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... survey revealed that 43-46% of the country's population used Russian at home, a proportion comparable to the use of Ukrainian. Moreover, the majority of residents in the eastern and southern regions of Ukraine were Russophones, according to the poll results (Table 3).The presence of Russian language use will continue to facilitate Russia's attempts to exert influence in Ukraine's domestic affairs (Kulyk 2014). Language plays a crucial role in social cohesion and integration. ...Similar publications
Citations
... The desire to reinforce Ukrainian sovereignty and assert the supremacy of Ukrainian culture within the borders of Ukraine led to the simultaneous promotion of the use of the Ukrainian language, while the privileges previously granted to the Russian language were revoked (Marukhovska-Kartunova et al. 2024) in response to Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 under the pretext of protecting "Russian citizens and Russian speakers in Ukraine" (Kremlin 2014). The use of the Russian language within the territories of Ukraine was perceived as a vulnerability that Russia could exploit; thus, a policy of Ukrainization was expected to neutralize this pressure (Kulyk 2016, Abimbola et al. 2024). Even though the marginalization of the Russian language in Ukraine further antagonized Russia, the fixation of Ukrainian strategic culture on completely distancing itself from Russian influence, along with the perceived magnitude of the threat from Russia, hindered Ukraine's policymakers from showing deference to Russia's concerns. ...
Education is the bedrock of development economically, politically, socially and culturally. It is an eye opener via which skills are developed, guarded and utilised to better the advancement of the human socio-cultural settings. Over the years, there has been global yearning towards child education right. Although, this has been greatly addressed in the advanced polities, developing economies have faced setbacks in relation to education policy; its formation and implementation. This paper interrogates Soviet Russia's education policy; showcasing leadership relevance as actor and implication on education policy direction among developing African countries, especially Nigeria. Constructivism was adopted as the framework while the interpretive design was used. Data were sourced through primary and secondary sources. Archival materials, journal articles, books and internet materials were used. Data were subjected to content analysis. The study unraveled the significance of education policy in the Soviet Russia. Vladimir Lenin, the forerunner of the Bolshevik Revolution, saw the need for literacy amidst the vast populace of the newly formed Russia under the umbrella of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). To enhance overall impactful governance, policies were tailored towards making every Soviet citizen literate. Nigeria over time has embarked on various education policies. Importantly, efforts have been espoused towards making education a free possession of citizenry, particularly, every Nigerian child. As the Soviet Russia served a template for promotion of literacy amidst the divergent cultural heritages, a multicultural setting like Nigeria stands a good chance of addressing illiteracy, lending credence to the Soviet Russia education policy.
Keywords: Education Policy, Soviet Russia, Language in Education, Nigeria, literacy
The relevance of this study lies in the fact that in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war, language has become a key factor in national identity. The transition of a large part of the population to the Ukrainian language highlights changes in public attitudes and helps to strengthen national identity. The purpose of this study was to analyse language as a determinant of national identity in Ukraine in wartime. For this, 28 studies were reviewed, which were pre-selected according to the search criteria. The study found that language is primarily an instrument of territorial boundaries separating the aggressor country from Ukraine. During the Russian-Ukrainian war, a considerable number of Ukraine’s population became Ukrainian-speaking, which also affected the national identity of society. These changes are particularly relevant to those areas that were the primary target of the Russian invasion. This once again underlined the change in the population’s views under the influence of hostilities. Therewith, the aggressor country has long been trying to impose the Russian language on the Ukrainian population to change national identity. However, as the results of the analysis showed, Ukrainian national identity and Russian national identity differ in all aspects, which had the opposite effect during the full-scale invasion on 24 February 2022, or rather, the change in the population’s course towards Ukrainian national identity. However, the language conflict has not been fully resolved, and it affects the identity and self-awareness of Ukrainians, as there is still a part of the population that speaks Russian and Ukrainian–Russian pidgin. The study also found that not only the Ukrainian spoken language plays an essential role, but also the written language, especially during the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Therefore, the findings of this study are of practical significance, as they can be used in practice by the Ukrainian government in developing measures for further language policy and resolving the internal language conflict of the population
