is perceived as bring disgrace to one’s community or cultural group (Spitzer, 1995). Additionally, many religions = spiritualities have their roots in patriarchal beliefs that prescribe the man’s role as the head of the household and the women’s role as caretaker. For example, in some religions = spiritualities women define themselves by their roles as a wife, mother, and peacekeeper, even if it means shouldering the burden of abuse in order to keep the family intact (e.g., Christianity, Islam, Judaism; Spitzer, 1995). Similarly, according to the Koran, IPA may be seen as an appropriate response to a wife’s ‘‘misbe- havior’’ (p. 167), suggesting that men who engage in IPA are following ‘‘God’s commandments’’ (p. 168) because Additionally, some religious doctrines instruct that it is the victim’s duty to forgive, and that an abuser should be prayed for. For example, consider the following excerpt: Consequently, abused women may feel powerless to set change into motion and = or prefer to tolerate an abusive relationship rather than effect change (reflecting a belief that attempts to create change are seen as ‘‘arrogance before God’’; Zambrano, 1985, p. 288). Overwhelmingly victims of IPA have received responses from clergy reiterating the subordination of women in the familial context and the sanctity of marriage (Horton & Williamson, 1988). Consequently, victims are often reticent to bring abuse to the attention of spiritual = religious leaders. In addition, many spiritual = religious leaders hesitate to refer members of their congregation to mental health professionals out of fear that secular therapists will question or undermine their clients’ religious = spiritual beliefs (Richards & Bergin, 2000). Despite the movement in multicultural and feminist psychology to take into account a client’s context, issues of religion and spirituality have not been adequately addressed (Theodore, 1984). Mental health professionals are often largely ill prepared to treat religious = spiritual individuals, especially clients presenting with IPA (Bishop, 1992). Barriers to leaving the abusive relationship can be multiplied when one identifies with both a religion = spirituality and a racial = ethnic group that are stig- matized (e.g., a Black Jewish woman). Additionally, being classified in a socioeconomic strata that is not consistent with attributions and stereotypes of your religious = spiritual affiliation(s) (e.g., impoverished Jewish victims) can complicate leaving an abusive relationship because the few resources that do exist are likely ill prepared to respond to within-group diversity. Furthermore, in many religious = spiritual communities, a nonheterosexual orientation can be problematic (Garnets & Kimmel, 1993). Typically there is a pull to align oneself with only one of the identities (Bridges, Selvidge, & Matthews, 2003). Consequently, this can lead to increased isolation in the abusive relationship and fewer possible resources if one is to leave the abusive relationship. The Power and Control Wheel (Pence & Paymer, 1993), a commonly used model with both victims and abusers of IPA, was developed based on the experiences of more than 200 victims at a Duluth battered women’s shelter. The Power and Control Wheel illustrates that IPA is made up of a series of behaviors or actions that a perpetrator utilizes to maintain power and control over his romantic partner (see Figure 1). At the core of the Power and Control Wheel is the perpetrator’s goal of acquiring and sustaining control over his partner’s behaviors, cognitions, and emotions. Each segment of the wheel illustrates one of the ‘‘tactics’’ that a perpetrator may use to control his partner. The eight tactics presented in the Power and Control Wheel include (a) using intimidation (e.g., making her afraid by using looks, actions, gestures); (b) using emotional abuse (e.g., making her think she’s crazy); (c) using isolation (e.g., controlling what she does, who she sees and talks to, what she reads, where she goes); (d) minimizing, denying, and blaming (e.g., making light of the abuse and not taking her concerns about it seriously); (e) using children (e.g., making her feel guilty about the children); (f) using male privilege (e.g., acting like the ‘‘master of the castle’’); (g) using economic abuse (e.g., giving her an allowance); and (h) using coercion and threats (e.g., making and = or carrying out threats to do something to hurt her. Interestingly, not only have abused women identified these tactics enacted against them, but perpetrators have also acknowledged using the same tactics (Shepard, 1988). The outermost ring of the wheel illustrates the function of physical and sexual violence in sup- porting the power and control tactics. While physical abuse and = or sexual abuse may be infrequent and sporadic, the looming threat of these forms of abuse strengthens the power of the other tactics on the wheel. In other words, the inability to predict these behaviors inevitably drives victims to be hypervigilant about meeting the abuser’s needs, wants, whims, and expectations (Pence & Paymer, 1993). Several individual attempts have been made to integrate issues of race = ethnicity, sexual orientation, age, disability, and religion = spirituality into the Power and Control Wheel. Tactics, as presented in the original Power and Control Wheel, have been (a) reworded to make them more relevant to different groups, (b) translated into different languages, and = or (c) added, subtracted, or modified to address issues unique to specific populations. Variations of the Power and Control Wheel specific to the various identities and their inherent limitations are described in more detail in the following sections. S EXUAL ORIENTATION Multiple efforts have been made to modify the original Power and Control Wheel to address how homophobia is employed as a form of power and control within the context of abusive intimate relationships. Roe and Jagodinsky (1995) added examples to each of the original tactics exemplifying how homophobia can be used to alter the tactics. For example, they added, ‘‘say- ing no one will believe you because you are a lesbian or gay man’’ to the ‘‘Using Isolation’’ tactic. In addition, the tactic ‘‘Using Male Privilege’’ was reworded to read ‘‘Using Privilege’’ or ‘‘Entitlement.’’ Almeida, Woods, Font, & Messineo (1992) advocated for two additional tactics that they believed to be relevant to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) populations: ‘‘using physical abuse,’’ ‘‘spiritual = religious abuse.’’ A GE Similarly, limited attempts have been made to address the unique issues facing IPA victims later in life. The Wisconsin Coalition against Domestic Violence (WCADV; 1998) developed a variation of the Power and Control Wheel, Family Violence in Later Life. This variation places an increased emphasis on the role of support and safety in later life by integrating examples that are relevant for older victims into existing tactics (e.g., abusing dependencies, neglect). In addition to a variation of the Power and Control Wheel for Elderly and Disabled individuals, the Minnesota Center for Violence and Abuse has a variation for Teens and Children. R ACE = ETHNICITY Variations to the Power and Control Wheel that address race = ethnicity do so by either translating the same wheel into different languages (e.g., Spanish or Hmong) or by altering the entire wheel to be applicable only to the community for which it was developed. For example, the Creator Wheel (1990) was developed by the Mending of the Sacred Hoop STOP Violence against Indian Women Technical Assistance Project to address Native populations (Mending the Sacred Hoop, n.d). The goal of this project was to utilize the traditions of Native communities to address the unique context in which violence against Native women occurs. The Creator Wheel incorporates Native values (e.g., economic partnership, fairness) and traditions (e.g., being kind to others) by offering alternative tactics (e.g., ‘‘shared responsibility’’ and ‘‘responsible parenting’’ as alternatives to ‘‘male privilege’’ and ‘‘using children’’). The Minnesota Center for Violence and Abuse developed a Power and Control Wheel for Immigrants that includes the same tactics as the original Power and Control Wheel but lists the ways in which each power and control tactic can present as ...
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... For example, they may adopt the idea that "this life does not matter" 19 and perceive harm as a sacrifice with the promise of reward in the afterlife. 20 Others may feel compelled to endure suffering similar to that of revered figures in religious texts, leading them to minimize their own experiences of GBV. 21 Further, intimate partner violence (IPV) is often viewed as a private matter in faith communities, underpinned by religious and faith-based beliefs about marital rights that may prevent, for example, recognition of marital rape and impose unequal gendered power dynamics, which may further hinder survivors' help seeking behaviours. ...
Faith matters for millions of people worldwide-8 in 10 individuals identify with some religious affiliation. For many survivors of gender-based violence (GBV), faith beliefs, practices, and journeys are an integral part of their experiences. However, in mainstream responses to GBV, the role of faith in reducing vulnerability and enhancing protection for those at higher risk of GBV can be overlooked. In addition, while an intersectional approach to GBV recognizes multiple discriminations and violence based on gender, race, class and other identity-based oppressions, the impact of faith on GBV experiences remains marginalized. In the context of GBV, faith can operate as both a protective and/or risk factor.
In the context of GBV, faith, religious, and spiritual beliefs and practices can impact: • Survivors' help-seeking behaviours (e.g. use of and access to health-care services, medication and treatment plans, and alternative healing practices)
• Perpetrators' behaviours
• Mental health outcomes of survivors
• Survivors' needs-such as ritual purification (ablution) and pastoral care It is important to remember that faith, traditions, and cultural contexts are often intertwined and inseparable, and jointly shape GBV experiences.
It is not easy to differentiate between cultural, spiritual or faith beliefs about GBV as often they are all related. For example, individuals sharing the same cultural background may hold different religious views on GBV. Likewise, individuals from the same faith groups may hold different cultural views on GBV. About this Brief This Brief aims to enhance understanding of the role of faith in GBV experiences and responses. It draws on an intersectional approach to identify risk and protective factors associated with intersecting social identities. By adopting a faith-sensitive perspective, the Brief provides practical guidance on engaging with faith and/or religious identity as they intersect with other social categories in GBV services. A faith-sensitive, intersectional approach helps to better understand the intersecting drivers and forms of violence, including identity-based violence, based on gender, sexuality, age, race, ethnicity and other intersections. It also highlights the resilient capacities of survivors and affected communities, emphasizing faith and other social identity markers, from which survivors draw strength. By providing comprehensive guidance, this Brief intends to contribute to the prevention of GBV, improve survivors' access to GBV services and, advocate for a faith-sensitive intersectional approach in the everyday work of addressing GBV.
... The existence of an intense emotional component [11] allows the aggressor to arrange information and strategies that are used as a form of control and dependence on the victim, strategies that are demonstrated in PCW [105,106]. These strategies make the process of breaking up the relationship more difficult [10]. ...
Objectives: Violence in intimate relationships (IPV) is understood as one of the most common forms of violence, being maintained by cultural habits and customs, and legitimized from generation to generation. This study aims at a comprehensive review of the literature on IPV, the relationship between the stages of change, maintenance factors, and the decision to keep or leave the violent partner. Methods: A comprehensive literature search was conducted to identify journal articles focused on IPV, following online databases as well as a manual review from relevant peer-reviewed journals. Results: Seeking help is one of the main steps in the process of change, and the stages of change are directly related to the success of interventions, so identifying stages early provides a more appropriate and effective choice of intervention. Conclusions: Thus, evaluating the stage of preparation for the change in which the victims are found is important for the individual understanding of the experience and supporting the intervention. In this sense, the Domestic Violence Survivor Assessment (DVSA) will also be presented, an instrument for evaluating the process of intentional change in victims of IPV, using the TTM.
... However, while structuralist theories of gender center on how a skewed ACCEPTED VERSION (COPY-EDIT PENDING) 4 distribution of power in favor of men underlies violence (Anderson, 2005), post-structuralist feminist analyses of IPV also consider other forms of power such as race and class (Cannon et al., 2015), moving beyond binaries of situating men and women as oppressor and oppressed, towards intersectionality theory. The application of intersectionality theory in understanding IPV (Chavis & Hill, 2009;Cramer & Plummer, 2009) brings to light the different ways in which structural inequalities and the perpetrator/survivor's social position plays a key role in how violence is originated, maintained, and responded to. In particular, we consider the intersection of gender and culture i.e. the perspectives of transnational feminist scholars (Alexander & Mohanty, 1997;Mohanty, 2003) who critique "Western" feminist discourses, specifically, the assumptions that notions of gender and patriarchy can be applied cross-culturally, rather than demonstrating the "production of women as socioeconomic political groups within particular local contexts" (Mohanty, 2003, p. 31). ...
Purpose This study aimed to understand how college-going young men and women in Bengaluru, India experience violence
within dating relationships and their understanding of the role of gender in dating violence.
Methods In-depth interviews were conducted with 14 undergraduate students aged between 18 and 21 years old. The data
were analyzed using the framework of Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis.
Results Five key themes emerged from participants’ accounts: (1) defining abuse, (2) experiencing abuse (3) impact of
abuse (4) abuse is gendered and (5) abuse is multifaceted. The first theme identifies how definitions of abuse are ambiguous
and context-specific while the second theme discusses how young adults experience abuse as feeling controlled, losing
control or self-protection. The third theme highlights how abuse causes distress but can also invoke coping while the fourth
theme discusses the unique gender dynamics in abuse. Finally, the fifth theme identifies the perceived role of individual and
community-level efforts in preventing abuse.
Conclusions Violence is experienced as a complex and distressing part of dating relationships. The phenomenological
insights gained from the study underscore the need for early identification and have implications for developing dating violence
interventions in colleges and for future research in similar contexts.
Keywords: Dating violence · Abuse · Young adults · India · Gender · Culture
... The literature discussing barriers to formal services explores the relationship between identity and social positioning with experiences of oppression, systems of power, and social inequities (Atewologun, 2018;Chavis & Hill, 2008;Kelly, 2011). The theory of intersectionality is a critical framework that posits that we should be examining the impact of social categories together and how they converge to influence individual experiences, as well as the relationship between these categories and structural systems of privilege and oppression (e.g., racism and sexism) (Atewologun, 2018;Crenshaw, 1991). ...
... In terms of IPV and formal service use, the additive effects of all social categories that are part of a woman's identity result in each person having their own distinctive experience (Chavis & Hill, 2008). As we know from previous literature, the intersection of gender and socioeconomic status (SES) can affect service usage, such that women with lower SES are more likely to experience mental health concerns and less likely to seek formal help due to barriers like finances (Narendorf, 2017). ...
... An increase in the number of marginalized identities one identifies with often leads to an increase in the level of oppression experienced by the individual (Weldon, 2008). Overall, an individual's social categories can affect the barriers they face in accessing formal services and influence how structural systems affect their experiences (Chavis & Hill, 2008). To conclude, this study aimed to fully consider the participants' intersecting identities and how they relate to and affect their experiences. ...
Many women experiencing homelessness and intimate partner violence (IPV) often do not use formal support services due to barriers such as finances, inaccessibility, controlling partners, and stigma. The current literature lacks studies that examine the formal service experiences of women who have undergone both homelessness and IPV. Therefore, the current study used a qualitative-dominant design and explored the formal service needs of these women, barriers, and facilitating factors associated with accessing services, and how the women's identities affected their experiences with formal services. Interviews with 10 women were conducted, and a reflexive thematic analysis was conducted using a critical feminist and intersectionality lens. The most common factors that led to homelessness were conflict and precarious circumstances leading to housing instability. Common barriers were systemic, psychological, dismissal, minimization, and financial barriers. The most common needs were health, finances, and basic necessities. The most common facilitating factors were support networks and resilience, growth, and proactivity. The social positionings most commonly affecting their experiences were class and race/ethnicity. These findings highlighted the voices of marginalized women and can be used to implement positive change in formal services that cater to this subgroup of women.
... The lack of representation related to gendered (and other intersectional) wellbeing losses is of particular concern. Societal and gendered power and control systems channel through these wellbeing experiences (that often involve patterns of slow and sudden violence to control and maintain marginalised people in positions of dependence) and entrench vulnerability or support people's decisions and desires (Chavis and Hill 2008;Creek and Dunn 2011;van Daalen et al 2022). ...
... We combine this theoretical framework of an oppressive gender system with an intersectionality lens that furthers our understanding of the way that social roles and representations (such as class, race, gender, age, poverty, and disability) intersects and locks people into positions where they are at the receiving end of discrimination, marginalisation, and violence (Chavis and Hill 2008;Creek and Dunn 2011;Walby et al. 2012;Schuller 2015). ...
It is well-known that women, children, and other intersectional and marginalised social groups are disproportionately impacted by ‘non-economic wellbeing loss’ in the context of climatic changes. However, few empirical studies investigate its interrelation with violence against women and children (VAWC). We urgently need to widen our perceptions of what falls under the umbrella term ‘Non-Economic Loss (and Damage)’, NEL(D)s, for societies to appropriately be able to avert, minimise, and address losses and damages among vulnerable people. Through stories of loss and healing, we step into the realities of illustrating how women and children experience non-economic wellbeing loss within a climate-violence nexus in Bangladesh, Fiji, and Vanuatu. A storytelling and systems analysis approach guided the analysis of personal narratives gathered through a secondary data review and empirical field work. The research findings identified different pathways through which women and children’s mental health was compromised in the context of structural violence and climatic risks. In Bangladesh, the narratives described wellbeing erosion in the context of gendered (im)mobility; in Fiji, the findings captured women’s and children’s experiences of sexual violence, domestic abuse, exploitation, and trafficking in the context of natural hazards, while in Vanuatu, hardship, gendered dependence, and healing were narrated by women in their stories surrounding disaster recovery. This article comprehensively lays out the longer-term societal wellbeing consequences of climatic changes and gender-based violence. It also identifies research gaps in need of further attention and proposes policy recommendations as well as methodological and disaster health service solutions to address wellbeing loss in a climate changed future.
... Indeed, physical touch avoidance may reflect difficulties sexual minority individuals face that may not be experienced by their heterosexual counterparts. These results also stress the need to explore intersectional identity when investigating experiences of social touch amongst people [41]. ...
Human contact through physical touch is a core element in social bonding, which facilitates psychosocial well-being. Touch avoidance is an individual disposition that may prevent individuals from engaging in or benefiting from physical touch. The present study recruited 450 Italian participants (51.1% female) with a mean age of 32.2 ± 13.5 to complete a battery of demographic questionnaires and the Touch Avoidance Questionnaire (TAQ). Individuals who were single and reporting same-sex attraction avoided touch with family more often than their coupled counterparts or those reporting opposite-sex attraction. Moreover, males reporting same-sex attraction avoided touch with a potential partner more frequently. When comparing sex differences, women reported greater touch avoidance with opposite-sex friends more frequently, while males avoided touch with same-sex friends more frequently. Individuals reporting opposite-sex attraction reported greater touch amongst same-sex friends. Single males avoided touch with same-sex friends more frequently than those in a relationship. Overall, this contribution reflects the individual differences related to social touch avoidance with respect to sex, relationship status, and sexual orientation in an Italian sample.
... It may be particularly traumatic for survivors with marginalized or multiple marginalized identities (including people of color, gender and sexual minoritized groups, and immigrants, among others; Postmus et al., 2012). As an example, Chavis and Hill describe the ways in which specific cultures and identities may uniquely experience economic abuse including a partner preventing a survivor from buying spiritual items or threatening to report an undocumented survivor if they "work under the table" (Chavis & Hill, 2008). ...
... School sabotage is associated with an array of detrimental health outcomes including depression, loss of self-efficacy, decreased academic achievement, economic hardship, and increased physical violence (Voth Schrag, 2019;Voth Schrag & Edmond, 2017;Voth Schrag et al., 2020). Similar to adults, adolescent economic ARA may impact adolescents with marginalized identities differently, due to intersecting racism, transphobia, xenophobia, and classism (Chavis & Hill, 2008). For example, a partner may use an adolescent's gender identity to interfere with employment to gain power and control in the relationship (i.e., partners may attempt to "out" gender diverse adolescents at work to get them fired; Dolan & Conroy, 2021;King et al., 2021;Woulfe & Goodman, 2021). ...
Economic adolescent relationship abuse (ARA) includes coercive behaviors leading to interference with education, employment, and finances. To date, no study has examined help seeking among adolescents and young adults if they were to experience economic ARA. The goals of this article include examining: (a) help-seeking intentions of adolescents regarding economic ARA; (b) help-seeking sources and reasons for not seeking help; and (c) differences in help-seeking intentions based on age, race/ethnicity, gender identity, and experiences of economic ARA. We conducted a cross-sectional survey of adolescents ages 13–19 focused on economic ARA experiences and help seeking. We performed descriptive statistics of help-seeking intentions, sources, and barriers. We utilized logistic regression, adjusted for age, race/ethnicity, and gender identity, to explore associations between economic ARA victimization and help-seeking intentions. Of 2,852 participants, 56% said they would seek help for economic ARA. Adolescents with positive help-seeking intentions shared that they would seek help from their parents (43%) or friends (35%). Those less likely to seek help were concerned about others finding out (32%), not being believed (31%), or authority figures being notified (31%). Help-seeking intentions were lower among Black/African American adolescents (aOR = 0.55, CI [0.43, 0.70]) and Multiracial adolescents (aOR = 0.26, CI [0.16, 0.42]) compared to White adolescents. Help-seeking intentions were higher among gender diverse adolescents (aOR = 5.78, CI [2.98, 11.22]) and those ages 15–17 years (aOR = 1.84, CI [1.36, 2.47]) compared to those identifying as female and ages 18–19 years. Help-seeking intentions were lower among adolescents who experienced economic ARA (aOR = 0.61, CI [0.51, 0.72]). While the majority of adolescents reported that they would seek help if they experienced economic ARA, those who had experienced economic ARA were less likely to report intentions to seek help. Supportive interventions for adolescents experiencing economic ARA are needed.
... We also hope that offering a consideration of 'looking' can help researchers, practitioners, and survivors continue to think about the web-like elements of power that connect violence across the scales of the intimate, social, and institutional. For example, the power and control wheel, a common visual tool used in IPV education, has been updated in recent years to highlight the intimacies between structural and intimate violence for queer survivors and survivors of color (Chavis and Hill, 2008;Roe and Jagodinsky, n.d.). Chavis and Hill (2008) offer what they call a multicultural power and control wheel. ...
... For example, the power and control wheel, a common visual tool used in IPV education, has been updated in recent years to highlight the intimacies between structural and intimate violence for queer survivors and survivors of color (Chavis and Hill, 2008;Roe and Jagodinsky, n.d.). Chavis and Hill (2008) offer what they call a multicultural power and control wheel. The outermost rim of the wheel highlights how violence interacts across scales of classism, ableism, racism, and more, to play shaping roles in experiences of intimate violence. ...
... Speaking to literatures including IPV scholarship, a body of literature charged with under-representing the connections between structural violence and intimate violence (Chavis and Hill, 2008), our article also illuminates avenues for mapping the connections between these forms of violence. Paying attention to looking sheds light on the webs of relations in which survivors of IPV are embedded. ...
The relationship between power, control, and violence defines the experience of intimate partner violence, abuse that occurs within the context of a current or former intimate relationship. Coercive control, including using violence and threats of violence to restrict another’s freedom, is an especially dangerous manifestation of intimate partner violence. In this article, we point to an under-explored modality of power and control as well as resistance to intimate partner violence: the act of looking. Our analysis of interviews with 18 intimate partner violence survivors in the United States identified ‘looking’ as an emergent category in their experiences. We read these mentions of ‘looking’ through select insights from symbolic interactionism, post-structuralism, and postcolonial studies. We argue that acts of looking are everyday mechanisms for both the contestation and the maintenance of power and control in survivors’ lives, highlighting dynamics of intimate partner violence that extend beyond physical violence. Paying attention to everyday forms of interaction like looking helps illuminate the webs of power in which survivors’ intimate relationships are situated, including at the social and institutional levels. Tracing the ‘looks’ of survivors also underscores both the social nature of abusive intimate power and the social embeddedness of survivor healing.
... Our findings also showed that silence and tolerance of violence for years often increased the degree of violence and abuse, which only then resulted in the woman receiving a protection order. Women's tolerance of violence and silence in patriarchal societies has been extensively reported in the domestic violence literature (Bent-Goodley, 2005;Chavis & Hill, 2008;Colucci & Montesinos, 2013;Ringel & Park, 2008). However, there has been less discussion about how such silence may be linked to increased physical violence and threats, leading to receiving protection orders. ...
This study examines women’s experiences with domestic violence and receiving a protection order based on fourteen semi-structured interviews with women survivors in Türkiye. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 14 women survivors who obtained protection orders in Türkiye. Interpretive phenomenological analysis was used. The phenomenological analysis revealed two major themes: (a) silence with being blamed and (b) the process of protection orders. While women were able to identify the reasons for violence, such as their partners’ anger and tolerance of violence, they mostly only used the protection order when the level of violence and abuse was unbearable and life-threatening. We discuss how women can protect themselves before their lives become threatening. This study suggests that policymakers and human services should consider protecting women survivors’ well-being both during and after receiving protection orders.
... Religious experience may distort judgement of survivors and become a source of vulnerability to further harm through interpretations of night-time dreams, feelings and realisation of their prayers. Religious experience, similarly as religious beliefs, may encourage victims to endure abuse and belittle harm as a sacrifce and promise of live hereafter (Chavis and Hill, 2008). Victims may wish to emulate the sufering of their Prophets and role models mentioned in religious scriptures, minimising their own sufering. ...
